/ 



ao 




& E It M A K X M 



T> a t r A 





THE 

HISTORY 

■ "W ' * I OF - ^ ' - 

ANCIENT GREECE, 

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES, 

TILL IT BECAME 

A ROMAN PROVINCE. 



y 

By WILLIAM ROBERTSON, Esq. 

*Kl -LI . .-Ml 1 " "' " ' 1. 

KEEPER OF THE RECORDS OF SCOTLAND. 



THE EIGHTH EDITION, CORRECTED. 



EDINBURGH : 

printed for bell and bradfute ; william whyte and 
co. ; william oliphant ; james robertson ; waugh and 
innes ; w. wilson & co. ; and fairbairn & anderson, 
edinburgh ; and longman, hurst, rees, orme, and 
brown; and ogle, duncan, and co., London, 

Andrew Jack <J* Co. Printers. 



1821 



4 



4P\ 




\ 




TO 

i&ts atonal Msbntw 

THE 

PRINCE OF WALES. 



Sib, 

It is the importance of the subject of this book, 
not the merit of the composition, that emboldens 
me to lay it, with the most respectful humility, 
at your Royal Highness's feet. 

The History of Ancient Geeece undoubt- 
edly deserves a princely patronage. Of what 
Prince then may it with so much propriety claim 
the patronage, as of your Royal Highness, born 
as you are to be the sovereign of a people, who, 
by their love of the sciences, and of the fine arts, 
but chiefly by their generous, manly, independent 
spirit, bear a more striking resemblance to the an- 
cient inhabitants of Greece than any other people, 
so far as I know, now on earth? 



VI 



DEDICATION 



Your Royal Highness, too, is now at that age, 
when the interesting scenes displayed in this His- 
tory are apt to make the most lively impression on 
the mind. When, therefore, you shall contemplate 
the immortal heroes of Greece, sacrificing their 
passions to their reason, pursuing the suggestions 
of honour in opposition to the allurements of plea- 
sure, and courting danger in the service of their 
country ; their patriotism, their virtue, their mag- 
nanimity, will awaken their kindred feelings in 
your Royal Highness's breast, and inspire you 
with the noblest emulation. 

That your Royal Highness's life may be long, 
glorious, and happy, is the fervent prayer of, 

f^Miii*'-- . ' ^St'i ' - Sir, i§§ & ^ifl 

Your Royal Highness's 
Most humble, 

Most obedient, and 
Most devoted Servant, 

Wm. ROBERTSON, 



PREFACE. 



Ancient Greece seems to have been peculiar* 
ly chosen by Heaven as the scene on which mankind 
were destined to display, in the utmost perfection, 
all the superior faculties that distinguish them so 
highly above the other animals on this earth. For 
it is an incontrovertible fact, that, with the excep- 
tion of a few general notions of some particular 
branches of knowledge derived to them from Egypt 
and the East, the ancient inhabitants of that coun- 
try not only invented, but carried to the highest 
pitch of improvement, almost all the sciences and 
liberal arts. The moderns, indeed, have attained 
to many discoveries which, for the most part, were 
to those ancient Greeks unknown. But on an ac- 
curate investigation, we shall perceive, that some of 
the most important of those discoveries have been 
the result of mere accident ; that others have been 
produced solely by the repeated experience of many 
ages ; and that the greater part of them are of such 
a nature that the pure force of genius alone never 
could have found them out. 

In all the polite arts, however, which the An- 
cient Greeks appear either to have studied or prac- 
tised, and in every matter of science, without 
exception, they are universally acknowledged to 
have excelled. Hence their works in the more 



a • • 

vni 



PREFACE. 



sublime parts of philosophy; in geometry; in 
poetry, eloquence, and every other species of com- 
position; in sculpture; and in architecture; — always 
have been, and in all probability ever will be, the 
most perfect models produced by the ingenuity of 
man. Of this truth the writings of Aristotle and 
Plato ; of Euclid ; of Homer, Sophocles, and Euri- 
pides; of Demosthenes, of Thucydides, and Xen- 
ophon, together with the remains of Grecian sculp- 
ture and architecture still to be seen, afford full and 
satisfactory evidence : and the most approved per- 
formances on the same subjects in modern times, 
are, generally speaking, valuable in proportion to 
the acquaintance of their authors with those pre- 
cious relics of antiquity. 

But the merit of this wonderful people, as phi- 
losophers, fine writers, and artists, was perhaps 
their least praise. If we view them in the more 
active and important stations of public life— in the 
characters of legislators, statesmen, generals ; we 
shall find greater reason still to admire their virtue 
and capacity. What other nation in the world 
can boast of such legislators as Lycurgus and Solon ; 
of such statesmen as Aristides, Themistocles, Per- 
icles ; of such generals as Cimon, Epaminondas, 
Agesilaus ; not to mention a multitude besides, 
justly celebrated for the same talents ? 

The country of Greece, though of less extent 
than that of England, was inhabited by a great 
variety of different states, perfectly independent of 
one another, remarkably opposite in their manners 



PREFACE. 



ix 



and dispositions, but all actuated by the most ar- 
dent spirit of valour and liberty. As those states* 
were pretty nearly of equal force, it became abso- 
lutely necessary for them to be attentive to keep 
the balance of power properly poised, and to prevent 
any one state from acqviiring such an increase of 
strength as might enable it to enslave the rest. We 
shall see, accordingly, that this was the grand object 
of all their wars and negociations ; that they put 
in practice, upon every occasion , the wisest and 
most refined policy, for preventing the too great 
aggrandisement of each other ; and that they never 
hesitated to sacrifice friendship, resentment, and 
every other secondary consideration, to what they 
accounted the highest of all concerns, the main- 
taining of the general independency of their coun- 

The same spirit of liberty enabled them to op- 
pose the ambitious attempts of two of the most 
powerful monarchs that ever filled the Persian 
throne, Darius and Xerxes, with a bravery so ro- 
mantically heroic, as to have no parallel in the his- 
torical annals of any other people, and which, were 
it not attested past all possibility of doubt, almost 
exceeds the bounds of probability. But not satis- 
fied with defeating in Greece the utmost efforts of 
those Persians to subdue them, the Greeks, eager 
for revenge, resolved to push their advantage, and 
to attack the invaders in their own dominions. 
This design they carried into execution, first under 
Cimon, and afterwards under Agesilaus, besides 
several intermediate attempts ; and that with a 



X 



PREFACE 



success that plainly showed them capable, had they 
proceeded with unanimity and perseverance, of ef- 
fecting the grand revolution reserved to immortal- 
ise the name of Alexander, — that of totally subvert- 
ing the Persian empire. The Persians, finding 
themselves unable to vanquish the Greeks by open 
force, took a more effectual method to overcome 
them, in consequence, as we are told, of the advice 
of Alcibiades, one of the most extraordinary men 
that Greece ever produced. They studiously fo- 
mented the natural jealousy entertained by the 
states of one another ; kept them by that means in 
continual war, and, in the mean time, artfully as- 
sisted them, as circumstances required, with liberal 
supplies of money, to work out their mutual de- 
struction. But the Persians were not destined to 
reap the fruits of their pernicious politics, which 
eventually occasioned their own ruin. For Philip 
King of Macedon, one of the districts of Greece, 
profited by those dissensions of the other Greeks, to 
make them subject to his authority ; and at last his 
son, the Great Alexander, in prosecution of the 
plan laid down by his father, ranged them under 
the Macedonian banners, subdued, with their assist- 
ance, the powerful empire of Persia, and marched 
victorious from one corner of the vast continent of 
Asia to the other. 

But as, on the one hand, those Greeks practised, 
in the greatest perfection, every virtue, whether 
public or private ; and carried to the highest degree 
of improvement, of which perhaps they are capable, 
the powers of genius and understanding ; so on the 



PREFACE. Xi 

other hand, they gave way, almost in the same pro- 
portion, to every folly and vice, whether moral or 
political* Hence we shall have an opportunity, in 
the perusal of their history, of contemplating the 
admirable effects resulting from the former course 
of life, and the miserable consequences inevitably 
occasioned by the latter ; a contrast which of all 
others, forms, if we mistake not, the most curious 
and instructive part of history. 

The History of Ancient Greece likewise presents 
us, more perhaps than that of any other nation, 
with the most lively picture of the advantages and 
disadvantages arising from each of the various sys- 
tems of government that have prevailed in the world, 
monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, with all the dif- 
ferent modifications and combinations of these, that 
the policy of mankind hath ever devised. 

From all these considerations, it must be appar- 
ent, that whoever aspires at superior distinction, 
either as a philosopher or as a man of taste, in a 
military or in a political capacity, can by no other 
means more effectually accomplish his purpose than 
by a careful study of the Greek authors, by an at- 
tentive perusal of their history, and by a judicious 
application of the maxims there explained and en- 
forced. 

The former publications on this subject in the 
English language being on a different scale, as well 
as on a different plan from the present, the Author 



Xll 



PREFACE. 



is happily freed from the very disagreeable task of 
attempting any comparison. Mr Stanyan's Histo- 
ry of Ancient Greece, in two volumes octavo, stops 
at the death of Philip King of Macedon ; and that 
published, likewise in two volumes octavo, some 
months after the death of JDr Goldsmith, under the 
name of that ingenious gentleman, comes down only 
to the death of Alexander the Great. The det ail 
of Grecian affairs contained in Mr Rollin's Ancient 
History is still more voluminous and more diffuse. 

Edinburgh, General Record-Office. 



; 



INTRODUCTION. 



A he continent of ancient Greece comprehended 
that country which at present constitutes the south- 
ern part of Turkey in Europe. It was bounded on 
the east by the iEgean sea, now called the Archi- 
pelago ; on the south by the Cretan sea ; on the west 
by the Ionian sea or Adriatic gulf; and on the 
north by Illyria and Thrace. Its length, from north 
to south, was about 350 miles ; and its breadth at a 
medium might be reckoned about 250 miles. It is 
situated nearly in the middle of the northern tem- 
perate zone. 

Greece may be properly distinguished into six 
principal divisions. Of these the most northern 
was Macedonia : immediately south of Macedonia 
lay Thessaly : Epirus stretched along the coast of 
the Ionian sea, and was the most western division : 
Achaia, or Greece properly so called, occupied the 
middle space : and the most southern division was 
Peloponnesus, known at present by the name of 
the Morea, which, as the ancient name imports, 
formed a peninsula, communicating with Achaia 
by the * isthmus of Corinth, a neck of land about 
six miles broad : the islands made the sixth division. 

The climate of Greece was peculiarly excellent. 
Equally exempted from the rigorous cold which 
afflicts the inhabitants nearer to the poles, and from 
the sultry heat by which those within the torrid 
zone are oppressed, it abounded with every influ- 
ence propitious to the human race. The air was 
sweet, healthful, and uniformly temperate ; invi- 
gorating without dullness, and soft without effe- 
minacy. 

The soil corresponded with the climate. It pro- 
duced, in extraordinary plenty, not only all the 
necessaries, but likewise many of the luxuries of 
life. b 



18 INTRODUCTION. 

The mildness, purity, and happy temperature of 
this climate, must without all question have had a 
powerful effect upon those who were there born and 
educated. In fact no country on earth ever exhibit- 
ed the human form adorned with such exquisite 
beauty, nor the human mind animated with feel- 
ings at once so just, so delicate, and so acute. 

Geographical Description of 
ancient Greece. 

The history of no people can be distinctly un- 
derstood, unless the geography of their country be 
known. This observation applies to the history 
now under consideration, more strongly perhaps 
than to the history of any other nation. For the 
territory of Greece having been parcelled out a- 
mong many separate states, their disputes and their 
transactions with each other, as well as their various 
military expeditions, form, without a particular 
knowledge of the geography of the country, a mass 
of unintelligible confusion. 

In another view likewise, an acquaintance with 
the geography of ancient Greece is of singular util- 
ity. It is, if we may use the expression, the key 
both to the Greek and to the Roman poets, whose 
works abound with constant allusions to the rivers, 
the mountains, &c. of ancient Greece. For these 
reasons, we here lay before the reader a particular 
but concise description of that country. 

Greece, as before observed, was distinguished 
into six principal divisions, viz. Macedonia, Thessa- 
ly, Epirus, Achaia or Greece properly so called, Pe- 
loponnesus, and the Islands. 

The Romans distributed all the country into 
two provinces, Macedonia and Achaia ; the former 
comprehending Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly ; the 
latter, Achaia, Peloponnesus, and the Islands. In 
our description we shall adopt the more ancient 
division. 

Macedonia was bounded on the north by the 



INTRODUCTION. 19 

Scardian mountains, by which it was separated from 
Illyrium and Maesia, and by the river Strymon, its 
boundary with Thrace ; on the east, by the iEgean 
sea or Archipelago ; on the south, by Thessaly and 
Epirus : and on the west, by the Ionian sea or 
Adriatic gulf. According to Pliny, it was more 
anciently occupied by 150 different tribes. 

The most considerable rivers in Macedonia were 
Aliacmon, Erigon, Axius, Ghabris, and Strymon, 
which all discharge themselves into the Archipe- 
lago ; Panyasus, Apsus, Laus which washes Apol- 
Ionia and Celidnus on the confines of Epirus : these 
run into the Adriatic gulf. 

The most noted mountain in Macedonia was 
Athos, which stretches out into the Archipelago 
in the form of a peninsula. Through this moun- 
tain Xerxes is said to have ordered a passage to be 
dug for the fleet with which he invaded Greece. 
An instance of egregious folly indeed ! 

The towns of chief note in Macedonia were Dyr- 
rachium, anciently Epidamnus, a maritime town 
on the Adriatic gulf; Pella, on the river Axius, 
famous for being the place where Philip, and his 
son Alexander the Great, drew their first breath ; 
Thessalonica, whither Cicero was banished by the 
intrigues of the factious Clodius ; Stagira, on the 
river Strymon, in the neighbourhood of mount A- 
thos, famous by being the birth-place of the prince 
of philosophers Aristotle, thence called the Stagir- 
ite ; Amphipolis, anciently possessed by an Athen- 
ian colony, and remarkable by the dispute which it 
occasioned between Philip and the Athenians. 

The district of Macedonia, called Pieria, celebra- 
ted in ancient fable as having been the birth-place 
of the muses, thence often denominated Pierides. 

Thessaly lies immediately south of Macedonia, 
and north of Achaia, having the Archipelago on 
the east, and mount Pindus, which divides it from 
Epirus, on the west. It was anciently famous for 
its excellent cavalry. 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

Peneus was the chief river in Thessaly. It runs 
between the mountains Ossa and Olympus ; and 
meandring along in gentle windings through a 
country delightfully variegated by groves and mea- 
dows, it forms the capital ornament of the delicious 
Vale of Tempe, described with rapture even by 
poets, whose eyes were accustomed to the prospect 
of some of the finest coun tries in the world. 

The most noted mountains of Thessaly are O- 
lympus, Pelium, and Ossa, so famous in fable by 
the war of the giants. 

Between Thessaly and Phocis, at the bottom of 
mount Octa, lies the defile of Thermopylae, a pass 
about 90 feet broad, which formed in a manner the 
portal of the southern districts of Greece, and is on 
that account frequently mentioned in history. But 
it is chiefly renowned by the heroic stand made 
there against the Persian army by Leonidas and 
his Spartans. 

Thessaly was more anciently accounted a district 
of Macedonia, and was called Emonia. It was 
likewise successively known by the names of Pe- 
lasgicum, Hellas, Driopis, Argis, and Thessalia, de- 
rived from the names of different kings to whom it 
was subject. At length the name of Thessaly pre- 
vailed. Homer calls the inhabitants of this coun- 
try Myrmidones, Hellenes, Achsei. 

It was divided among the following tribes ; the 
Thessalians. the Estiotse, the Pelasgi, the Magnesii, 
and the Phthiotse, 

The district of the Thessalians contained the 
towns of Hypata, Sosthene, Cypera : that of the 
Estiotae, those of Gomphi, Phaestus, Tricca, and 
Etinium : that of the Pelasgi, Pytheum and At- 
rax : that of the Magnesii, Iolcus* Herminium, 
Castanea, Meliboea, and Methone, at the siege of 
which king Philip lost one of his eyes : that of 
the Phthiotae, Phthia where Achilles was born, 
Thessalian Thebes, Echinus, Larissa, Demetrias, 
where the Macedonian kings for some time kept 



INTRODUCTION. 21 

their court, and where in latter times the Etolians 
held their public assemblies ; and lastly Pegasae, 
where Argo, the famous ship in which Jason and 
his followers sailed in quest of the golden fleece, 
was built. 

Epirus was separated from Macedonia and Thes- 
saly by the river Celidnus and mount Pindus, and 
from Achaia by the river Achlous. 

The mountains Acroceraunia and Pindus are the 
most remarkable in Epirus. The latter is compos- 
ed of a very extensive ridge of hills, which separate, 
as above observed, Epirus from Macedonia and 
Thessaly, and stretch from the Acroceraunian moun- 
tains to mount Oeta ; which latter may be consi 
dered as the termination of Pindus. 

Acheron and Cocytus were the most considera- 
ble rivers in Epirus. From these rivers, and the 
adjacent country, Homer, according to Pausanias, 
formed his description of the infernal regions. 

Epirus contained the following towns : Dodona, 
in the district of the Melossi, famous for the temple 
and oracle of Dodonean Jove, where the responses 
were said to be delivered from the adjacent grove 
by black pigeons. What ridiculous imposition on 
the preposterous curiosity of mankind ! This ora- 
cle was known in the days of Homer and Hesiod ; 
and according to Strabo, ceased in his time. Buth- 
rotum, in the district of the Thesprotians, where 
king Pyrrhus kept his court. In the neighbour- 
hood of this city, Cicero had a large estate, on 
which he sometimes resided. Ambracia, near 
the bay of the same name, the royal residence of 
the iEacidas. Actium, off the promontory of which, 
now called Cape Figalo, happened the important 
naval engagement between Octavius Csesar, and 
Mark Anthony, which decided the fate of the Ro- 
man empire in favour of the former. Nicopolis, 
opposite to Actium, on the other side of the bay, 
built by Octavius Csesar, in memory, as the name 
imports, of his victory just mentioned. 



22 INTRODUCTION. 

Achaia, or Greece properly so called, was bound- 
ed on the north by the mountains Oeta and Othrys, 
by which it was separated from Thessaly ; on the 
east, by the iEgean sea or Archipelago ; on the 
west, by the river Achelous, which divided it from 
Epirus ; and on the south, by the isthmus of Co- 
rinth, a neck of land about six miles long, termi- 
nated by the bay of Corinth, now called Lepanto, 
on the west ; and by the Saronic bay, or bay of 
Egina, on the east. 

The most remarkable mountains of Achaia were 
Callidromus, on the border towards Thessaly, over- 
hanging the pass of Thermopylae. Over this moun- 
tain the traitor Ephialtes conducted a detachment 
of Xerxes' army, while the pass was heroically de- 
fended against the main body of the tyrant's forces 
by a handful of brave Greeks, commanded by the 
gallant Leonidas. Oeta, where Hercules burnt 
himself. Othrys, the country of the Lapithee. 
Parnassus and Helicon, in the district of Phocis : 
the former terminated in two tops ; the one called 
Nyssa, consecrated to Apollo; the other Cyrrha, 
consecrated to Bacchus. This mountain overhangs 
Delphi, and in fable was reputed the residence of 
the muses. Helicon stood in the neighbourhood of 
Parnassus, and was likewise, according to the poets, 
very much frequented by the muses. On this 
mountain, and within the grove of the muses, were 
the celebrated fountains Hypocrene and Aganippe. 
Here stood the tomb of Orpheus, about which, ac- 
cording to the ancient fabulists, the nightingale de- 
lighted to build her nest. On the declivity of He- 
licon were the towns of Thespia, Nyssa, and As- 
cra, where Hesiod was born. Cithaeron in Boeotia, 
consecrated to Bacchus, Certain bacchanalian re- 
vels were celebrated there. Hymetus in Attica, 
famed for its delicious honey, and beautiful marble, 
which was peculiarly adapted for statuary. 

The only river of note in Achaia was Cephissus, 
divided into two branches ; the one called Asopus, 



INTRODUCTION* 23 

which separated the territory of Boeotian Thebes 
from that of Megara ; the other, Ismenus, which 
runs near to Thebes. 

Achaia contained eight districts ; .iEtolia, Doris, 
Locris, Ozolaea, Phocis, Megaris, Attica, and Boeo- 
tiaH 

Chalcis, Olenus, and Calydon, were the chief 
towns of iEtolia. In the neighbourhood of the lat- 
ter was the Calydonian forest ; famous for the chace 
of the Calydonian boar, which was killed by Me- 
leager. 

Doris contained the towns of Boium, Citinium, 
and Pindus. 

In Ozolian Locris stood the town of Naupactus, 
now called Lepanto, famous in modern times by the 
important naval engagement between the Span- 
iards, Venetians, &c. commanded by Don John of 
Austria, and the Turks, in which the latter were 
defeated with great slaughter. In Epienemidian Lo- 
cris were the towns Cnemides, Opus, and Thronium. 

The most remarkable towns in Phocis were An- 
ticyra Cyrrha, Pythia, and Delphi at the bottom of 
mount Parnassus, where the council of the Am- 
phictyons held their deliberations, but chiefly cele- 
brated for the temple and oracle of Apollo. 

In Megaris were the towns of Megara and Eleu- 
sis. The former gave its name to the country, and 
was the birth place of Euclid the philosopher, who 
was so passionate an admirer of the conversation of 
Socrates, that, at the hazard of his life, on account of 
the war then subsisting between the Athenians and 
his countrymen, he stole into Athens dressed like a 
woman, to listen to that wisest of philosophers. E- 
leusis was consecrated to Ceres, and was famous by 
the celebration of certain religious rites in honour of 
that goddess, the most secret and solemn of the mul- 
titude of religious ceremonies observed among the 
pagan idolaters* 

In Attica stood Athens and Marathon. A thens 
was the most distinguished city of all antiquity ; a, 



24 INTRODUCTION. 

name that in every breast animated with the love of 
literature, and of the fine arts* kmdles the warmest 
sensations of gratitude, admiration, and respect. 
The brightest emanations of genius, the most pro- 
found and ingenious exertions of the human mind, 
displayed themselves in this propitious spot. It was 
situated in the middle of a beautiful and extensive 
plain, about forty miles south of Thebes, and at the 
same distance to the north of the isthmus of Co- 
rinth. It consisted of two great divisions, Cecropia 
and Athense. The former derived its name from 
Cecrops its founder ; and was built on a hill, upon 
the loftiest part of which stood the citadel. The 
latter extended into the plain, and was called by 
the Greek name of its tutelary deity Minerva. One 
common wall surrounded both; and Athens became 
the general name of the united city. The rivers 
Ilyssus and Cephysus meandered through the plain 
on the east and west sides of the city ; and, mingling 
their streams, formed but one river before they 
reached the sea. The temples, theatres, and other 
public edifices at Athens, displayed all that was ad- 
mirable in statuary and architecture. Beyond and 
adjoining to the suburbs were two celebrated walks, 
which to remotest posterity will be remembered 
with veneration by every admirer of ancient philo- 
sophy. One of them was in an ornamented garden, 
called Academus from the name of the man to 
whom it had originally belonged; and was fre- 
quented by Plato and his followers. In the other, 
named the Lyceum, Aristotle and those of his school 
walked and reasoned under the cover of a shady 
Wood ; and were thence denominated Peripatetics, 
or the Walking Philosophers. Within the territo- 
ry of Athens stood the sea-port towns, Phalera* 
Munichia, and Pyreus, all on the Saronic bay, now 
called the gulf of Egina. Pyreus was the most 
convenient ; and on that account was improved, en- 
larged, and fortified, first by Themistocles, and after- 
wards by Pericles. Though nearly five miles dis- 



/ 



INTRODUCTION. 25 

tant from Athens, it was joined to that city by the 
means of two prodigious walls about sixty feet 
high, and thick in proportion, which effectually pro- 
tected the communication. 

Marathon was famous for the victory obtained by 
the Greeks* commanded by the Athenian Miltiades, 
over the numerous army of Darius. 

Boeotia contained several famous towns. Thebes, 
situated between the rivers Asopus and Ismenus. 
The honour of founding this city is by some ascrib- 
ed to Amphion ; by others, to Phenician Cadmus, 
at the head of a colony of his countrymen. Its ci- 
tadel, called Cadmsea, was reckoned very strong. 
Hercules and Bacchus, the poets Linus and Pindar, 
the philosopher Cebes, a distinguished disciple of 
Socrates, and the accomplished Epaminondas, were 
all natives of Thebes. Thespia, consecrated to the 
muses, situ&ted on the declivity of mount Helicon. 
Phryne, so infamous by her morals, but so cele- 
brated for her beauty, was a native of Thespia*. 
She testified her attachment to her native city, by 
setting up there an inestimable statue of Cupid, the 
masterpiece of the famous statuary Praxitiles, her 
passionate admirer, from whom she obtained it as a 
present. Thither multitudes thronged to gaze on 
it with inexpressible delight and admiration. Pla- 
tea stood at the bottom of mount Cithaeron, on the 
river Asopus, between Thespia and Thebes. Here 
the Greeks, commanded by the Spartan Pausanias, 
gained a decisive victory over the Persians, whose 
general, Mardouius, and the best troops of their 
army,, were there cut off. Cheronsea, the native city 
of Plutarch, the excellent biographer. Aulis, where 
the Grecian forces assembled before their expedi- 

* This lady was so dead to the modesty of her sex, and at the 
same time so vain of her personal charms, that at the feast of 
Neptune she, in presence of all the people of Eleusis, went naked 
into the sea to bathe. From this public exhibition of so beauti- 
ful a woman, Apelles is said to have made an admirable picture 
of Venus Anadyomene. 



26 INTRODUCTION. 

tion against Troy, and from whence they set sail, 
Leuctra, situated at the bottom of mount Cithas- 
ron, on the confines of Megara, between Thespia 
and Platea, where the Thebans, commanded by 
Epaminondas and Pelopidas, beat the Spartans, 
though much superior to the Thebans in point of 
numbers, 

Peloponnesus, a peninsula, as its name imports, 
is now called the Morea, separated on the north 
from the continent of Achaia by the isthmus of 
Corinth, and surrounded on all other sides by the 
sea ; the Archipelago or iEgean sea on the one 
hand, and the Adriatic gulf or Ionian sea on the 
other. 

The most considerable rivers in Peloponnesus 
were, Peneus ; Alpheus, which flowing through 
Arcadia and Elis, passes by Olympia; Panysus, 
the largest river within the isthmus, which falls in- 
to the sea on the coast of Messenia ; Eurotas, which 
runs through Laconia, and washes Sparta; and 
Inachus, which flows through Argis, passing by its 
capital Argos. 

Stymphalus, Pholoe, Chronicus, and Taygetus, 
are the principal mountains in Peloponnesus. 
Stymphalus lies between Achaia and Arcadia. 
Pholoe is a lofty woody mountain in Arcadia, the 
summit of which is generally covered with snow. 
Chronicus stands in Laconia. Here, according to 
the ancient fabulists, Saturn hid himself when fly- 
ing from Jupiter. Taygetus is situated in the 
neighbourhood of Sparta. It abounded with wild 
beasts, and furnished the Spartan youth with the 
amusements of the chace. 

Peloponnesus was divided into six districts ; A- 
chaia properly so called, Elis, Messenia, Arcadia, 
Laconia, and Argis. 

Corinth was the chief city in Achaia, and stood 
in the middle of the isthmus that bears its name. 
Its citadel was built on a steep and lofty hill, and 
was accounted impregnable by open force. The 



INTRODUCTION. 27 

city had two harbours ; Cenchrea, towards the Ar- 
chipelago, whence the Asiatic commerce was car- 
ried on ; and Lecheum towards the Adriatic, fre- 
quented by the vessels employed in the trade of 
Italy and Sicily. Corinth was the most commer- 
cial town in all Greece, was very powerful in naval 
strength, and acquired vast wealth by trade. Next 
to Athens and Sparta it was the most considerable 
state in ancient Greece. Lais, so celebrated for her 
beauty, was a native of Corinth. Ladies of her 
profession found there uncommon- encouragement 
and protection. Sicyon was likewise situated in 
Achaia, and was supposed to be the most ancient 
city in Greece. Aratus, who distinguished himself 
so highly as general of the Achaean league, was a 
native of Sicyon. 

Elis lies on the western coast of Peloponnesus, 
having Achaia to the north, and Arcadia and Mes- 
senia to the south. Olympia, likewise called Pisa, 
situated on the river Alpheus, was the chief town 
in Elis. Here the Olympic games were celebrated. 
In its neighbourhood stood a rich temple of O- 
lympian Jove, of which the finest ornament was an 
ivory statue of the god, executed with exquisite art 
by the celebrated Phidias. Cyllene, another city of 
Elis, was reputed to be the birth-place of Mercury, 
thence called Cyllenius. 

Messenia lay on the south-w r est coast of Pelopon- 
nesus. It was accounted the most fruitful country 
of all Greece. Massene, Pylus, and Corone, were 
the chief towns of Messenia. Pylus was the coun- 
try of Nestor, so distinguished in the Trojan war. 
This town having gone to decay, was, during the 
Peloponnesian war, rebuilt by the Athenians ; who, 
about the same time, took possession of the island 
Sphacteria, on the same coast. The Athenian gar- 
risons placed in Pylus and Sphacteria, harassed 
the Lacedemonians extremely during that destruc- 
tive war. 

Arcadia is a mountainous country, and forms the 



28 INTRODUCTION. 

centre of the Peloponnesus. The towns of note in 
this district were, Tegea, Stymphalus, Mantinea, 
and Megalopolis. In the neighbourhood of Manti- 
nea was fought the bloody battle between the The- 
bans and their allies on one side, commanded by 
Epaminondas, and the Lacedemonians and Atheni- 
ans on the other. The latter were defeated ; but 
Epaminondas expired in the arms of victory. Me- 
galopolis was the birth-place of Polybius the his- 
torian. 

Laconia lay on the south-east coast of Pelopon- 
nesus, and bordered on Messenia and Arcadia, Its 
chief city was Sparta; whose inhabitants were 
equally distinguished by their bravery, and by the 
austerity of their manners. It was built on the 
western bank of the river Eurotas ; which, being 
seldom fordable, protected the town on that side. 
Though situated in a plain, it contained several 
eminences within its circuit. It had no walls. Gy- 
theum stood at the mouth of the Eurotas on the 
coast of the Archipelago, and was the chief sea port 
of Laconia. In Laconia were likewise the towns of 
Leuctrum and Amy else. 

Argis, also named Argolis, and Argia, lay on the 
eastern coast of Peloponnesus ; and was bounded 
by Arcadia on the west, and by Laconia on the 
south. It contained the towns of Argos, Nemaea, 
Mecenae, Nauplia, Traezene, and Epidaurus. Argos, 
the capital, stood on the banks of the river Inachus : 
In this city, Pyrrhus king of Epirus lost his life. 
Nemaea was situated between Argos and Corinth ; 
Here the Nemaean games were celebrated in hon- 
our of Hercules. Mycenae was the chief town of 
Agamemnon's kingdom, and that king's royal resi- 
dence. Epidaurus was a maritime town, where 
there was a famous temple of iEsculapius. 

The seas which surround Greece are every where 
interspersed with numberless Islands. 

In the Egean sea, we observe Eubcea, Salamis, 
Egina, Sciro, Tenedos, Lemnos, Samothrace, Les- 
bos, and Chios. 



INTRODUCTION. 29 

Eubcea is separated from the continent of Bceotia 
by a very narrow branch of the sea called Euripus. 
This island is about 90 miles long and 20 broad ; 
and is fruitful in corn and wine. A remarkable 
irregularity of the tides happens in the Euripus ; 
i from the 9th to the 25th days of the moon, the sea 
ebbs and flows there, twelve, thirteen, or fourteen 
times in the twenty-four hours, with a most rapid 
current. Anciently Euboea contained two wealthy 
towns, Carystus and Chalcis. Near the former were 
quarries of fine marble. Here was found the asbes- 
tos, a species of stone that may be separated into 
thin pliable threads, which the ancients wove in- 
to cloth. This cloth, when dirty, was put into 
the fire, which purified it as water purifies linen, 
without consuming it. Chalcis stands at the Euri- 
pus, opposite to Aulis in Bceotia. It was a very 
populous city, and sent out many colonies. Here 
Aristotle breathed his last. 

Sciros contained the tomb of Thesus. Here too, 
according to the poets, Achilles was concealed a- 
mong the women of Lycomedes, prince of the island, 
to avoid going to the siege of Troy, where it was 
foretold he should be killed. 

Tenedos was a little island not far from Troy. 

Lemnos is of a square form, each side being 
about seven leagues long. Here, according to the 
ancient fabulists, Vulcan fell when kicked out of 
heaven by Jupiter. Hence Vulcan is denominated 
Lemnius. Terra lemnia, a production of this 
island, is a mineral famous for its medicinal virtues. 
From Lemnos, Homer speaks of wine being sent 
to the Greeks when besieging Troy. 

Lesbos, about seventeen leagues in length and 
seven in breadth, was celebrated for its beautiful 
women, its excellent wine, and its fertility. Its na- 
tives were accounted fine singers. Mytilene was 
its chief town. Sappho the poetess, and Pittacus 
the sage, were natives of Lesbos. 

The wine of Chios was likewise highly esteemed. 



30 INTRODUCTION* 

It was the nectar of the ancients. This island is 
about fourteen leagues in circumference. The wo- 
men of Chios were uncommonly beautiful. 

iEgina, also called JEnone, lay in the Saronic 
bay between Attica and Megaris. Being a power- 
ful naval state in the neighbourhood of Pireus, 
the harbour of Athens, it excited the jealousy of 
the Athenians ; who, having quarrelled with the 
Eginetae, passed a law, one of the most barbarous 
that occurs in history, ordaining the thumbs of such 
of them as fell into their hands to be cut off, to dis- 
able them from working at the oar. 

Salamis, the kingdom of Telamon, father to 
Ajax and Teucer, was famous by the important 
victory obtained in its neighbourhood by the Gre- 
cian neet over that of Xerxes. The Athenians 
suffered so severely by a long struggle with the 
Megarensians about this island, that at length they 
entirely relinquished the attempt, and declared it 
capital for any person to propose a renewal of the 
enterprise. But Solon, sensible of the great ad- 
vantage which the Athenians might derive from 
having the command of the island, composed verses 
to incite them to recommence the attempt. To a- 
void the punishment enacted by the law just men- 
tioned, he affected to be mad ; and, in that charac- 
ter, ran through the streets declaiming his verses 
with great vehemence. The stratagem succeeded, 
and his countrymen recovered the island. 

The Cyclades, a cluster of twelve little islands, 
lying in a circular form, as the name imports, round 
JDelos ; and the Sporades, another collection of 
small islands, more distant from one another, and 
scattered round the Cyclades, lie more near to the en- 
try of theiEgeansea, towards Crete. Of the Cyclades, 
the most considerable was Andros, in the neighbour- 
hood of Euboea : Delos ; and Paros, famous for 
its beautiful marble. Delos, from what the ancients 
have written of it, should seem to have been sud- 
denly produced by some violent convulsion in the 



INTRODUCTION. 31 

earth, occasioned by an earthquaka* According to 
poetical fable, Delos was the birth-place of Apollo 
and Diana, the children of Latona. It contained 
a river called Cynthus, whence Apollo is sometimes 
■ called Cy n thiu s, and Diana Cynthia. Many Cor- 
inthian merchants, after the destruction of their 
native city by the Romans, were induced to settle 
at Delos on account of its convenient harbour. Ot 
the Sporades, the most considerable islands were 
Icaria, Patmos, Samos, Cos, and Carpathus. Sa- 
mos is situated opposite to Ephesus, at the distance 
of about six miles from the continent of Asia Min- 
or. It is about ten leagues long, and five broad. 
Pythagoras was born here. Juno too was account- 
ed a native of Samos. Cos was the birth-place ot 
the painter Appelles, and of the prince of physicians 
Hippocrates. 

In the Ionian sea, the chief islands were Corcyra, 
Cephalenia, Zacynthus, and Ithaca. Homer places 
the Phasacae, and the gardens of King Alcinous, in 
Corcyra. Here the Corinthians established a colo- 
ny, about half a century before Solon's time. An- 
thony, Cicero's colleague in the consulate, was 
banished to Cephalenia, where he laid the founda- 
tions of a new town. The inhabitants of Zacyn- 
thus were an effeminate race, enervated by luxury, 
the consequence of their wealth. Ithaca, situated 
to the east of Cephalenia, is chiefly distinguished 
by being the kingdom and the residence of Ulysses. 

Crete, the largest of all the islands which sur- 
round Greece, lies beyond the entry into the iEgean 
sea. It is reckoned to be about 200 miles long 
and 60 broad. It produced corn and fruit in great 
plenty, and was famous for its excellent wine. Its 
inhabitants, reputed, with much probability, to have 

* In the year 1707, three or four islands were, by a similar 
convulsion, produced in the most southerly part of the Archi- 
pelago. The largest of these is called Santorin, and is about 
ten leagues in circumference. It is a rock of pumice stone, cov- 
ered to the depth of nine or twelve inches with earth. 



32 INTRODUCTION. 

been originally a Phenieian colony, were anciently 
a warlike people. They had good cavalry ; and 
were expert at the bow, and in naval engagements. 
Their laws were much admired by the Greeks ; and 
the memory of their legislator Minos was highly 
venerated. The Cretans afterwards degenerated 
extremely, and became infamous for their piracy 
and voluptuousness. Gortyna, Cydon, and Gnosus, 
were the chief cities of Crete : and Ida and I>ictse 
were its most remarkable mountains. It had no 
rivers of any note. 

The largest islands of Cyprus and Rhodes are 
situated in the eastern extremity of the Mediter- 
ranean sea; but anciently were not numbered among 
the Grecian islands. The former lies about 30 
miles west of the coast of Syria, and is about 150 
miles long and 70 broad. Rhodes is only about 
20 miles distant from the coast of Caria in Asia Mi- 
nor. It is about 50 miles long and 20 broad. 

The ancient Greeks sent out many colonies, par- 
ticularly to Italy, to Sicily, and to Asia Minor. In 
the last mentioned country, these colonies possessed 
a large tract of country along the sea-coast, dis- 
tinguished into three provinces, Eolia, Ionia, and 
Doris. 

Eolia lay on the coast of the iEgean sea, having 
the province of Troas or Little Phrygia to the 
north, and Ionia to the south. More anciently, 
and before the Eolians settled there, it was called 
Mysia. The cities of chief note in this province 
were Cuma, Phocea, and Elea. Cuma was report- 
ed to have been founded by Pelops, and was a ma- 
ritime town. Phocea stood at the mouth of the 
river Thermus, between Cuma and Smyrna, and 
was built by an Athenian colony. Marseilles, in 
the south of France, is, by some authors supposed 
to have been founded by a colony from Phocea. 
Elea was a sea port town at the mouth of the river 
Ciacus. Here Zeno, the founder of the sect of 
Stoics was born. 



INTRODUCTION, 33 

Ionia lay to the south of Eolia. Its inhabitants, 
the Ionians, who gave their name to the country, 
had, according to their own traditions, emigrated 
thither from Attica. Its principal cities were Smyr- 
na, Clazomenee, Teos, Lebedus, Colophon, and 
Ephesus, Smyrna was a rich commercial city, re- 
markable for the beauty of its situation. Clazome- 
nse stood upon the coast ; and was the birth-place of 
the philosopher Anaxagoras, the instructor of the 
illustrious Pericles. Teos was situated on a bay of 
the sea opposite to Clazomense : here Anacreon, the 
celebrated lyric poet, was born. Lebedus stood 
likewise on the coast : here annual games were 
performed in honour of Bacchus. Colophon was 
famous for an oracle of Apollo in its neighbourhood; 
but more famous still by having the most plausible 
claim to the honour of being the birth-place of Ho- 
mer, the prince of epic poets. But of all the cities 
of Ionia, Ephesus was the most distinguished. It 
was situated on the coast between the rivers Cays- 
ter and Maeander. Its principal ornament was the 
renowned temple of Diana, one of the most magni- 
ficent edifices that ever the world saw. 

Doris lay to the south of Ionia. Halicarnassus 
and Cnidus were its two principal cities. Herodo- 
tus, the father of history, was a native of the former ; 
but removed, with a colony of his countrymen, to 
Thurium in Italy. Here too Dionysius, surnamed 
the Halicarnassian, was born. At Cnidus there 
was a statue of Venus of inestimable value, execut- 
ed by the famous Praxitiles. Cnidus too was the 
birth-place of Ctesias the physician ; who having 
accompanied Cyrus the younger in his unnatural 
expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, was 
made prisoner at the battle of Cunaxa, and remain- 
ed at the Persian court seventeen years. In this 
period he is said to have written a voluminous his- 
tory of the Persians and Assyrians.* 

* Ctesias, in his history, seems to have differed in various par- 
ticulars from Herodotus, whose accuracy he affected to question. 

C 



84 INTRODUCTION, 

The Pelasgi, who, by their own account, derived 
their descent from Pelasgus, are, on probable 
grounds, supposed to have been the most ancient 
inhabitants of Greece mentioned in tradition. 

The Greeks, in their more early times, were, like 
every other people, a savage race, utterly ignorant 
of agriculture ; and they paid divine honours to 
Pelasgus, who had taught them to feed on acorns, 
as affording a more solid and substantial nourish- 
ment than herbs and roots. 

It appears, that they bore originally the name of 
Greeks ; which however they soon lost ; for Hellen, 
the son of Deucalion king of Lycia, having sub- 
dued the Peloponnese, called the people after his 
own name, Hellenes, and the country itself Hellas. 

Acheus and Ion, grandsons of Hellen, became the 
chiefs of two tribes ; the former, of the Acheans, 
who inhabited Achaia ; and the other, of the lo- 
nians, who possessed the territory called afterwards 
Lacedemon. 

Eolus and Dorus, likewise two descendents of 
Hellen, were in the same manner chiefs of two 
other tribes called after their names ; Eolus of the 
Eolians, who, under Pelops son of Tantalus, settled 
in Laconia ; and Dorus of the Dorians, who occu- 
pied the country of Doris, in the neighbourhood of 
mount Parnassus. Afterwards the Heraclidse, or 
descendents of Hercules, invaded the Peloponnese, 
and drove out the Acheans and Ionians; who 
thereupon retired to the coast of Asia Minor. 

Ik order to treat this history in a more distinct 

Ctesias too was himself suspected by the posterior Greek writers, 
and by Plutarch among the rest, both of credulity in historical 
researches, and of vanity as to what related to himself. But as 
Herodotus, as well as Ctesias, wrote principally from tradition, 
they may have been both misinformed ; and from their disa^ 
greement, as well as from the nature of things, we may perceive 
how little credit is due to the history of remote nations and ages 
not otherwise supported than by tradition. 



INTRODUCTION. 35 

and methodical manner, we shall divide it into four 
ages or periods, including altogether a space of 
1988 years. 

The first age extends from the foundation of the 
small kingdom of Sicyon, accounted the most an- 
cient in Greece, about the year before Christ, ac- 
cording to our computation, 2084, to the beginning 
of the war between the Greeks and Persians, about 
the year 494, a space of 1590 years. 

The second age extends from the commence- 
ment of the war between the Greeks and Persians, 
to the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war in the 
year 404, a space of 90 years. 

The third age extends from the conclusion of the 
Peloponnesian war to the death of Alexander the 
Great in the year 323, a space of 81 years. 

The fourth and last age extends from the death 
of Alexander the Great to the time when Greece 
became a Roman province, soon after the destruc- 
tion of Corinth, about the year 146, a space of 
about 177 years. 

The end of the history of Greece, is by other 
writers extended to the period of the extinction of 
the government of the Seleucidae in Asia, by Pom- 
pey the Great, in the year before Christ 65 ; and, 
by some authors, it is even extended to the time 
that the race of the Lagidee failed in Egypt, in the 
person of the famous Cleopatra, when that country 
k was reduced into the form of a Roman province by 
Augustus Caesar, in the year after Christ 30. 

To the whole shall be subjoined an account of 
the most memorable transactions in Greater Greece, 
which comprehended, as we have already observed, 
the island of Sicily, and a considerable part of the 
present kingdom of Naples on the continent of 
Italy. 

c 2 



THE 



HISTORY 

OF 

ANCIENT GREECE. 



BOOK I. 

CONTAINING THE HISTORY OF THE FIRST AGE OF 

GREECE. 

This first age may be called the infancy of 
Greece, It presents at first to our view a country 
divided into several small principalities, such as 
the kingdoms of Sicyon, of Athens, of Sparta, of 
Thebes, &c. which are thought to have been re- 
spectively founded by different colonies of Egypti- 
ans and Phenicians. In the next place it compre- 
hends the heroic times, under which are placed the 
expedition of the Argonauts, the cruelty of the 
Danaides, the labours of Hercules, the siege of 
Thebes, the siege of Troy, and other ancient events, 
which have been greatly disguised by the fables of 
the poets. For the whole mythology, and the va- 
rious metamorphoses with which their works a- 
bound, are nothing else than the events of the an- 
cient Greek history, disfigured and transformed by 
the licentious marvellous of those first poets. 

The colonies just now mentioned, contributed to 
humanize and soften the savage manners of the ori- 
ginal Greeks. Of the Phenicians they learned na- 
vigation and commerce ; and of the Egyptians, law, 
religion, the rudiments of the fine arts, and bodily 
exercises. 

The Greeks, gradually emerging from barbarism, 



38 THE HISTORY OF BOOK 1. 

acquired by degrees juster notions of every thing. 
Each individual began to regard his family as a 
member of the state, and his native country as a 
common mother. Hence they soon became sensi- 
ble of the necessity and nature of government. At 
first the regal power generally prevailed. But in 
process of time, most of the states assumed the re- 
publican form of government ; which, as it opens 
a way for every the lowest member to arrive at 
honours and offices, begets in the breast of the 
citizens a more than ordinary love of their coun- 
try. The offices of trust/ too, itt such a govern- 
ment, being commonly confined in their duration 
to a year, or some such short space, could hardly 
be converted to any bad purpose by those who 
possessed them, sensible how soon they must resign 
them and return to a level with their fellow-citi- 
zens, and that they were obliged to render a strict 
account of their administration. Besides, their la* 
borious course of life, chiefly spent in the cultiva- 
tion of the ground, preserved them, in a great 
measure, from the more hurtful and vicious pas- 
sions, and maintained a certain degree of equality 
among all the members of the state. Hence sim- 
plicity and sobriety, with their concomitant virtues, 
were holden in honour and esteem* Such were 
the Greeks during this first age, and the greater 
part of the second. 

CHAP. I. 

A getieral account of the ancient principalities of Greece, from 
their earliest times till the abolition of the kingly government 
in all but Sparta. 

The history of the first ages of Greece is, like 
that of the beginnings of all other nations, involved 
in almost impenetrable obscurity. This obscurity 
gives room for fiction ; which, while it fills up the 
total blank of remote antiquity with imaginary e- 
vents and revolutions, disguises at the same time, 



CHAP. & ANCIENT GREECE. 39 

and embellishes, the few real occurrences of later 
times, of which some remembrance was still pre- 
served, in such a manner that they become marvel- 
lous, unnatural, and incredible. 

Some learned men have laboured to distinguish 
fact from fable in this undigested chaos ; and their 
investigations furnish evidence of their extensive 
reading, and frequently, though not always, dis- 
cover much discernment and ingenuity. But this 
is all the praise that can be given them. For a 
sagacious and attentive reader generally perceives 
their theories to be directed by some particular bias, 
and finds their deductions inconclusive and unsatis- 
factory. 

But the unavoidable ignorance of the more an- 
cient history of nations, though it may be matter 
of regret to philosophers, is no material loss to other 
readers. For what useful information could have 
been thence derived, even if their transactions had 
been faithfully recorded by writers who had lived 
in those times ? We should peruse but the annals 
of various tribes of savages, roaming about from 
place to place as accidents direct them, struggling 
with the seasons, and with their brother-beasts, and 
governed in their pursuits by immediate necessity 
rather than by rational design. To the philosopher, 
who desires to trace man from the brute state to 
that of society, such a history might be useful ; but 
to other readers it would afford little instruction 
and less entertainment. Mankind in this state 
should seem to be a fitter subject for natural phi- 
losophy than for history. 

The ancient poets of Greece were likewise its 
first historians. The same has been the case with 
most other nations. The object of those poets 
having been to please and to surprise, rather than 
confine themselves to the plain narration of matters 
of fact, their descriptions are wonderful past all 
bounds of credibility, and exhibit a motely medley 
of miracles, monsters, demi-gods, and heroes. 



40 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I, 

We should therefore very willingly have omit- 
ted to take any notice of the absurd fables- of 
the more ancient history of Greece, were not the 
knowledge of them necessary to those who peruse 
the writings of the ancients, which otherwise mtist 
in many places prove totally unintelligible- For this 
reason alone we proceed to this disagreeable and 
disgusting task ; which, however, we shall discuss 
with all possible brevity. 

Greece, in its more ancient times, was divided 
into these seven small kingdoms or principalities : 
Sicyon, Argos, Mycene, Thebes, Corinth, Sparta, 
and Athens. Of each of these in its order. 

SICYON. 

The kingdom of Sicyon took its name 
2101.* from Sicyon, a town of the Peloponnesus^ 
situated near the isthmus of Corinth, and by 
some accounted the most ancient city of Greece. 
Egialeus is mentioned as its first king ; but histori- 
ans are not agreed about the number of his success- 
ors. Indeed this kingdom never possessed much 
power, nor made any considerable figure. 

We cannot speak with any tolerable certainty of 
the other small kingdoms established about the 
same time with that of Sicyon. 

ARGOS. 

The principality of Argos surpassed, both 
1856. in power and wealth, that of Sicyon. The 
names of its kings that occur in history are 
these : — Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, Argus, Criasus, 
Phorbas, Triopas, Erotopus, Sthenelus, Gelanor, 
Danaus, Linceus, Abas, Prsetus, Aerisius* * 

Phoroneus endeavoured to humanise his subjects* 
influencing their minds by the terrors of religion, 
and their actions by the restraint of laws. He gain- 
ed several advantages over the Arcadians in war, 

* This and all the other dates are expressive of the year be- 
fore Christ. 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 41 

and reduced the Peloponnesus under his power. 
Argus, from whom the chief city of the kingdom 
derived its name, is reckoned the first who yoked 
oxen in the plough. Criasus was the first who de- 
dicated altars to the goddess Juno. Inachus is fam- 
ous for being the father of Io, who has afforded 
so much matter for poetical fiction.^ 

Here occurs the fable of the Danaides, told in 
substance thus :— Egyptus king of Egypt having 
fifty sons, resolved to marry them to the like num* 
ber of daughters of his brother Danaus ; who, to 
avoid the alliance^ fled to Argos. The ship in which 
he transported himself was the first of any consider- 
able size that had appeared on the coast of Greece. 
Upon arriving at Argos, he claimed the crown, as 
being a descendant of Epaphus ; and was on that 
footing preferred to Gelanor, who was then in pos- 
session of it. Egyptus, in the mean time, appre- 
hensive lest Danaus should become too powerful 
by the alliances he might procure from the mar- 
riages of his fifty daughters, dispatched his fifty sons 
at the head of an army, to insist on the daughters 
receiving them for husbands. Their uncle Danaus 
finding himself solicited in so forcible a manner, 
was obliged to consent ; but he privately persuaded 
his daughters to murder their respective husbands 
the first night of their marriage ; a most shocking 
cruelty, which these daughters, however, were not 
afraid to perpetrate. Linceus, the husband of the 
daughter named Hypermnestra, alone escaped this 
horrible massacre. This story is absurd and in- 
credible. 

Acrisius and Praetus, two twin-brothers* and sons 
of Linceus, disputed the kingdom with each other ; 
but came to an agreement at last ; whereby the 
crown of Argos was reserved to Acrisius ; and Ti- 
rinthus, with some other places, were yielded to 
Praetus. This Acrisius, was the father of the beau- 
tiful Danse, so celebrated by the poets. Acrisius 
having been warned by an oracle, that his grand- 



42 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

son should occasion his death, placed his daughter 
in close confinement. But a prince, named Jupiter, 
bribed her guard, gained admittance into the tower 

wherein she was confined, and married her. 
1361. Perseus was the fruit of this clandestine 

marriage* 

Many Wonderful actions are ascribed to this Per- 
seus. He is said to have destroyed monsters, to 
have killed Medusa, who is believed to have been 
a queen in Africa, whose kingdom he conquered, 
and to have rescued Andromeda from a sea-monster : 
that is to say, from some person who was to have 
carried her away in a ship. Perseus coming at last 
into Thessaly, to be present at certain public games, 
killed Acrisius by accident. 

About the same time Pelops, the son of Tanta- 
lus king of Phrygia, having married Hippodamia, 
the daughter of Oenomaos king of Pisa, succeeded 
his father-in-law in his kingdom, and reigned very 
long. He made himself master of the Pelopon- 
nesus, and had a vast number of descendants, fa- 
mous in the history of Greece, where they are dis- 
tinguished by the name of Pelopidse. 

MYCENE. 

Perseus transferred the throne of Argos 
1344. to Mycene, and gave the city of Argos to his 
son Anaxagoras, who was the father of a 
pretty long race, by whom he was succeeded in 
that principality. The reign of Perseus was of fifty- 
eight years' duration, and afforded him sufficient 
time for establishing on a firm foundation his new 
kingdom of Mycene. The names of his successors 
were, Sthenelus, Eurystheus, Arterus, Thyestes, 
Agamemnon, Egisteus, Orestes, Tisamenes. 

It was Eurystheus who imposed on Hercules the 
twelve "labours so much exaggerated by fable. It 
seems to be admitted by historians, that several he- 
roes existed, in different nations, under this name 
of Hercules, which appears to have been a general 



6 MAP. t. ANCIENT GREECE. 43 

appellation bestowed on those who distinguished 
themselves by extraordinary feats of valour. But 
in the end* the exploits of all the rest were, by the 
Grecian fabulists, appropriated to their own coun- 
tryman, who was the son of Alcmena by Amphy- 
trion, or, as the poets will have it, by Jupiter, the 
chief of the gods ; but who truly has been some 
neighbouring prince of that name. Eurystheus, 
from a jealousy of the bravery of Hercules, enga- 
ged him in several dangerous enterprises, wherein 
he hoped he might perish. These enterprises have 
in fable obtained the name of the twelve labours ; 
and are there rendered romantic past all bounds of 
probability. The Nemean lion, and the seven- 
headed hydra, must certainly have been robbers or 
murderers extirpated by Hercules. For in those 
early ages, persons of extraordinary courage travel- 
led about in search of great adventures, something 
in the manner of our modern knight-errants. 

The expedition of the Argonauts must be 
1263. placed about this time. Jason, a young 
prince of Thessaly, was instigated to this 
undertaking by his uncle Pelias ; who having 
Usurped his throne, hoped that his nephew might 
fall in the expedition. The enterprise was deemed 
so bold and hazardous, that the bravest men in 
Greece thought themselves bound in honour to par- 
ticipate in the glory of it. Hercules, therefore, 
with Castor and Pollux, Theseus, Peleus, Laertes, 
and Telamon, accompanied Jason in the expedition; 
together with Argus, by whose direction the ship 
that transported them to Colchos was constructed, 
and which on that account was named Argo. These 
intrepid adventurers passed through the Helles- 
pont, the Propontis, and the Thracian Bosphorus 
into the Euxine sea, which they traversed to the 
mouth of the river Phasus in the territory of Col- 
chos at the most easterly extremity of that sea. 
Though too few to proceed by open force, and too 
distinguished, according to the ideas of modern 



44 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

times, to act basely, yet it seems to be certain, that 
wealth was on this occasion the object of those Gre- 
cian heroes ; and that the vast treasures of Etes, a 
prince of that country, was the prize at which they 
aimed. The adventurers accordingly succeeded in 
their enterprise, and that too without any blood 
being spilt ; for Medea, the daughter of Etes, hav- 
ing fallen in love with Jason, put him in possession 
of all her father's wealth, to induce him to marry 
her. This Medea became afterwards famous by her 
skill in sorcery, and infamous by her wickedness. 
The poets have been pleased to assign a golden 
fleece, which was guarded by a dragon, for the ob- 
ject of this expedition, and to deck the story in 
showy fables ; and the voyage was at that time 
judged to be so dangerous and wonderful, that one 
of the brightest constellations in the heavens was 
called Argo, after the name of the ship. 

To return to Hercules. That hero, after having 
acquired immortal glory, burnt himself on mount 
Oeta, in an excess of pain, occasioned, as we are told, 
by the poisoned shirt given him by his wife Dejan- 
ira, by the persuasion of his rival Nessus. This fa- 
bulous story signifies, perhaps, that Dejanira, in a 
fit of jealousy, may have given him a potion which 
rendered him furious, and killed him. 

Eurystheus, actuated by the same hatred and cruel- 
ty against the children of Hercules that he had en- 
tertained against their father, expelled them the 
Peloponnesus. They were known by the name of 
Heraclidae, and took refuge in Attica; where Eurys- 
theus, having again attacked them, was defeated 
and slain, Upon this they returned into the Pelo- 
ponnesus ; but three years after, Hellen, the eldest 
of them, having been defeated by a king of Tegea, 
the rest of his kindred were obliged to disperse 
through different countries. 

After the death of Euristheus, his nephew Atre- 
us, the son of Pelops, took possession of the Pelo- 
ponnesus, where his posterity reigned after him un- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 45 

der the appellation of Pelopidse. This Atreus ren- 
dered himself remarkable by his cruelty. Having 
discovered that his brother Thyestes carried on a 
criminal correspondence with his wife Europa, he 
first banished him ; but afterwards, having recalled 
him, he killed Thyestes's son Pelops, and served up 
the flesh of his body as a dish to his father. This 
fact, however, depends on no better authority than 
that of the poets, and may therefore be justly enough 
called in question. But it has nevertheless furnish- 
ed subject for the tragic muse, both in ancient and 
modern times. Agamemnon, son of Plisthenes, 
and grandson of Atreus, is supposed to have been 
the successor of Atreus in the kingdom of Argos 
and Mycene. Agamemnon was a very powerful 
prince, and on that account was chosen commander- 
in-chief of the Grecian forces in the war against 
Troy. 

THEBES. 

Cadmus, a native of Egypt, and the son 
1493. of Agenor, is reckoned the first king of 
Thebes. Under pretence of seeking for his 
sister, who had been carried off by a prince called 
Jupiter, he led a colony of Phenicians into Greece, 
and founded that city. Cadmus is said to have in- 
troduced into Greece the Phenician alphabet. The 
invention of letters, which is generally attributed 
to the Phenicians, is the most wonderful, and the 
most useful, of all the inventions of man. The suc- 
cessors of Cadmus were Polydore, Labdacus, and 
Lycufc. 

In the time of the last of these, Amphion and 
Zethus made themselves masters of Thebes, and as- 
sumed the sovereign power. Amphion, being a 
man of a mild disposition, and very eloquent, per- 
suaded the Thebans voluntarily to confirm him and 
his colleague in the royality, and likewise to take 
more effectual measures for the defence of their 
city. This, no doubt, has given occasion to the poet 



46 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

ical fable of Amphion having built the walls of 
Thebes by the music of his lyre. His reign, how- 
ever, was but of short duration ; for Laius, the son 
of Labdacus, soon recovered the kingdom, 

Laius having married a lady called Jocasta, was 
told by the oracle, that the son she brought him 
would occasion his death. As soon therefore as the 
boy was born, he ordered him to be exposed. But 
some shepherds found the child, saved him from 
perishing, and called him Oedipus. Happening, 
when grown up, to meet with his father in the 
country of Phocis, he quarrelled with the old man, 
and slew him, without knowing him to be his fa- 
ther. Creon, thereupon, the brother of Jocasta, 
usurped the crown. 

Here the truth of the Theban history is disfigur- 
ed and disguised by the fables of the poets. They 
tell us, that a sphinx appeared on the sea-shore, pro- 
posed a riddle to all passengers, and devoured those 
that could not solve it. Creon ordered proclama- 
tion to be made through all Greece, that he would 
bestow the kingdom of Thebes, together with its 
queen Jocasta, on the man that would solve the 
sphinx's riddle. Oedipus undertook the business ; 
and on being asked by the sphinx, — what was the 
animal that walked in the morning on four feet, 
at noon on two, and at night on three ? He an- 
swered, that it was man : alluding to his being 
able only to crawl about in early infancy, to walk in 
manhood, and to support himself in oid age with a 
staff. The sphinx, enraged at finding her riddle 
understood, threw herself into the sea. Oedipus, as 
the reward of his ingenuity, received Jocasta in 
marriage, and the kingdom of Thebes for her dow- 
ry. A violent plague immediately desolates Bceotia; 
and the oracle being applied to on the occasion, 
gives for answer, that it would continue to rage till 
the murderer of Laius was banished. After much 
inquiry, the mystery is discovered. Oedipus per- 
ceiving that he is not only the murderer of his fa- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE, 47 

ther, but the husband of his own mother, is struck 
with the utmost horror, and in despair plucks out 
his eyes, or, more truly, perhaps, banishes himself 
from the sight of his subjects by a voluntary re- 
tirement; and Jocasta, in an excess of grief, strangles 
herself. The tragic poets, in all ages, have found 
this a proper subject on which to exercise their 
muse. 

Eteocles and Polinices, the unhappy fruits 
1225. of the incestuous marriage of Oedipus and 
his mother, soon became famous for their 
mutual animosity and hatred to each other. In 
this disposition they both aspired to the throne; 
and could find no other mean of reconcilement, 
than by agreeing to reign alternately, each a year at 
a time. But Eteocles having been first preferred to 
the regal dignity, on account of his being elder bro- 
ther, refused, upon the expiry of his year, to resign 
the throne to Polinices. The latter, upon this, im- 
plored the assistance of Adrastus king of Argos ; 
who not only joined him himself, but soon formed 
a powerful confederacy in his favour, and immedi- 
ately declared war against Eteocles. Thebes accord- 
ingly is besieged under the conduct of seven fa- 
mous commanders, Adrastus, Polinices, Tydeus, 
Amphiaraus, Capaneus, Hypomedon, and Parthe- 
nopeus. Of these commanders the greater part 
perished in the course of the siege ; which, after oc- 
casioning the effusion of much blood, was at last re- 
linquished. Eteocles and Polinices having termi- 
nated the contest by a single combat, wherein they 
fought with such desperate fury, that they both fell. 
This siege of Thebes is reckoned to have preceded 
that of Troy about 30 years. 

After the death of the two brothers, the sons of 
the seven commanders who had conducted the siege 
resolved to revenge the deaths of such of their fa- 
thers as had been killed in it. With this view they 
laid waste Bceotia, and came to an engagement w r ith 
the Thebans ; who, having lost their king in the 



48 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I, 

battle, abandoned their city ; of which the Epigo- 
noi, the name given to these seven chiefs, imme- 
diately took possession. 

The sequel of this period of the Theban history 
is no less uncertain and obscure than its beginning. 
Xanthus is thought to have been their last king, 
the government on his death having become repub- 
lican. 

CORINTH. 

The origin of Corinth is involved in great 
1393. obscurity. It is supposed to have been first 
erected into a kingdom by Sysiphus. Glau- 
eus, the son of Sysiphus, instituted the isthmic 
games, and was father to the famous Bellerophon ; 
who, according to the poets, mounted the horse 
Pegasus, to encounter a monster. The truth of the 
matter seems to be, that Bellerophon behaved him- 
self heroically in the many enterprises which he un- 
dertook. As there is great confusion in history 
with respect to the kings of Corinth, we shall only 
mention, that only one of those kings, Bacchis, left 
a numerous posterity, known by the name of Bac- 
chides ; who, after a considerable interval, during 
which several revolutions happened in the kingdom, 
engrossed the whole power of the state, and render- 
ed the government aristocratical. 

In this interval Corinth had arrived at a consid- 
derable degree of naval strength, and had founded 
the colonies of Corcyra and Syracuse. The latter 
of which, by the advantage of its situation, and the 
goodness of its climate, became the finest city of 
Greater Greece. 

Cypselus, at last, in spite of numberless obstacles 
that lay in his way, rose to the supreme power at 
Corinth ; and, having completely gotten the better 
of all opposition, ruled his subjects with great mild- 
ness and moderation for the space of 30 years. His 
son Periander succeeded him ; but proved a down- 
right tyrant : for he not only put to death theprin* 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 49 

cipal citizens of Corinth, but even his own wife. 
His great intercourse, however, with the philoso- 
phers of those times, and the philosophical spirit 
which, notwithstanding the cruelty of his nature, 
he himself possessed, procured him a place among 
the seven sages of Greece ; an honour from which 
his crimes ought to have excluded him. Upon his 
death the Corinthians, weary of being ruled by an 
absolute prince, resolved to alter the form of govern- 
ment from monarchy to democracy; and having, 
with that view, freed themselves of the remaining 
branches of the royal family, they asserted their na- 
tural liberty, and established the popular govern- 
ment. 

The advantageous situation of Corinth upon the 
narrow neck of land that joins the Peloponnesus to 
the continent, procured her the appellation of the 
eye of Greece, and seemed peculiarly adapted for 
giving her a superiority over all the neighbouring 
states. But the genius of the Corinthians was en- 
tirely commercial. They aspired rather at wealth 
than power. 

SPARTA. 

Lelex is the first king of Laconia men- 
1533. u tioned inhistory. His successors were, Myles, 
Eurotas, Lacedemon, Amycles, Argalus, Cy- 
nortas, Oebalus, Hypocoon, and Tyndarus. 

Eurotas was the founder of the city of Sparta, so 
called after his daughter Sparta, the wife of Lace- 
demon, who gave his name to the country, as his 
wife had given hers to the city. 

Tyndarus married Leda, who became mother of 
the two famous heroes Castor and Pollux, and the 
no less famous daughters, Clytemnestra the wife of 
Agamemnon, and Helen, whose rape gave occasion 
to the Trojan war. 

It is believed, and with a great deal of probabili- 
ty, that the Trojans were originally a Greek colo- 
ny ; Dardanus, their first king, having come from 

D 



50 THE HISTORY OF BOOK U 

Arcadia ; and their religion, their language, and the 
greater part of their names, being apparently of 
Greek extraction. These are the kings of Troy 
whose names have reached us : Dardanus, Erictho- 
nius, Tros, Ilus, Laomedon, and Priam. The name 
of Ilium, by which their chief city was known to 
the Greeks, is thought to have been derived from 
Ilus, and its other name of Troy from Tros. Priam, 
its last king, had arrived at a very high pitch of 
wealth and power. He was the father of fifty sons ; 
the walls of Troy were rebuilt by him ; he changed 
the name of the town to Pergamus ; and reigned 
for many years with great prosperity. 

In the mean time queen Hecuba, Priam's second 
wife, having dreamt that she should bring forth a 
firebrand, by which the city should be reduced to 
ashes, Priam was so much alarmed, that he ordered 
the child, of whom the queen was big, and who 
happened to be a boy, to be exposed as soon as born. 
The child was named Paris ; and, notwithstanding 
the order of his father, was, by the care of Hecuba, 
preserved, and privately educated. When grown 
up, he appeared at court, where his beautiful person 
attracted general admiration. Upon this he ven- 
tured to discover himself to Priam; who was so 
delighted with his figure and accomplishments, that 
he thought no more of the dream * Paris soon af- 
ter undertook an expedition into Greece, on pre- 
tence of recovering his aunt Hesione, who, when 
very young, had been carried away by Hercules, 
and by him had been given in marriage to Tela- 
mon. It may not be improper to mention the oc- 
casion of this rape. 

Laomedon, the father of Hesione, had applied 
the treasures of the temples of Neptune and Apollo 
to build the walls of Troy, under a promise of re- 
paying the sums so abstracted. But being either 
unable or unwilling to discharge his promise, the 
oracle declared that he could no otherwise expiate 
the sacrilege, than by exposing a Trojan virgin to a 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 51 

sea-monster. Hesione was condemned by lot to 
undergo this punishment. Hercules, however, slew 
the monster, and rescued Hesione. It is well 
known how much this event has been disguised by 
the fictions of the poets. 

Paris, upon his arrival at Sparta, was received in 
the most kind and hospitable manner by Menelaus, 
who had succeeded to that kingdom in the right of 
his wife Helen, the daughter of Tyndarus. But 
Paris, falling in love with Helen, prevailed with her 
to run away with him, and thereby plunged his 
country into an abyss of misfortunes. 

We may, however, trace the cause of the Trojan 
war to a higher source still, and attribute it to an 
hereditary animosity that had long subsisted be- 
tween the families of Agamemnon and Priam. For 
Tantalus king of Phrygia, and great-grandfather of 
Agamemnon, having violently carried off Gany- 
mede, the brother of Ilus the grandfather of Priam, 
Ilus had taken vengeance for this injury, by strip- 
ping Tantalus of his dominions, and had obliged 
him to take refuge in Greece, where his son Pelops 
and his descendants established themselves under 
the name of Pelopidas. Be this as it may, Mene- 
laus, fired with indignation at the insult committed 
against him by Paris, persuaded his brother Aga- 
memnon to espouse his quarrel ; and, by their joint 
efforts, the two brothers brought all the other 
powers of Greece to unite in the same cause, and to 
bind themselves by oath, either to recover Helen 
or to ruin Troy. Agamemnon was chosen com- 
mander-in-chief of this grand confederacy. 

Aulis was the general rendezvous of the Grecian 
forces ; who, when assembled there, composed alto- 
gether an army of 100,000 men. The fleet destin- 
ed to carry them to Troy, consisted of about 1150 
vessels. The galleys of Boeotia carried each 120 
men, and those of Philoctetes 50. These vessels 
had no deck, but were made like open boats. Of 
the chiefs who accompanied this army, the most fa- 

d 2 



52 THE HISTORY OF BOOK U 

mous were Agamemnon, Menelaus, Diomedes, 
Nestor, Ajax son of Telamon, Ajax son of Oileus, 
Achilles, his friend Patroclus, Ulysses, &c, 

The Greeks, having landed on the plains 
1193. of Troy, soon perceived that the Trojans 
were as brave a people as themselves. Ulys- 
ses and Menelaus were sent to Priam to demand 
the restitution of Helen. But that prince, in oppo- 
sition to the opinion of his council, having refused 
to comply with their request, both parties made 
vigorous preparations for war. 

The Greeks, after defeating the Trojans in two 
different engagements, found themselves under the 
necessity of dividing their forces, the more easily to 
procure provisions, of which they began to be in 
great want. This gave leisure to the Trojans to ne- 
gotiate with the neighbouring states for assistance. 
Achilles, in the mean time, who commanded the 
detachment of the army sent out in search of provi- 
sions, performed many signal exploits ; took several 
towns, and made a vast booty. But the cruelty of 
the Greeks to Palamedes, one of their bravest? offi- 
cers, whom they put to death upon a false accusa- 
tion of treason brought against him by Ulysses, so 
provoked Achilles, that he refused to give them 
further assistance in the war, and separated his 
troops from the rest of the army. 

The nine first years of the war were consumed in 
various engagements of no great importance ; the 
Greeks having in that time employed themselves 
chiefly in ravaging the territories of Priam and his 
allies. It is therefore true, that the war of Troy 
continued ten years : but it is not true, as is com- 
monly believed, that the city of Troy was besieged 
all that space ; for it was not till the spring of the 
tenth year that the Greeks formed the siege. 
They at first experienced the most vigorous resist- 
ance on the part of the besieged, who were com- 
manded by Hector, Deiphobus, iEneas, &c. and 
by several princes, that had come to their assistance, 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 53 

such as Sarpedon, Glaucus, Rhaesus, Memnon, The 
Trojans had even the advantage in several engage- 
ments, and made a great slaughter of the Greeks ; 
but none of these actions were decisive. At last, 
however, Hector, at the head of the Trojans, beat 
the enemy fairly from the field, pursued them to 
their camp, forced the entrenchments, and set fire 
to their ships ; and victory seemed at last on the 
point of declaring for the Trojans, 

But Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, perceiving 
the extreme distress of the Greeks, advanced in this 
critical moment to their relief with the troops of 
Achilles, reckoned the bravest of the Grecian army, 
rallied the Greeks, and repulsed the Trojans. Se- 
veral of the best officers on both sides fell on this 
occasion ; amongst the rest, Sarpedon slain by Pa- 
troclus, and Patroclus himself slain by the hand of 
Hector. Affairs now assume a different appear- 
ance. Achilles, furious for the loss of his friend, 
and forgetting the former cause of his resentment, 
joins his forces to the rest of the Grecian army, 
beats the Trojans, and sacrifices on the tomb of Pa- 
troclus twelve of the noblest prisoners taken by him 
in the engagement. He is now solely intent on 
fighting personally with Hector ; whom he engages, 
and kills at last. But not satisfied with the death 
of his gallant enemy, he sullies the glory of his vic- 
tory by insulting, in the most ungenerous and sa- 
vage manner, over his dead body, which he drags 
at his chariot wheels around the city. Achilles 
himself is slain soon after by Paris; who in like man- 
ner falls in a short time by the hand of Philoctetes. 

The Trojans having now lost their best comman- 
ders, reposed their last hope on the famous palladi- 
um, a statue of Minerva, said to have dropt into 
their city directly from heaven ; it being a received 
opinion, that while this statue remained within the 
walls of Troy, the city could never be taken. At 
length, however, Antenor and iEneas are reported 
to have treacherously delivered it to the Greeks, 



I 



54 THE HISTORY OF BOOK L 

and at the same time to have betrayed the city by 
throwing the gates open to the enemy in the night 
But some authors say, that the Greeks took Troy 
by surprise. As for the wooden-horse, by means 
of which the Greeks, according to the poets, made 
themselves masters of the city, it should seem to be 
a mere chimera of poetical fancy ; or, perhaps, some 
machine resembling a horse, which the Greeks may 
have used in the siege, to make a breach in the wall, 
by which they gained admittance into the town. 
It is, however, an agreed point, that the Greeks 
took the city in the night ; put Priam and all his 

family to death ; and, after plundering the 
1184. town, set it on fire. The taking of Troy is 

the most celebrated epoch in the history of 
the Greeks ; and indeed this war may be said to 
have afforded the first public display of Grecian 
valour. It is likewise worth remarking, that the 
misfortunes of Troy have furnished the subject of 
the two most perfect epic poems in the world, the 
Iliad and the iEneid. 

Menelaus alone, by recovering Helen, reaped an 
apparent advantage from the success of this enter- 
prise. To the other Greeks it proved a source of 
the bitterest misfortunes. The fields of Troy were 
drenched with the blood of their best commanders 
and soldiers, of whom the far greater part were 
buried there j and the remains of their army, after 
being further considerably diminished by the disas- 
ters of a tempestuous voyage, found, on their arri- 
val at home, nothing but mortifications and disap- 
pointments of the most cruel kinds. Their chief, 
Agamemnon, had been but a short while in his own 
kingdom, when he was murdered by Egyptus the 
son of Thyestes, who usurped his throne as the re- 
ward of his villany. 

Hermione, the daughter of Menelaus and Helen, 
had been first married to Orestes, the son of Aga- 
memnon ; but was afterwards taken from him, and 
given to Pyrrhus the son of Achilles. Orestes hav- 



CHAP* I. ANCIENT GREECE. 55 

ing slain Pyrrhus, succeeded M enelaus in the king- 
dom of Sparta ; and seven years after, having like- 
wise killed the usurper Egyptus, together with 
Clytemnestra his own mother, who had been ac- 
cessory to the murder of her husband Agamemnon, 
he united the kingdom of Sparta with that of Ar- 
gos and Mycene. Orestes, in the mean time, felt 
the most bitter remorse for his cruelty to his mo- 
ther. Hence the poets have taken occasion to say, 
that he was haunted by the furies. Tisamenes suc- 
ceeded his father Orestes ; but was dethroned, and 
expelled his kingdom by the Heraclidse, after reign- 
ing three years, 

The Heraclidse were at this time headed by three 
brothers, Temanes, Ctesiphontes, and Aristodemus, 
sons of Aristomachus, great-grandson of Hercules. 
They laid claim to the Peloponnesus, as belonging 
to them by hereditary right, and recovered it ac- 
cordingly. Temanes got the city of Argos, Aristo- 
demus that of Sparta, and Ctesiphontes Mycene. 
The return of the Heraclidse produced a great re- 
volution among the states of Greece, and annihilat- 
ed the power of the Pelopidse. The Acheans, who 
had formerly inhabited a part of Laconia, were by 
that event obliged to remove to Asia Minor, where 
they occupied that part of the continent formerly 
known by the name of Eolia ; and there founded 
Smyrna, and several other cities. The Ionians too, 
who possessed another district of the Peloponnesus, 
were expelled that country by the Heraclidse, and 
obliged, in like manner, to retire to Asia Minor ; 
where they took possession of the country called 
after them Ionia, and there built Ephesus, Clazo- 
mene, Samos, &c. 

As the four principal tribes of Greeks, disting- 
uished by the names of Eolians, Acheans, Ioni- 
ans, and Dorians, were perfectly independent of 
one another, and confined themselves each to its 
particular territory, every one of them preserved its 
peculiar manner of speaking. Hence arose four 



56 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

principal dialects of the Greek language ; the Attic, 
used by the Athenians ; the Ionic, by the people 
of Ionia ; the Doric, by the Lacedemonians and 
Argives ; and the Eolic, by the Boeotians and the 
inhabitants of Eolia. 

The Heraclida? and Pelopid^e furnished kings to 
Sparta for the space of 900 years, reckoning down 
to the time of the tyrant Mechanidas. 

Aristodemus, at his death, left behind him two 
sons, Eurysthenus and Procles; who being twins, 
and so exactly like each other, that it was hardly 
possible to distinguish them, were therefore made 
joint kings. From their time Sparta was always 
governed by two kings, Eurysthenus was suc- 
ceeded by his son Agis, and Procles by his son 
called Ous. It was in their time that the slaves call- 
ed Helots were first known at Sparta. The inhabi- 
tants of Helos, a city in the neighbourhood of Spar- 
ta, having refused to pay a certain tribute imposed 
by Agis upon all the territories of Lacedemon, that 
king, desirous to confirm his authority by an ex- 
ample of severity, laid siege to their city, took it, 
and made all the inhabitants slaves. They were 
condemned to the most disgraceful and painful 
employments, and treated with much rigour and 
cruelty. In process of time, the Spartans obliged 
them to labour their grounds, and kept them in a 
state of perpetual servitude. 

The Spartans took advantage of the ^weakness 
and extreme good-nature of one of their kings, 
Eurytion, to encroach on the royal prerogative. 
This produced confusion in the government. Euno- 
mus, another of their kings, left two sons of differ- 
ent marriages, Polydectus and Lycurgus. Poly- 
dectus succeeded to Eunomus ; but died without 
leaving any child, though his wife was pregnant at 
the time of his death. Lycurgus, therefore, who 
afterwards became so famous, next mounted the 
throne, as colleague to Archelaus ; but he declared 
to the people, that he assumed this dignity merely 



CHAP. i. ANCIENT GREECE. 57 

as guardian for the child whom his brother's wife 
should bring forth, to whom the crown of right be- 
longed. The queen, in the mean time, signified 
to Lycurgus, that, on condition of his marrying 
her, she would destroy the child in her womb. 
Lycurgus was shocked at this horrid proposal ; but 
judged it prudent to dissemble, and to avoid, un- 
der various pretences, to come to a final explana- 
tion with the queen, giving in the mean time pri- 
vate orders to bring him the child the moment it 
should be born. The queen, at last, brought forth 
a boy ; who was immediately carried by Lycurgus 
into the public assembly, and presented to the 
chief men of Sparta as their king. The name of 
this king was Charilaus. We shall resume the se- 
quel of the Lacedemonian history in the beginning 
of next chapter. 

ATHENS. 

Cecrops, a native of Egypt, led a colony 
1556. of his countrvmen into Greece, settled in 
Attica, and founded the kingdom of Athens. 
He divided the country into twelve districts, and 
assumed the name of king. He pitched on a hill 
in the midst of a large plain for the foundation of 
his city, and built the citadel on the rock in which 
the hill terminated. He established religion among 
his subjects, and instituted a particular form of wor- 
ship to Jupiter and Minerva. As the soil of the 
country of Attica was barren, his subjects were laid 
under the necessity of making vise of navigation to 
bring corn from Africa and Sicily. The areopagus, 
a kind of senate, which assembled and held its de- 
liberations upon a hill near the citadel, consecrated 
to Mars, was likewise instituted by Cecrops. This 
tribunal was afterwards rendered by Solon the most 
famous in the world. 

The names of the successors of Cecrops, were, 
Cranaus, Amphictyon, Ericthonius, Pandion, Erec- 
theus, Cecrops II. Pandion II. Egeus, Theseus, 



58 THE HISTOliY OF BOOK I* 

Mnestheus, Demophoon, Oxintes, Oephidas, Time- 
thes> Melanthus, and Codrus. 

Cranaus was expelled Athens by Amphictyon 
and Hellen, sons of Deucalion king of Thessaly. It 
is thought that the Greeks derived their name from 
this Hellen. 

Amphictyon instituted the famous assem- 
1497. bly called after his name. It was composed 
of deputies from twelve, or, according to 
some, from one-and- thirty neighbouring states, a- 
mong whom this king brought about a sort of con- 
federacy. Two deputies from each of these states 
met twice a-year at Thermopylae, to deliberate on 
the affairs of Greece in general. The amphiety- 
ons had a power of determining, in the last resort, 
nil controversies that subsisted between those states, 
and of imposing high fines on the party found in 
the wrong. The members of this court, before 
their admission, bound themselves by the most so- 
lemn oaths and imprecations, to the strict perform- 
ance of the duty of their office. They particularly 
engaged themselves to execute vengeance against 
those who should presume to abstract any gift from 
the temple of Apollo, The authority of this tri- 
bunal prevailed in all its vigour till the time of 
Philip king of Macedon; who, having procured 
himself to be elected president of it, abused the 
power reposed in him, and by that means brought 
the court into contempt. 

Bacchus, known likewise by the name of Diony- 
sius, having in the time of Amphictyon come into 
Greece, accompanied by other natives of the east, 
instructed the Greeks in many useful arts, particu- 
larly in the culture of the vine. In return, the 
Greeks accounted him a god, and raised altars to 
his memory. The birth and conquests of this god 
have furnished an ample field for the imaginations 
of the poets to embellish. 

Under the reign of Ericthonius, is placed the rape 
of Proserpine, the daughter of Ceres queen of Sici- 



CHAP I. ANCIENT GREECE. 59 

ly ; the journey of Ceres into Greece to seek her 
daughter ; her stay at Eleusis with Triptolemus, 
whom she instructed in tillage ; and the establish- 
ment of her worship at Eleusis. The ceremonies 
attending this worship were known by the name 
of the Eleusinian mysteries, and became extremely 
famous on account of the impenetrable secrecy with 
which they were concealed. 

Ericthonius instituted, in honour of Minerva, the 
festival called Panathenea, on account of the great 
concourse of people from every part of Greece that 
flocked to Athens on that occasion. Ericthonius 
too taught the Athenians the use of money. 

Pandion II. had four sons: one of these was 
Egeus his successor ; Pallas, another of them, had 
fifty sons, called after him Pallantidae. Egeus had 
but one child ; and him by a concubine called 
Ethra, the daughter of Pitheus. This child was 
Theseus, one of the most famous heroes of antiquity. 

Theseus, while yet very young, and before 
1264. his accession to the throne, having heard of 
the exploits of Hercules, was seized with a 
violent desire to imitate him. After his example, 
therefore, he employed himself in clearing the 
highways of robbers, of whom he destroyed a great 
number. On returning to Athens, his father re- 
ceived him with much joy, and named him his suc- 
cessor in the kingdom. 

On coming to the throne, he was involved in a 
war against his cousins, the sons of Pallas, who 
were provoked that an illegitimate son should be 
preferred to them in the kingdom. But being 
unable to resist the valour of Theseus, they were 
vanquished and dispersed. As Theseus could not 
bear to be idle, he employed himself in destroying 
the monsters that infested the country. He killed 
the bull of Marathon ; and freed the Athenians 
from a tribute of seven boys and as many girls, im- 
posed upon them by Minos king of Crete ; who, to 
revenge the death of his brother Androgeus, whom 



60 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

the Athenians had slain, invaded their country, and 
forced them to submit to that severe condition. 
But Theseus having accompanied the children to 
Crete, attracted the affections of Ariadne the daugh- 
ter of Minos, married her, and got the tribute dis- 
charged. This seems to be the simple truth of the 
matter ; but the poets, in their usual manner, have 
given the affair a more marvellous turn. They tell 
us, that Theseus received from Ariadne a clue to 
conduct him through the labyrinth, wherein was 
kept the minotaur, a monster, half man half bull, 
to which, by the command of an oracle, the Athen- 
ian children were given to be devoured ; and that 
Theseus having accordingly, by the help of this 
clue, made his way through the labyrinth, and reach- 
ed the monster, attacked and killed it, and so 
relieved his countrymen from the tribute. 

Theseus, after effecting the object of his journey, 
set out in triumph on his return for Athens. But 
having on his way lost Ariadne, who was run away 
with by a priest of Bacchus, he was so grieved, that 
he omitted to hang out white colours, the signal of 
victory agreed on with his father. Egeus* from 
this, believing his son to be dead, jumped into the 
sea that now bears his name, and drowned himself. 

Theseus, having procured peace to his country, 
applied himself to govern it with wisdom. He is 
said to have induced all the inhabitants of Attica, 
partly by his authority, partly by persuasion, to re- 
move from their villages to Athens, there to live in 
one great community ; and to have invited, by a 
public proclamation, people of all other nations to 
come and settle at Athens, where they were to be 
in every respect on an equal footing with the na- 
tives of Attica. This produced a large increase in 
the number of inhabitants, and in the extent of the 
city. 

After accomplishing this undertaking,he convert 
ed the system of government into a sort of repub- 
lic, reserving only to himself the command of the 



CHAP, I. ANCIENT GREECE. 61 

army, and the support of the laws. He divided 
the people into three classes ; the nobility, the farm- 
ers or husbandmen, and the mechanics. All pub- 
lic offices were to be occupied by the nobility alone, 
but the rest of the people had the power of choos- 
ing the particular person on whom each office was 
to be conferred. He established the tribunal of the 
Prytaneum, composed of fifty members ; who, a- 
mong other business, were to provide for the sub- 
sistence of such poor citizens as had done eminent 
service to the state. 

After having properly settled the administration, 
he spent the remainder of his life in travelling about 
in quest of adventures, in which to signalise his 
valour. He had a share in the victory over the 
Centaurs ; in the conquest of the golden fleece ; in 
the chace of the Calydonian boar; and in both the 
wars of Thebes. Theseus and Pirithous, having 
met with an intention to fight, were so struck 
with admiration at the sight of each other, that 
they laid aside all hostile intentions, and from that 
time forward lived in the most perfect friendship. 
They of concert forcibly carried off the famous He- 
len daughter of Tindarus ; and afterwards went to 
the court of Aidoneus, surnamed Pluto, king of 
the Molossi, to carry off his daughter likewise. 
But Pluto slew Pirithous, and threw Theseus into 
prison, whence he was released by Hercules. The 
poets have involved these events in abundance of 
fables. Theseus, on returning to Athens, found 
great cause of disquiet from his family -affairs, 
which ended in the tragical deaths of his wife Phe- 
dra, and of his son Hippolitus. Menestheus too 
had taken the opportunity of his absence to preju- 
dice the public against him. Theseus, thinking it 
beneath him to punish the ungrateful Athenians, sa- 
tisfied himself with abandoning their country, and 
retired to the island of Scyros. Some time after, 
Lycomedes, chief of that island, growing jealous of 



62 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

his merit, laid an ambush for him, and caused him 
to be thrown from the top of a precipice, 

Theseus was the greatest king the Athenians ever 
had. His tomb, in after times, became famous by 
being made a refuge for slaves. 

Menestheus distinguished himself by his military 
skill in the war against Troy. 

In the reign of Codrus, the Heraclidae being at 
war with the Athenians, were told by the oracle* 
that they would be victorious if they did not kill 
Codrus. That prince, hearing of the response, dis- 
guised himself in a peasant's habit, and, entering 
the enemy's camp, provoked them to kill him. 
When the Heraclidae were informed of their hav- 
ing slain Codrus, they immediately fled. 

Codrus was the last king of Athens. For, on 
his death, the government became republican, by 
the establishment of archons ; an office which was 
at first hereditary, and little inferior, in point of 
power, to royalty itself. We shall in the next chap- 
ter resume the history of this republic. 



CHAP. II. 

Affairs of Greece, from the abolition of the kingly government 
in the principal states, till the time that Hippias took refuge 
in Persia. 

From what has been said in the preceding chap- 
ter, it appears that the government in all the differ- 
ent states of Greece was originally monarchical. 
But the tyranny of their princes soon produced a 
total alteration in the system ; awakened in the 
minds of the Greeks that ardent desire of liberty 
which ever after so strongly marked the character 
of this wonderful people, and threw them into so 
many separate republics. For some time, indeed, 
we shall see private persons now and then appear, 
who, prompted by their ambition, attempt to be- 
come sovereigns of their country, some by policy 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 63 

and address, some by open violence and the force 
of arms. 

But of all these states, Sparta and Athens dis- 
tinguished themselves far above the rest ; and by 
their extraordinary merit, and the wisdom of their 
laws, acquired so great a superiority over the oth- 
ers, that they became the main springs of the poli- 
tical machine of Greece. Between these two re- 
publics a spirit of rivalship very naturally arose, 
which at last broke out into long contests and dis- 
sensions : in the course of which we shall see the 
other states sometimes siding with Sparta, some- 
times with Athens, as their different interests in- 
cline them. The principal events, therefore, of this 
history more immediately respect those two repub- 
lics, which constantly occupy the foremost place, 
and appear, on all occasions, to sustain the fate of 
Greece. W e proceed, therefore, to resume the his- 
tory of Sparta and Athens, from the period at which 
we stopped in the last chapter. 

Lycurgus, by his equitable and disinterested 
conduct in defeating the barbarous intentions of 
the queen, and procuring Carilaus, yet a child in 
the cradle, to be declared king, had highly offended 
that princess ; who, in revenge, employed all her 
interest to form a faction against him, and got him 
accused of a conspiracy against the state. But Ly- 
curgus soon withdrew himself from the danger of 
these machinations. Perceiving that the laws were 
entirely disregarded, he meditated an extraordinary 
reformation in the government. For that purpose 
he resolved to travel into foreign countries, that he 
might have an opportunity of observing with his 
own eyes the various customs and institutions of 
different nations the most renowned for the wisdom 
of their legislation. 

With this view he first went to the island of 
Crete, where the celebrated Minos had established 
a system of laws ; the rigid spirit of which was 
much to the liking of Lycurgus. This Minos was 



64 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

a powerful prince, who had flourished 100 years 
before the Trojan war, and whose virtues had pro- 
cured him the highest esteem. Having subdued 
the island of Crete, he resolved to secure his con- 
quest by the wisdom of his laws. The government 
there, at the time of his conquest, was monarchical. 
But, to bring that form of government to its utmost 
perfection, Minos judged it necessary to make the 
prince as subject to the power of the laws as the 
nation was subject to the power of the prince ; who 
by that means might have an unlimited power of 
doing good, while at the same time he should be 
totally restrained from doing mischief; the laws 
committing to him the most precious of all trusts, 
the care of a whole people, on condition of his rul- 
ing them as a father and protector, not as an op- 
pressor and tyrant. From Crete, Lycurgus went 
into Asia ; where he collected into one body the 
works of Homer, which before were dispersed about 
in detached fragments. From Asia he travelled 
into Egypt, where he acquired a vast fund of know- 
ledge. 

After having maturely considered the various 
forms of government that had fallen under his ob- 
servation, and deliberately weighed the advantages 
and disadvantages of each, he adopted into his own 
system what appeared to him the most eligible. 
The result of all these painful researches, was the 
famous Spartan legislation, which has been the 
wonder of succeeding ages ; and which to us, in 
these latter times, would appear to be entirely chim- 
erical and impracticable, were it not attested past 
all possibility of doubt by every ancient author 
who speaks of it ; many of whom, such as Plato, 
Aristotle, Xenophon, and Plutarch, were eye-wit- 
nesses of what they mention. It is, besides, an un- 
doubted fact, that this system subsisted during a 
space of more than 700 years. We cannot, how- 
ever, sufficiently admire how it was possible for one 
man to succeed in establishing a form of govern- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 65 

ment, so violently repugnant in several particulars 
to the most powerful passions of the human soul. 

During the absence of Lycurgus, the Lacede- 
monians became extremely turbulent, and Sparta 
was on the brink of falling into downright anarchy. 
Perceiving how much they stood in need of a man 
of superior parts and understanding, they dispatch- 
ed messengers to intreat Lycurgus to return. He 
immediately obeyed the invitation. But before 
proceeding to promulgate his laws, he chose to for- 
tify himself with the authority of the gods ; and for 
that purpose he went to consult the oracle of Del- 
phos, where he found means to obtain a favourable 
response. 

Upon his arrival at Sparta, he first com- 
884. municated his scheme in private to the lead- 
ing men of the city. Having procured their 
approbation, he proceeded to the market-place, es- 
corted by a number of armed men ; and there ex- 
plained to the people the alterations he intended to 
bring about in the government, and the new insti- 
tutions he proposed to establish. We forbear at 
present to enter on a detail of those institutions, be- 
cause the course of the narrative would thereby be 
too much interrupted ; but we shall speak of them at 
length in the sequel. 

Lycurgus was almost entirely employed, during 
the remainder of his life, in bringing his laws to 
perfection, and in enforcing the observance of them. 
In this he met with much opposition ; and display- 
ed, perhaps, no less fortitude and prudence in pre- 
vailing with his fellow- citizens to submit to his re- 
gulations, than he had shewn wisdom in devising 
them. 

After having put the finishing hand to his work, 
and tasted of the pleasure of seeing his institutions 
firmly established, and his countrymen accustomed 
to the exercise of them, he declared his intention of 
consulting the oracle, whether any further improve- 
ment were necessary ; and obtained their solemn 

E 

V 



66 THE HISTORY OF * BOOK I. 

promise to observe them till has return. On arriv- 
ing at Delphos, he was assured by the priestess, 
that while Sparta kept his laws in observation, she 
should be the most illustrious and happy city in 
the world. Lycurgus transmitted this response to 
Sparta ; and considering his plans to be now entirely 
completed, he died a voluntary death, by abstain- 
ing from all nourishment. 

The reformation of the Spartan government by 
Lycurgus, is reckoned a second revolution there. 
For the future, therefore, we are to consider that 
state as a republic, in which the kings were no 
more than the principal magistrates. 

Historians place the birth of Homer not many 
years prior to that of Lycurgus. 

Soon after the death of Lycurgus, a war having 
broken out between the Lacedemonians and Ar- 
gives about a small territory called Thyrea, both 
parties, to spare the lives of their citizens, agreed 
to terminate the dispute by 300 chosen men of 
each side. These 600 combatants engaging ac- 
cordingly, fought with such fury and obstinacy, 
that they were all killed on the spot except three, 
two of whom were Argives, and the third a Lace- 
demonian named Orthrades* As both parties 
claimed the victory, a general battle ensued, in 
which the Lacedemonians, remained the con- 
querors. Orthrades disdaining to survive the rest 
of his fellow-soldiers, killed himself on the field of 
battle .f 

This year Theopompus, one of the Lace- 
760. demonian kings, established the ephori in 
Sparta ; or rather, the common people, pro- 

* The reader will be struck with the similarity between this 
combat, and that of the Horatii and Curiatii in the Roman his- 
tory, and a much later one still recorded in the history of Scot- 
land, which took place in 1.99(5, to terminate a feud between two 
Highland clans. 

t Rome was founded in the year before Christ 753 ; and, three 
years after, the rape of the Sabine women is said to have hap- 
pened. 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 67 

voked by the oppression under which they groaned, 
prevailed with that king to give them those magis- 
trates, as a check on the power of the kings on the 
one hand, and of the senate on the other. 

The Lacedemonians about the same time 
743. declared war against the Messenians, for hav- 
ing violated some Lacedemonian young 
women, who had gone, according to custom, to pay 
their devotions at a temple on the confines of both 
states. To revenge this insult, the Lacedemonians, 
under the command of Alcmenus, surprised the 
town of Amphea by night, and put all the inhabi- 
tants to the sword. The Messenians were not at 
that time in a situation to make reprisals. But, 
about four years after, they marched into Laconia 
under the command of their king Euphaes, and 
came to an engagement with the Lacedemonians, to 
which the night alone put an end. 

Next year the Lacedemonians took the field, 
after binding themselves by oath not to return to 
Sparta till they should reduce every place in the 
possession of the Messenians. A battle ensued, in 
which both parties fought with such obstinacy, 
that fatigue obliged them to separate by mutual 
consent. The Messenians, exhausted by the double 
calamity of a war and of a plague, assembled at 
Ithome, a strong place situated on the summit of a 
hill, and sent to consult the oracle at Delphos about 
the means of relief in this desperate extremity. 
The oracle returned for answer, That they must 
sacrifice to the gods a virgin of royal blood ; and 
Aristodemus, a Messenian of royal extraction, in 
obedience to the divine command, offered up his 
own daughter. About the same time, a bloody 
battle happened in the neighbourhood of Ithome, 
where the Messenians performed prodigies of va- 
lour to rescue the body of their king Euphaes, who 
had fallen covered with wounds in the fight ; and 
they were at last successful. Here Aristodemus 
obtained the prize of valour, as the person that had 



68 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

fought with the greatest bravery ; and he was like- 
wise chosen king iu place of Euphaes, who died of 
his wounds. 

Aristodemus having led his countrymen to ano- 
ther engagement with the Lacedemonians, defeated 
them, and took their king Tbeopompus, whom, to- 
gether with 300 Spartans more, he put to death in 
cold blood. The Lacedemonians, apprehensive lest 
their families should fail in the mean time, by their 
long absence from home, in consequence of the oath 
they had taken, sent back to Sparta all the soldiers 
who had joined the army after the taking of that 
oath, to cohabit with the wives of those that remain- 
ed. The issue of this extraordinary connection 
were distinguished by the name of Parthenians; 
who, as soon as they were able to carry arms, ban- 
ished themselves of their own accord from Sparta, 
and formed a settlement at Tarentum in Italy. 
Four years after, a general action ensued between 
* the Lacedemonians and Messenians : in which a 
party of the latter attacked the Lacedemonians 
from an ambuscade, put them to flight, and pro- 
cured their countrymen the victory. But though 
the Spartans had lost in this engagement the flower 
of their troops, they nevertheless laid siege to Ith- 
ome. Aristodemus, seeing his countrymen re- 
duced to the last extremity, killed himself in de- 
spair on the tomb of his daughter. The rest of the 
Messenians, after enduring the utmost miseries of 
famine, were obliged at last to capitulate. The La- 
cedemonians made the greatest part of them slaves, 
and forced them to cultivate their grounds ; but 
many of them escaped and took refuge among dif- 
ferent nations. This first was of twenty years 
continuance. 

The Messenians, after enduring the Lace- 
685. demonian yoke for thirty years, resolved at 
last to attempt the recovery of their liberty. 
For this purpose they put themselves under the 
command of Aristomenes, a young man of extra- 



CHAP, II. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



69 



ordinary bravery, and great skill in the art of war ; 
and under his conduct vanquished their enemies in 
several engagements. The Lacedemonians, being 
hard pressed, consulted the oracle. The response 
bore, That they must request a general from the 
Athenians ; who, in derision, sent them one Tyr- 
teus a poet. The Lacedemonians found their af- 
. fairs not at all mended by this expedient ; and after 
being beaten in three successive battles, they re- 
solved to return to Sparta. But this resolution was 
opposed by Tyrteus, who, to rouse their courage, 
recited to them some verses that he had composed 
with great care. These verses were so well calcu- 
lated to inspire bravery, and a contempt of danger, 
that they animated the Lacedemonians to the high- 
est pitch of martial rage. They required with one 
voice to be instantly led against the enemy ; and, 
after a most bloody battle, obtained a complete vic- 
tory. The remains of the Messenian army retreat- 
ed to mount Eira, where they defended themselves 
a long time against all the efforts of the Lacede- 
monians. But their general, Aristomenes, having 
fallen amidst a crowd of Spartans, upon whom he 
had made a most desperate attack, his countrymen 
were so discouraged by his death, and so weakened 
by their repeated engagements with the Lacede- 
monians, that they were at last overpowered. Such 
of them as fell into the hands of the enemy, were 
reduced to the condition of Helots. The rest, see- 
ing their country ruined past all hopes of recover} 7 , 
retired to Sicily, and there founded a city, called at 
first Messene, and afterwards Messina. Their last 
brave general, Aristomenes, was the sworn enemy 
of the Spartans, and, while he lived, their constant 
terror.* 

We have already observed, that monarchy was 
abolished at Athens under the children of Codrus, 
and governors called archons set up in place of the 

* The combat between the Horatii and Curiatii is placed in 
the year before Christ 667. 



70 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

king. Those were the principal magistrates of the 
republic, and were bound to govern the state ac- 
cording to the established laws. In the beginning 
they enjoyed their office for life, and Medon was 
the first who was invested with that dignity. After- 
wards, upon the death of Alcmeon, the people 
created nine archons, and confined their authority 
to the space of ten years. The chief of them was 
called Eponymus Archon, and the year was distin- 
guished by his name ; the second was called King ; 
the third Polemarchus ; and the remaining six bore 
the general name of Thesmothetae. 

Such a limited authority as that vested in the 
archons, was insufficient to curb men of so turbu- 
lent a disposition. The Athenians, accordingly, 
were for several years distracted by controversies 
and factions. For having as yet no written laws, 
they disagreed about almost every point, both of 
religion and government. Cylon took advantage 
of these troubles, and seized the citadel ; but the 
Athenians found means to quell his insurrection. 

Having learned, by experience, that real liberty 
consists in a due dependence on laws and govern- 
ment, the Athenians resolved to take the most ef- 
fectual measures for putting an end to their dissen- 
sions. With this view they cast their eyes on one 
of their archons named Draco, a citizen of 
623. exemplary virtue, and the most rigid severi- 
ty of manners ; but whose extreme rigour, 
in point of government, bordered on inhumanity. 
Chosen by the Athenians to be their lawgiver, Dra- 
jo, from a zeal to stop the licentiousness of their 
nanners, fell into the opposite extreme, and made 
leath the punishment of the most trivial offences, 
rven of idleness and indolence. On this account 
he laws of Draco were said to have been written, 
lot with ink, but with blood : and their excessive 
everity procured them the fate of all violent insti- 
utions ; they quickly fell into disuse. 
At length arose a man worthy to prescribe laws 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 71 

643 to Athenians. This was the famous 
Solon, a native of Salamis. Having lately 
restored the Athenians to the government of that 
island by a stratagem, he had, by that exploit, ac- 
quired great reputation ; and his integrity, his wis- 
dom, his knowledge in the science of government, 
but, above all, the mildness of his disposition, soon 
procured him the esteem of his fellow-citizens. The 
Athenians, therefore, pitched on him to restore 
tranquillity in their city ; created him archon-extra- 
ordinary ; and invested him with full authority to 
make such reformation in the government as he 
should judge necessary. The unlimited power 
with which he was intrusted might have conducted 
him to the throne ; but his virtue and moderation 
would not permit him to give way to the tempta- 
tion. 

Solon applied himself with great care and dili- 
gence to discharge the trust reposed in him by his 
countrymen. He settled the public government 
on a more steady foundation, and devised for the 
Athenians a body of excellent laws. Of his insti- 
tutions, so far as they regarded the public adminis- 
tration, we shall afterwards speak at some length. 
His private laws fall not within our design. 

After having published his laws, and bound the 
* citizens by oath to obey them, Solon left Athens 
for the space of ten years ; both with a view that 
his institutions might, in the mean time, take deep 
root, and that he might avoid the daily complaints 
and difficulties started to him about their execu- 
tion and interpretation. In this interval he travel- 
led into Egypt, and visited Croesus king of Lydia. 
That prince having made an ostentatious display of 
his vast wealth and magnificence, to excite the ad- 
miration of Solon, had the mortification to see them 
regarded by the philosopher with the most stoical 
indifference, and could not draw from him the 
smallest compliment on that account. Solon only 
took that opportunity to remark, that no man could 



72 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

with certainty boast of his happiness till the instant 
of his death. 

During the absence of Solon, great disorders were 
occasioned at Athens by three factions formed un- 
der three different heads ; Megacles, Pisistratus, and 
Lycurgus* Megacles was extremely powerful by 
his wealthy being the son of Alcmenus, whom King 
Croesus had loaded with riches, and having married 
the daughter of Clistenus, one of the most opulent 
princes of Greece, Pisistratus, by the mildness of his 
behaviour, his affability, and his liberality to the 
poorer citizens, had acquired the highest populari* 
ty ; but his insinuating address was no more than 
an artful cover to his ambitious designs* Solon 
found things in this situation on his return to 
Athens. 

Pisistratus, the better to affect his purpose, eifi* 
ployed one of the most singular and basest strata- 
gems. Having wounded himself in several parts 
of his body, he ordered his friends to carry him all 
covered with blood to the market-place, where he 
told the people, that he had suffered this cruel 
treatment from the enemies he had created to him- 
self by his zeal for the good of the republic; The 
populace, tnoved by his story and appearance, rose 
in his favour, overpowered the opposite factions, 
and appointed a guard of fifty men for his person. * 
With the assistance of these, and of a greater num- 
ber of his own creatures whom he armed, Pisistra- 
tus first seized the citadel^ and soon after made 
himself toaster of the whole city. 

Solon, after upbraiding Pisistratus in vain 
560; with the injusticeof hisusurpation^and thepeo- 
ple with their cowardice and folly, retired from 
Athens, overwhelmed with grief, and went to pass 
the remaining part of his life in the island of Cy- 
prus. But, sorrow at seeing the oppression of his 
country, soon put a period to his days, and he died 
the first year after his retirement, at the age of 
eighty, Solon certainly possessed a philosophical 



t 



CHAP. it. ANCIENT GREECE. 73 

spirit, and was animated with an extraordinary 
zeal for the republican form of government. But 
his system^was fundamentally faulty, in so far as 
it threw all the power into the hands of the mul- 
titude, who, as the event of Pisistratus's intrigues 
evinced, are extremely apt to be led astray by an 
artful designing man. It must, however, be al- 
lowed that he gave the Athenians, who had been 
bred up in the greatest licentiousness, the best no- 
tions of order, law, and justice, of which at that 
time they were perhaps capable. 

Solon was contemporary with the seven wise 
men of Greece, and was himself accounted one of 
their number. The names of the other six were, 
Thales, Bias, Pittacus, Cleobulus, Periander, and v 
Chilo. They were honoured with the title of 
wise men, on account of their having been all legis- 
lators, in some degree or other, and of their having 
delivered many general maxims of morality in short 
laconic sentences. 

Pisistratus enjoyed his ill-gotten tyranny for no 
longer a space than three years, Megacles and Ly~ 
curgus having united their factions and procured 
his expulsion. But Megacles, soon becoming jea- 
lous of his rival's power, offered his daughter in 
marriage to Pisistratus, and the sovereign authority 
along with her. Pisistratus accepted the offer, and 
Ly curgus was expelled. But Pisistratus, the more 
effectually to secure the popular approbation, re- 
solved to make his restoration appear as the im- 
mediate effect of divine interposition ; and for that 
purpose prevailed on a woman of a fine majestic 
figure to play the part of Minerva on the occasion* 
and in that character to announce his arrival* The 
woman, accordingly, assuming the dress in which 
that goddess was usually represented, and appear- 
ing suddenly in the city* mounted on a magnifi- 
cent chariot, acted her part to perfection, and pro- 
claimed aloud, that she, Minerva, was just about 
to bring back Pisistratus. The people regarding 



74 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

this piece of roguery as a divine mandate, received 
the tyrant with the utmost joy. 

Hipparchus and Hippias, the sons of Pisistratus 
by a former marriage, apprehensive lest their bro- 
thers by his present wife might supplant them in 
the succession to the tyranny, artfully instilled into 
the mind of their father injurious suspicions of 
their step-mother. Megacles, to support his daugh-^ 
ter, bribed the greater part of the Athenians, in- 
duced them to revolt, and forced Pisistratus to fly * 

a second time, and to take refuge in the is- 
556. land of Euboea, where he lived with his fami- 
ly eleven years. In the mean time his son 
Hippias, a man of an active intriguing disposition, 
having prevailed on several maritime towns to de^ 
clare in his father's favour, Pisistratus soon saw 
himself at the head of a considerable body of 
troops, by whose assistance he surprised the city of 
Athens, at a time when he was not expected, and 
entered it as its conqueror. 

To establish his authority, he thought it neces- 
sary to accomplish the destruction of those who 
supported the party of Megacles. But after having 
removed out of the way all who had power and incli- 
nation to oppose him, he applied himself to efface the 
remembrance of his cruelties ; and, it must be ac- 
knowledged, that the mildness and justice of his 
subsequent administration made amends, in a great 
measure, for his former crimes ; for from that time 
he applied his power to the best of purposes. His 
eloquence was of great service to him in regaining 
the public affection, and lulling the Athenians in- 
to a forgetfulness of their former liberty. He 
studied by every method to acquire popularity, 
particularly by throwing his gardens open to all 
the citizens; and, upon the whole, he justified the 
saying of Solon, that he would have been the best 
citizen of Athens, if he had not been the most am- 
bitious. He ended his days in peace, and trans- 
mitted to his children his usurped sovereignty, 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 75 

which he had enjoyed altogether for the space of 
thirty-three years, during the last seventeen years 
of which he had reigned in the utmost peace and 
tranquillity. 

Hipparchus and Hippias, his sons, shared the 
kingdom between them, and lived in perfect har- 
mony with each other ; Hipparchus, as eldest bro- 
ther, enjoying the chief honours. This man in- 
herited his father's extraordinary love for the scien- 
ces. To inspire the Athenians, by the charms of 
poetry, with a taste for letters, and the polished 
manners which are a natural consequence of know- 
ledge, he invited to his court Anacreon and Sim- 
onides, and patronized all men of distinguished 
genius. According to Plato, the tranquillity and 
happiness that prevailed during his reign, revived 
the idea of the golden age. 

About the same time Polycrates usurped the 
sovereign power at Samos, and sacrificed his own 
brother to his desire of occupying the regal dignity 
alone. Having procured a fleet of 100 vessels, he 
rendered himself formidable to both Europe and 
Asia, and wantonly oppressed both his subjects and 
his neighbours. Sparta, by its warlike exploits, 
was now regarded as the principal republic of 
Greece. Its protection therefore was implored 
against the tyranny of Polycrates ; and as the 
Spartans professed themselves the enemies of every 
species of despotism and oppression, they thought 
themselves bound in honour to check the progress 
of the tyrant. With this view they fitted out a 
fleet, made a descent upon the island of Samos, and 
laid siege to the town. But their enterprise mis- 
carried ; and, after being repulsed in repeated as- 
saults, they were at last obliged to relinquish the 
undertaking, and to return home. Polycrates soon 
after fell into the hands of the Persians, and was 
by them crucified. Eaces succeeded him in the 
tyranny ; but the people found means to throw off 
the yoke, and to recover their liberty. 



76 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

Hippias, after reigning eighteen years at Athens, 
became at last cruel and despotic. The Athenians, 
therefore, grew weary of his tyranny, and formed a 
conspiracy against him and his brother. The fac- 
tion of the Alcmeonides, so called from their leader 
Megacles, the son of Alcmenus, were the fomentors 
and principal actors in this conspiracy. Harmodius 
and Aristogiton, both citizens of Athens, and mu- 
tually connected by friendship, resolved to revenge 
an affront offered to the daughter of the former by 
Hipparchus, who had obliged her to retire from a 
public procession at which she was intitled to have 
assisted, carrying a basket of flowers. Nothing 
less would satisfy the resentment of these two 
men than the deposition of the tyrants. Having 
concerted the proper measures for their enterprise, 
they secretly imparted their plan to a small num- 
ber of the citizens, and fixed the day of execution 
to be the feast of Panathenea, when all the citizens 
wore arms. They accordingly attacked and slew 
Hipparchus ; but were themselves instantly ap- 
prehended and put to death. 

Hippias, having escaped the fate of his brother, 
studied the best means of securing his life for the 
future. He put to the torture the accomplices of the 
murderers of his brother, to force them to discover 
the other circumstances of the plot. On this oc- 
casion a woman called Lionna, who had been 
very intimately connected with Harmodius, be- 
haved with the utmost heroism. She supported, 
with a courage infinitely superior to what might 
have been expected from her sex, the most cruel 
torments; and lest the violence of the torture 
should at last make her utter what she chose to 
conceal, she cut out her own tongue. The Atheni- 
ans afterwards erected to her memory a statue 
without a tongue. Several citizens were sacrificed 
to the suspicions of Hippias, who obliged all the 
partisans of the faction of Alcmeonides to fly from 
Athens. 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 77 

The Alcmeonides, in the mean time, were very 
active in contriving means of bringing themselves 
back. With this view they were so lucky as to 
engage in their interests, by very liberal presents, 
the priestess of Delphos ; who, as often as the Lace- 
demonians came to consult her, or to implore her 
intercession with the gods in their behalf, constant- 
ly answered them, " That they must free Athens 
from the tyranny of the Pisistratidge." This strata- 
gem had the desired effect. The Lacedemonians 
fitted out a fleet, and made a descent upon Attica ; 
but Hippias getting notice of their purpose, made 
the necessary preparations to receive them. On 
hearing that they were landed, he marched to 
oppose them, killed their commander, and put 
them to flight. But this check only served to exas- 
perate the Lacedemonians ; who again returned into 
Attica with a fresh army,, defeated the Thessalian 
cavalry, which were the chief strength of the ty- 
rant's army, and laid siege to Athens. Hippias, 
unwilling to expose his children to the consequence 
of a siege, sent them secretly out of the city, to be 
carried to some place of safety. But the children 
having fallen into the hands of the enemy, Hippias, 
to save their lives, readily agreed to resign his so- 
vereignty ; and, in consequence of his agreement, 
bade a last farewell to Athens, and retired to 
Sigeum in Phrygia. 

Thus the Athenians recovered their liber- 
510. ty after a tyranny of fifty years' duration. 

They erected statues to the memory of Har- 
modius and Aristogiton, who had begun this revo- 
lution, and set them up to public view, that the 
sight of them might inspire the citizens with a more 
violent hatred of tyranny.* 

Athens, however, enjoyed this calm but a very 
short while. Clisthenes and Isagoras, both power- 

* In the preceding year, viz. 511, Tarquin was expelled from 
Rome, and consular government established there. 



4 

78 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I, 

ful citizens, mutually aspired to the chief authority, 
and created two new factions. But Clisthenes, 
being richer than his rival, easily brought over the 
populace to his side, and soon got the better of his 
antagonist. Clisthenes made several alterations in 
the form of government ; and, in particular, created 
six new tribes. It was he who invented the punish- 
ment of ostracism, whereby the people might satis- 
fy their jealousy against any citizen whom power, 
wealth, or abilities, set too far above his fellow- 
citizens, by banishing him the city for the space of 
ten years. The name of this punishment was de- 
rived from a Greek word signifying a particular 
kind of shell, on which each citizen inscribed his 
vote on such occasions. 

The Lacedemonians discovering, in the mean 
time, the trick of the Delphic priestess, and being 
already jealous of the Athenians, desired to avail 
themselves of having delivered them from tyranny, 
by assuming over them a sort of superiority. With 
this view, Cleomenes king of Sparta espoused the 
cause of Isagoras, who had taken refuge in that 
city, and procured the banishment of Clisthenes 
from Athens. But, not satisfied with that, he 
marched against Athens at the head of an army, 
expelled from thence 700 families, together with all 
the partisans of Clisthenes, and took possession of 
the citadel. Here, however, he was invested by 
the Athenians; and, after enduring a three months' 
siege, was at last obliged to capitulate, on condition 
of being allowed to depart in freedom with his 
Spartans. But all the Athenians who had assisted 
him in this exploit were put to death. Upon this 
Clisthenes, and the rest who had been banished, 
were recalled. Cleomenes, however, of new ex- 
erted himself in favour of Isagoras, and for that 
purpose made another incursion into Attica, sup- 
ported by the Boeotians. But the Athenians had 
the advantage in several actions that ensued on that 
occasion. 



< 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 79 

The Lacedemonians, perceiving the thriving con- 
dition of the Athenians since they had recovered 
their liberty, began to deliberate about restoring 
tyranny among them, and setting Hippias again on 
the throne. For this purpose Hippias was invited 
to Sparta, to assist at an assembly wherein the ques- 
tion was to be debated. In this assembly Cleo- 
menes made a speech in favour of Hippias, but 
without any effect. For Sosicles, the deputy from 
Corinth, spoke after him, and shewed the assembly, 
with such eloquence and good sense, how unwor- 
thy it was in states who professed themselves the 
enemies of tyranny, to undertake the defence and 
support of a tyrant, — that every one present assent- 
ed to his opinion. 

Hippias, thus disappointed, retired to Artapher- 
nes, the Persian governor of Sardis, and implored 
his assistance. That satrap, delighted with so fair 
an opportunity of reducing under the power of his 
master Darius so important a city as Athens, which 
might open an easy way to the conquest of the rest 
of Greece, gave a very favourable reception to Hip- 
pias, and persuaded Darius to summon the Athe- 
nians to replace him on the throne. But the threats 
of the king of Persia were ineffectual. The Athe- 
nians returned an absolute refusal to comply with 
his demand, resolving to endure every extremity, 
rather than to open their gates to the tyrant. Hip- 
pias, therefore, may be considered as the first cause 
of the quarrel between the Greeks and Persians ; 
though it is true, that the latter received other sub- 
jects of provocation, of which we shall take notice 
in the sequel. 



Eminent Writers, Philosophers, kc. 

As the first age of Greece had its heroes, so it had 
likewise its poets, who devoted their talents to ce- 



80 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

lebrate the praises of their country, and of the 
great men it produced ; whom, by the excess of 
their praise, they transformed from heroes into de- 
mi- gods. To the times of peace and tranquillity, 
therefore, in this period, it should seem, that the 
commencement of poetry ought to be fixed. Though 
Homer is the most ancient poet whose works have 
been transmitted to us, it is certain that the art of 
poetry had before his time arrived among the 
Greeks to a considerable state of perfection. This 
is indisputably established by tradition. For the 
names of Linus, Orpheus, and Museus, which oc- 
cur so frequently both in the Greek and Latin poets 
and historians, are sufficient evidence of the exist- 
ence of those poets. But as we have no opportu- 
nity of judging of their works, of which it is very 
doubtful whether any remains have come to our 
hands, we must place Homer at the head of the 
poets whose works yet exist. 

Homer is generally believed, and on very proba- 
ble grounds, to have lived before the institution of 
the Olympic games ; for otherwise it is hardly to 
be imagined that he would have omitted to take 
notice of those games in his works, as they would 
have afforded him so excellent a field for descrip- 
tion, an ornament of which he appears to have been 
extremely fond. His birth, however, seems to be 
placed with a good deal of certainty, both by Ush- 
er's chronology and the Arundal tables, in the year 
of the world 3120, that is, about 340 years after the 
siege of Troy: and he is commonly accounted a 
native either of Colophon or of Smyrna. 

Homer is usually represented as blind ; and we 
are told that he employed himself in wandering 
through the country in the character of an itinerant 
bard. This, however, must not depreciate in our 
eyes, his wonderful merit, of which his works con- 
vey so high an idea ; where we see him carrying 
at once to the summit of perfection the art of epic 
poetry, of which he is accounted the inventor. 

The two principal poems of Homer are the Iliad 



CHAP. S3* ANCIENT GREECE. 81 

and the Odyssey. The subject of the Iliad is the 
* wrath of Achilles, which proved so fatal to the 
Greeks when besieging Troy : the voyages and ad- 
ventures of Ulysses, after the sacking of that city, 
form the subject of the Odyssey* 

The war against Troy, which furnishes the sub- 
ject of these immortal poems, has been called in ques- 
tion by some authors, who fancy it to be altogether 
the production of Homer's invention. But their 
labours to convince the world of the truth of this 
opinion have been extremely vain. For, without 
mentioning the other ancient authors who record 
that event, it is incredible that Homer would have 
employed his heaven-born muse on a subject not 
heard of before. So accurate a judge of human na- 
ture must have felt, that a subject purely fictitious, 
however harmoniously sung, could have drawn 
from his hearers but a momentary attention. Had 
not the subject of his poem been deeply interest- 
ing, much of its merit must have been overlooked, 
and much of that great fame at which he aspired 
must of course have been lost. 

We may therefore very reasonably conclude, 
that the event of the war against Troy was not only 
notorious, but was in Homer's time regarded as the 
most signal and important transaction in which his 
countrymen had been till then engaged. We must, 
however, remember, that the poet lived about three 
centuries later than the historical event which he 
celebrates. Hence it is more than probable, that 
he would avail himself of this latitude to render the 
circumstances more subservient to his fancy ; and 
that he would even take liberties with some of the 
principal facts, as well to flatter those for whose 
immediate pleasure he composed his poem, as to 
give fuller scope to his poetical enthusiasm. 

Cicero says, that the works of Homer are rather 
painting than poetry ; so skilful is he to delineate, 
as it were before the eyes of the reader, the circum- 
stances he desires to describe, which are generally 
the most Sublime and striking to be found in nature. 

F 



82 THE HISTQRY OF BOOK I. 

Horace prefers him, on account of the knowledge 
and instruction with which he abounds, to the most 
skilful philosophers. Quintilian has given a very 
high eulogium of him ; and has conveyed, in few 
words, a just idea of the surprising variety of style 
which he employs : — ff When describing lofty and 
" important circumstances, his expression is inimi- 
" tably sublime. In minute, it is remarkably just 
" and proper. In copiousness, and perspicuity, in 
" the serious and the tender tone, we are at a los& 
" which to admire most, his judgment or his elo- 
" quence." Homer is peculiarly happy in the har- 
mony of his numbers, and the judicious arrange- 
ment of his words and periods. In the article of 
description he is, as has been just observed, rather a 
painter than a poet, and in that particular excels 
all the poets that ever wrote. In describing the 
march of an army — the majesty of Jove — the gods 
fighting— the parting of Hector and Andromache, 
he lays before our eyes so many beautiful and lively 
pieces of painting. Nothing can be more ingenious 
than his machinery, nor more properly introduced. 
In vain have some modern writers attempted to 
criticise, and to find fault with his works ; like the 
shades in a picture, their remarks have only served 
to make his beauties more conspicuous. But it 
must be acknowledged, that the many superficial 
and petulant criticisms advanced by the censurers 
of this divine bard, are perhaps more than counter- 
balanced by the extravagant and absurd commen- 
dations lavished upon him by some of his injudi- 
cious admirers,* 

His fame rests on the firmest and most unequi- 

* Here I must be forgiven for quoting four lines of a noble 
English poet, which, though frequently repeated by many of the 
admirers of our immortal bard, and though inserted by Mr Pope 
in his preface to his translation of the Iliad, appear to me to be 
extravagant even to absurdity. The lines are these : — 

" Read Homer once, and you can read no more ; 
te For all books else appear so mean, so poor, 
" Verse will seem prose : but still persist to read,, 
" And Homer will be all the books you need." 



jCHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 83 

vocal foundations. His countrymen, who thorough- 
ly understood the characters and the manners he 
described, and the language in which he wrote, and 
who excelled all mankind in the acuteness of their 
understanding, and the exquisite delicacy of their 
taste, regarded his Iliad and his Odyssey as the 
most perfect works of human genius. Great cities 
contended for the honour of the poet's birth : the 
venerable Lycurgus collected and transcribed the 
Iliad and Odyssey with his own hand, and intro- 
duced them from Ionia into Greece : Solon ordain- 
ed them to be solemnly recited in the Athenian re- 
public : Alexander the Great was so passionately 
fond of their perusal, that he placed them every 
night under his pillow : and the most ingenious of 
the ancient critics deduced from these poems the 
justest rules of criticism. To crown his praise, the 
best epic poets in succeeding times have looked up 
to Homer as the most perfect model for their imi- 
tation. They have not only copied him exactly in 
the arrangement and conduct of their subject, but 
many passages in their poems are little else than 
paraphrases from his admirable w r orks. But the 
style of Homer can be truly admired in the original 
alone, where he will be found to have employed to 
the utmost advantage the inimitable perfections of 
the finest language ever spoken by men. 

Homer is, besides, highly valuable on account of 
the knowledge he affords us of the manners, sacri- 
fices, feasts, sieges, and battles of the men of those 
ancient times. The purest maxims of morality are 
every where inculcated by him. Under the em- 
blem of Jupiter, he describes an only and almighty 
Deity, whose decree? are fate, who is the source of 
all goodness and happiness, and whose providence 
.directs the most minute events that occur through- 
out the universe. 

Hesiod was nearly contemporary with Homer. 
He was born at dimes, a city of Etolia, and edu- 
cated at Ascra in Boeotia, Three of his perform- 

f 2 



M TR£ HttirOHY OF iBGOk L 

ances have come down to us :— 1st, His Works and 
Days, in which he treats of agriculture. This piece 
was the model of Virgil's Georgics, and abounds 
with excellent maxims, both with respect to the sub- 
ject of which he treats, and to human life in gene- 
ral. 2dk/, His Theogony, or Genealogy of the Gods. 
This is the most certain account of the ancient hea- 
then mythology. Sdly, The Shield of Hercules, so 
called from its being a description of the shield of 
that hero. His taste in writing was extremely dif- 
ferent from that of Homer, whose constant aim was 
the sublime, while that of Hesiod was the beautiful. 
Rural objects were the favourite theme of Hesiod's 
muse. 

Archihcus was a native of Paros. Iambic verses, 
a species of poetry adapted to violent and passion- 
ate subjects, were invented by this poet. Quinti- 
lian says, that his style was nervous and expressive, 
but that his manner was very satirical and licentious. 

Alceus was a native of Mytilene. From him the 
Alcean verses derived their name. His pieces were 
severe satires against the tyrants of Lesbos, and 
against Pittacus in particular. His style, according 
to Quintilian, was lofty, and bore a great resem- 
blance to that of Homer. Besides his merit as a 
poet, he was likewise a brave soldier. 

Sappho was contemporary with Alceus, and a 
native of the same place. She invented the Sap- 
phic verses, and was honoured with the name of the 
Tenth Muse. Alceus was a lover of her's, but his 
addresses seem to have been ineffectual. She her- 
self was greatly enamoured of Phaon ; who, on the 
other hand, paid very little regard to her passionate 
and beautiful complaints. The purity of her man- 
ners was by no means answerable to the beauty of 
her poetry. Her poems are chiefly admired on ac- 
count of her skilful description of the passions. 
614 Stesichorus, a native of Himera in Sicily, 
brought lyric poetry to perfection. None of 
his works have reached us, but they were much va- 
lued by the ancients for their gravity and dignity. 



CHAP* II. ANCIENT GREECE., 85 

Thespis was contemporary with Solon, and 
566. a native of Icaria, a town in Attica. He is re- 
garded as the inventor of tragedy, which be- 
fore his time was a sort of farce, intermixed with 
songs in honour of Bacchus, and performed in the 
highways and streets, or wherever the performers 
happened to fall in with the throngest audience. 
Thespis gave it a different turn. He carried about 
his performers in a cart, which served them likewise 
for a stage ; he caused them to besmear their faces 
with the lees of wine, and introduced a person in 
the intervals of the chorus who spoke a magnificent 
description of some extraordinary action. This was, 
in a manner, the cradle of tragedy. 

Simon ides 9 a native of Ceos, one of the islands 
called Cyclades, distinguished himself by his elegiac 
verses. His answer to Hiero's question, " What is 
God V* is well known. Simonides at first desired 
one day to consider of the question ; when that was 
^elapsed, he demanded two days more, then fovir, and 
so on for a considerable time, always doubling the 
space he had last requested. Hiero, surprised at 
this behaviour, asked him the reason of it. " Be- 
" cause (answered Simonides) the more I meditate 
46 on the subject of your question, the more incom- 
" prehensible I find it." His verses are much com- 
mended by the ancients, and have acquired him 
great reputation. 

The origin of philosophy, as well as that of poe^ 
try, is likewise fixed to this period ; when several 
Greeks, whose dispositions did not incline them to 
business, applied themselves to the study of nature. 

Thales, a native of Miletus, and the founder 
600. of the Ionic sect, is thought to have led the 
way. He learned astronomy of the priests of 
Memphis, and was the first Greek that treated of 
natural philosophy. He gave general notions of 
the universe ; and maintained that an only supreme 
intelligence regulated all its motions. He distin- 
guished the sphere into eight circles, and discover 
ed the cause of eclipses, which in those days were 



86 THE HISTORY OF, &C. BOOK I* 

accounted prodigies. Valerius Maximus tells of 
him, that on being asked, Whether a man could 
conceal his actions from the Deity ? He answered, 
H How is that possible, since he cannot conceal from 
" him even his thoughts." From his strong attach- 
ment to study he declined marriage. His great 
knowledge procured him a place among the seven 
wise men of Greece. 

Anaximander \ his scholar, distinguished the four 
elements, and found out the obliquity of the ecliptic. 

Although these first philosophers did not arrive 
at an accurate knowledge of natural philosophy, 
they have nevertheless the honour of having point- 
ed out the way to their followers in the same track, 
to attain more exact discoveries. 

Heraclitus was a native of Ephesus, where he be- 
came the founder of a sect of philosophers. We 
know little more of him, except that he was a pro- 
fessed misanthrope ; that he beheld with pity all the 
actions of men ; that he constantly wept for their 
misery, and thence obtained the name of the crying 
philosopher; 

Democritus was a native of Abdera in Thrace, and 
lived in the time of Xerxes king of Persia. As a 
philosopher, he was in high esteem. His desire of 
knowledge induced him to travel through the great- 
est part of the then known world ; and in those jour- 
neys he spent a very considerable fortune. He lived 
in perfect indifference about all the events of life, 
and used to laugh at the follies of mankind. His 
residing for the most part among tombs, inclined 
many to believe him to be disordered in his judg- 
ment ; and the inhabitants of Abdera intreated Hip- 
pocrates, the famous physician, to go and see him, 
Hippocrates accordingly paid him a visit ; but on 
discoursing with him, immediately discovered him 
to be a man of extraordinary knowledge and under- 
standing. Diogenes Laertius assures us, that De- 
mocritus possessed a fine genius, and had acquired 
a great fund of the most valuable learning. 



APPENDIX. 



PART L 

Of the Spartan and Athenian Governments. 

Before proceeding to the more interesting part 
of our history, we have judged it proper to subjoin 
to this first book a separate and distinct account of 
the most curious particulars of Grecian polity and 
manners- This it was impossible to interweave 
with propriety into the body of the work ; and yet 
it is necessary that the reader should be acquainted 
with the subject, because otherwise he could not 
have an accurate comprehension of many of the 
historical passages that follow. As the particulars 
of which we mean at this time to treat, have a 
strong connexion with, and serve to illustrate, one 
another, we thought it best to throw them alto- 
gether in an appendix. We have divided this ap- 
pendix into two parts. In the first we shall speak 
more particularly of the Spartan and Athenian 
governments ; and, in the second, we shall treat in 
general of the education of the youth — of the games 
and shows — of the principal circumstances relating 
to the art of war — and of the most remarkable par- 
ticulars of the religion of the Greeks. 

SECT. I. 

The Spartan institutions may be considered un- 
der two distinct heads : — 1st, So far as they regard- 



88 THE HISTORY OF BOOK U 

ed the public government of the state. 2dly, So 
far as they regarded the private lives of the citizens. 

The public government of Sparta was managed 
by two kings, a senate, the people, and the ephori. 
Hence it partook of the nature of each of the 
three principal forms of government, monarchy, 
aristocracy, and democracy. 

The civil power of the two kings of Sparta was 
very limited. In time of peace they enjoyed little 
else than the name of kings, and were truly no 
more than the two chief men of the senate. They 
were not at liberty by themselves alone to under- 
take any public business whatever ; all matters of 
that kind being determined by a plurality of voices 
in the senate. In time of war, indeed, they were 
invested with an absolute authority, in quality of 
generals. But they were accountable for their ma- 
nagement. Their conduct was liable to investiga- 
tion, and their persons subject to punishment. We 
may therefore easily conceive, that the two kings of 
Sparta made but a poor figure in time of peace. 

The senate was the grand institution of Lycur- 
gus. It was intended to counterbalance the power 
of the kings on the one hand, and that of the peo- 
ple on the other. It was composed of thirty mem- 
bers, including the two kings. The whole legisla- 
tive authority was lodged in their hands, and every 
point was determined by a plurality of voices. 

The power of the people was by Lycurgus very 
much confined. Their principal privilege was that 
of choosing the members of the senate. Their as- 
sent indeed was necessary to give sanction to the 
laws. But they were not permitted to reason or 
to deliberate upon such matters as were kid before 
them s being obliged simply to approve or to reject 
the opinion proposed to them by the senate. Their 
assemblies too were in a great measure dependent 
on the senate, which might call them together or 
dismiss them at its pleasure. 

This was the footing upon which Lycurgus e- 



PART h ANCIENT GREECE. 89 

stablished the public government ; and in this situa- 
tion it remained for about 13p years after his death. 
About that period it was thought necessary to de- 
vise some curb to the power of the senate, which 
appeared to be too absolute and great. For thi? 
purpose, therefore, the ephori were created in the 
time of King Theopompus. These magistrates 
were five in number ; were chosen by the people, 
and out of their own number ; and continued only~ 
one year in office. They bore a great resemblance 
to the tribunes of the people among the Romans* 
Their authority was very great. They could 
oblige the inferior magistrates, and even the kings 
themselves, to render an account of their adminis- 
tration ; and they could arrest and imprison the 
persons both of the senators and of the kings. A 
remarkable instance of this power happened in the 
case of Pausanias. 

The most important article respecting the private 
policy of the Spartans, was the equal distribution 
of the lands. Lycurgus, when he began his refor- 
mation, finding the whole territory of the state in 
the hands of a few wealthy citizens, used his ut- 
most endeavours to prevail with those citizens to 
relinquish their possessions, and to consent to an 
equal division of the lands among the whole mem- 
bers of the commonwealth. In this arduous work 
he was lucky enough at last to succeed. The whole 
territory of Laconia was distributed into 30,000 
shares, and assigned to the inhabitants of the coun- 
try ; and the liberties of Sparta were, in like man- 
ner, divided into 9000 shares, and allotted to the in- 
habitants of the city. Each share contained as 
much ground as was judged sufficient for the sub- 
sistence of one family, which was computed to re- 
quire about seventy bushels of grain, and a pro- 
portionable quantity of wine and oil. 

To remove likewise, as far as possible, all pre- 
• tensions to distinction that might arise from an in- 
equality in point of moveable effects, Lycurgus 



90 THE HISTORY OF BOOK 1. 

prohibited the use of gold and silver, and obliged 
the Spartans to confine themselves to iron money 
alone, of which the weight and small intrinsic value 
must render its use extremely difficult. By these 
means he banished luxury and magnificence, brought 
riches into contempt, and made modesty and sim- 
plicity to be honoured and esteemed. It is vain to 
pretend to reason about the rationality of these 
establishments of Lycurgus, since it is certain, that 
while Sparta retained her contempt for riches, she 
continued powerful and glorious. 

Still farther to prevent the desire of riches, and 
all incitements to luxury, Lycurgus prohibited the 
practice of all superfluous and unnecessary arts at 
Sparta, and all public shows, that his citizens might 
not be accustomed to sights condemned by the 
laws, nor listen even to an indirect justification of 
crimes and irregular passions. In place of such 
occupations and amusements, hunting and bodily 
exercises were encouraged, and constituted the or- 
dinary diversion of the Spartans. 

To complete this system of equality that Lycur- 
gus desired to establish among his countrymen, his 
last and most effectual institution was that of the 
public tables, at which all the citizens, rich and poor 
promiscuously, were obliged to eat of the same diet. 
Every table contained fifteen persons, each of whom 
furnished a certain quantity of the requisite pro- 
visions. A bushel of flour, eight gallons of wine, 
five pounds of cheese* two pounds and a half of figs, 
together with a small sum of money to purchase a 
little flesh and fish, and to cook the victuals, was 
the monthly contribution of every member. No 
new member could be admitted to any of those 
tables without the consent of the whole company. 
From their entertainments all delicate luxurious 
dishes were banished ; their ordinary and most e- 
steemed fare being a sort of black broth.* 

* Dionysiuv the tyrant of Syracuse, being informed of the 
extraordinary fondness of the Spartans for this black broth,, is 



PART h ANCIENT GREECE. 91 

This last regulation met with much opposition, 
And occasioned an insurrection, in which Lycurgus 
had one of his eyes knocked out. But the gentle- 
ness with which he treated the author of that mis- 
fortune, very much increased the public esteem for 
him, and the regulation at last took place. The 
public tables soon became so many schools of tem- 
perance and instruction to the youth. 

But of all the institutions of Lycurgus, the most 
extraordinary, perhaps, and the most w r ise, were 
those that regulated the education of the children,, 
which he justly regarded as the ground-work and 
basis of his whole system of government. His care 
in that respect may be said to have preceded not only 
the birth, but even the conception of the children, by 
the strict attention he bestowed on procuring them 
healthy and vigorous mothers. For this purpose, 
the Spartan young women were from their earliest 
years accustomed to a course of hardy and laborious 
exercises, proper for invigorating the body, such 
as wrestling, running, and throwing the javelin. 
These exercises, too, inspired them with a spirit of 
emulation and heroism, and improved their minds 
no less than their bodies. Hence the softer sex, 
which, in the modern nations inhabiting our hemis- 
phere, seems to be naturally actuated with a desire 
of outward ornament and dress, to attract the ad- 
miration of the other sex, at Sparta aspired to the 
most manly accomplishments. Their education 
there rendered them susceptible of the most heroic 
virtues, and that to such a degree, that the love of 
their country often extinguished the powerful ties of 

said to have procured a Spartan cook for the single purpose of 
preparing it for him. But the tyrant, on tasting it, having 
shown great dislike to it, the cook, with the strong sense of his 
native laconicism, told Dionysius, that one must bathe in the 
Eurotas before he could acquire the proper taste for this broth. 
Insinuating, by his observation/that one must fare as abstemious- 
ly, and use as violent exercise, as a Spartan did, before he could 
relish their favourite broth, » 



S££ TUM HISTORY O? ?OOIS %% 

natural affection. The mother, who heard that her 
son h&d fallen in the service of his country, anxiously 
examined the body, to see whether he had received: 
his wounds before or behind : in the former case 
she rejoiced, in the latter she wept. 

Nor were the Spartan maidens permitted tp re- 
ceive husbands till they arrived at the flower of 
their age ; an instance of singular wisdom in their 
excellent lawgiver. His sagacity was no less con- 
spicuous in contriving things so, that their marria- 
ges were all clandestine, and rather a rape than a 
formal conjunction. By these means the interviews 
between the new married couple, were few, difficult* 
and short. Hence temperance in their pleasures. 

Every child, when born, was examined by the 
oldest men of its tribe, who, if they thought it too 
delicate and weak, condemned it to die. It is ob- 
servable, that the Spartan children, though never: 
wrapped in swaddling clothes, were all remarkably 
straight, well proportioned, and beautiful, Their 
nurses were reckoned very careful and skilful ; and* 
on that account, were eagerly sought after by the 
principal people in the other states of Greece. It is 
reported, that Alcibiades was suckled by a Spartan. 

As the education of the children was accounted 
too important a concern to be entrusted to the pa- 
rents, who, by an absurd and ill-judged fondness, 
often ruin them, the state took that matter entirely 
into its own hands. A citizen of distinguished in- 
tegrity and ability was appointed principal superin- 
tendant of the education of the youth. At the age 
of seven years, the children were taken from their 
parents, and distributed into different classes, where 
they were inured to a hardy life, exposed to the ex- „ 
tremities of cold and heat, obliged to walk barefoot, 
with their heads shaved and uncovered, and accus 
tomed to the greatest simplicity and temperance in 
their diet. 

At the age of tweive they were removed into an- 
other class, where they underwent a more severe 



part i. AftciEtf* Greece. §3 

discipline still. There they learned obedience td th£ 
law's and magistrates, and reverence for the old men. 
To inspire them with bravery, and to render thehi 
expert at the exercises of war, they were obliged to 
fight With one another. In these contests they us- 
ed to contend with such fury and obstinacy, as often 
to have some of their members disabled, and some- 
times even to be killed. To make them adventur- 
ous and cunning, they were allowed to steal what- 
ever they pleased, either from the gardens or public 
halls of entertainment, provided they accomplished 
the theft without being detected ; but when caught 
in the fact, they were punished. It was likewise 
accounted a worthy accomplishment in the Spartan 
children to be able to bear, without complaining, 
at a certain feast in honour of Diana, the most se- 
vere whipping, even till the blood followed the 
stroke. Their understandings were cultivated more 
by the conversation of the wisest citizens, than by 
study and reading. They were particularly taught 
to give their answers in the fewest words possible. 
Hence conciseness, either in style or conversation, 
has obtained the name of laconicism. By these 
means a single syllable sometimes served among the 
Lacedemonians for an answer. 

The love of their country was the chief sentiment 
with which the Spartans laboured to inspire their 
youth • and the science of war was almost their 
only study. For it appears to have been the inten- 
tion of Lycurgus to form a nation of soldiers ; not 
indeed that they might indulge themselves in a 
spirit of conquest, and by that means give way to 
ambition and injustice, which he evidently meant 
to prevent, by prohibiting their making use of any 
naval force ; but that they might be able to main- 
tain the peace and liberties of their native country 
against turbulent and ambitious neighbours. Their 
first and principal lesson in the art of war was, 
Never to fly, let the enemy outnumber them ever 
so much, but either to die or to conquer. Those 



94 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I* 

who fled in any engagement were rendered infa- 
mous for ever, and might be insulted by any per- 
son with impunity. Another singular, but very 
political maxim observed by the Spartans in war 
was, Never to pursue a vanquished enemy beyond 
the field of battle. For this reason their adversar- 
ies, being sure of finding safety in flight, were in- 
duced to fight with less obstinacy. War, instead of 
a hardship, was by the Spartans considered as a re-, 
creation ; for then, and at no other time, the extreme 
rigour and severity of their usual course of life was 
in a good measure relaxed. 

We cannot conclude this article without observ- 
ing, that to several eminent writers some of the 
Spartan customs and institutions have appeared re- 
prehensible. Certain public exhibitions of their 
young women are censured as indelicate. And an 
article of freedom in an essential point allowed to 
their married women is condemned as immoral, and 
as being subversive of one of the most powerful 
bonds of paternal and of filial affection. 

We know, that to the first it may be answered 
hy a certain class of philosophers, that this appar- 
ent indelicacy is only a consequence of the corrup- 
tion of the manners of those who account it such ; 
while, on the other side, it is a proof of the inno- 
cence and simplicity of the Spartan manners. To 
the second the answer is more obvious, and perhaps 
more solid, that at Sparta filial affection was inten- 
tionally diverted from the private father, and direct- 
ed by the whole system of their education to the 
state, as the common father of all its members ; a 
circumstance which distinguishes Spartan polity 
from that of every other nation, so far as we know, 
which ever appeared on earth. 

Their cruelty, both as individuals and as a com- 
munity, is made another subject of reproach against 
the ancient Spartans : and indeed it seems to be alto- 
gether without excuse. To destroy such of their chil- 
dren as the inspectors judged to be too puny and 



PART U ANCIENT GREECE. 95 

weak, was both cruel, and, we will venture to add, 
absurd. Daily experience might have convinced 
them, that an enfeebled appearance in the first days 
of life is far from being an unequivocal sign even 
of bodily strength. Innumerable instances to the 
contrary occur daily in all countries. But even in 
a nation of Spartan warriors, an athletic make could 
hardly be put in competition with bravery, which 
depends more on the mind than on the body, and, 
like understanding, fancy, memory, and other men- 
tal endowments, is most rarely communicated to an 
Herculean frame. Of this the illustrious Spartan 
Agesilaus furnishes a convincing proof. 

But their more than savage barbarity to the He- 
lots, who tilled their fields, and on whom of course 
they depended for the means of life, shocks hu- 
manity, and almost exceeds belief. They not only 
obliged them to wear, on all occasions, both in their 
dress and deportment, the most disgraceful marks 
of abject servility, but daily insulted, struck, and 
maimed them, without a shadow of provocation \ 
and, often in pure wantonness, stabbed them to death. 

The horrid amusement of the criptia or ambus- 
cade, not only permitted, but even authoritatively 
imposed on the youth, is an instance of unprece- 
dented, of inconceivable, barbarity. Parties of the 
hardiest young Spartans, armed with daggers con- 
cealed under their clothes, were dispatched to tra- 
verse the fields, evidently with a view to mark out 
such of the Helots as appeared to possess most 
strength and courage, and the most manly appear- 
ance in face and gesture. Having made their ob- 
servations, they concealed themselves in the most 
unfrequented places, till night gave them an oppor- 
tunity to perpetrate the meditated massacre. Then 
sallying forth from their lurking places, they stab- 
bed with their daggers the devoted unsuspecting 
wretches. 

On the whole, the Spartan constitution seems to 
have been devised to render them a nation of hardy, 



96 THE HiSTOftT 0F BOOK 1, 

unfeeling ivarrioi-s. Every circumstance deemed 
conducive to this end, was studied and practised, 
though frequently repugnant to the softer and more 
amiable feelings of the human mind. But what 
cannot habit effect among mankind ? The manners 
riot only of distant nations, but even of the same 
nations in different ages, differ as much as the mo- 
tions of a tumbler differ from those of a laborious 
peasant. 

So extraordinary a people soon attracted the ad- 
miration of their neighbours, as well as of strangers ; 
and Sparta acquired a pre-eminence over all Greece. 
The other states, when at war, reckoned it a singu- 
lar advantage to obtain a Spartan for their general, 
and paid him the most perfect obedience. 

Most of the ancient philosophers were of opinion, 
that the government of Sparta approached the near- 
est of any to perfection, as comprehending all the ad- 
vantages, and excluding all the disadvantages, of the 
other forms of government. It is indeed certain, 
that while the institutions of Lycurgus were main- 
tained in their full vigour in Sparta, no sedition 
ever broke out there; no private man possessed 
himself by violence of the supreme power ; and no 
king assumed more authority than the laws per- 
triitted. 

SECT. II. 

To form an accurate notion of the form of go- 
vernment in the Athenian republic, it is necessary 
to know distinctly the different members whereof 
it was composed. 

The inhabitants of Athens were distinguished 
into three different ranks, the citizens, the strangers^ 
the slaves. 

Those only were naturally citizens who were 
born of Athenian parents, both free. Foreigners in- 
deed might become citizens by the indulgence of 
the people, who had the power of conferring that 
Taonour on such as had rendered signal service to 



I 



FART. I. ANCIENT GREECE. * 97 

the state. All the citizens were by Cecrops dis- 
tinguished into four tribes ; each of those tribes con- 
sisted of three divisions ; and each division was sub- 
divided into thirty families. About 100 years 
after Solon, this distribution of the citizens was al- 
tered by Clisthenes, who increased the number of 
tribes to ten ; in which situation they continued till 
the time of Demetrius Poliorcetes, when they were 
further increased to twelve. The young men were 
not admitted to the rank, nor entitled to any of the 
privileges, of citizens, till the age of twenty years. 
Then, after swearing in the most solemn manner 
never to fly from battle, to defend their country to 
their last breath, and to advance its honour and glo- 
ry with all their might, they were inscribed in the 
list of citizens. The whole power of government 
was exclusively confined to the citizens alone. 

Such strangers as settled at Athens, either for the 
sake of commerce, or from any other motive, always 
put themselves under the protection of some citi- 
zens. They were obliged to pay a tax to the state, 
and were subject to its laws, but had no share in 
the government. 

The third class consisted of two divisions : 1st, 
The servants, who, though free by birth, were con- 
strained through poverty to gain a livelihood by 
serving the other citizens. And, %dly, The slaves, 
properly so called, who were either prisoners taken 
in war, or were purchased with money. The last 
lived in a state of absolute dependence on their 
masters, and were accounted part of their proper- 
ty. When treated with cruelty, they had a right 
to complain to the proper magistrate ; and on prov- 
ing what they alleged, their masters were obliged 
to dispose of them. A certain proportion of their 
gains was appropriated to their own use. They 
might purchase their liberty, though contrary to 
the pleasure of their masters, and their masters 
might voluntarily set them at liberty whenever they 
thought proper. 

G 



98 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

We have seen in the preceding part of this his- 
tory, that the Athenians were at first ruled by kings. 
We have seen them, upon the death of Codrus, as- 
serting their liberty, taking the whole power of 
government into their own hands, and setting up 
principal magistrates of their own creation, called 
archons. We have seen them limiting still more 
and more the power of those archons ; first redu- 
cing the duration of their office to ten years, instead 
of conferring it for life, as at first ; and afterwards 
confining it to the space of one year. 

Sensible at last of the numberless inconveniences 
attending this unsettled state of government, they 
unanimously empowered Solon to make such al- 
terations in it as he should judge proper, and to 
bring the manner of proceeding in their public de- 
liberations to a regular and permanent form. 

Aware of the turbulent and licentious disposi- 
tion of the people with whom he had to deal, Solon 
accepted of the office with reluctance. Naturally 
averse himself to despotic sway, and inclined to the 
free and equal rule of a well regulated democracy, 
knowing perfectly at the same time the impossibi- 
lity of reconciling the Athenians to any other mode 
of subjection, he devised for them a form of govern- 
ment purely popular. But as he was well acquaint- 
ed with the many dangers and imperfections inci- 
dent to that system, he endeavoured, by every pos- 
sible precaution, to obviate them as far as he could. 

Solon would willingly have begun his adminis- 
tration, by establishing at Athens the same equali- 
ty in point of fortune that prevailed at Sparta. But 
foreseeing the danger of such an attempt in his cir- 
cumstances, he resolved to take a middle course, and 
to procure an acquittal of all debts then subsisting 
among the citizens. By that means he delivered 
from slavery a great number of citizens, whose ex- 
cessive debts had obliged them to part with their 
freedom; and, at the same time, he struck at the 
root of most of the commotions that had of late dis- 



PART I. ANCIENT GREECE. 99 

turbed the state, which were produced by the ri- 
gour of the richer citizens in exacting their debts, 
and by the refractory disposition and the inability 
of the poorer sort to pay them. 

Solon next proceeded to rank all the citizens into 
four classes, in proportion to the wealth of each. 
The first three classes comprehended the richer ci- 
tizens, who alone were to be promoted to all the 
offices of trust or dignity in the state. The fourth 
class contained the poorer citizens, who, though 
excluded on account of their poverty from posts 
and employments, had nevertheless the privilege of 
voting in the public assemblies : which, as we shall 
by and by see, eventually threw into their hands 
the whole power of the state ; for as this class com- 
prehended a greater number of persons than the 
other three together, they possessed a preponderan- 
cy of voices on all occasions. Afterwards, too, this 
exclusion of the poorer sort from public offices was 
abolished by the interposition of Aristides, and full 
liberty was granted to the meanest citizen, of arriv- 
ing at any office whatever. 

Solon next laid down rules about the form of pro- 
ceeding in the public assemblies. These assemblies 
were composed, as we have already observed, of the 
whole collective body of the citizens ; each of whom 
not only might, but was obliged to assist at them. 
Their meetings were of two kinds, ordinary and ex- 
traordinary. The ordinary meetings were appoint- 
ed to be holden on certain fixed days ; and the par- 
ticular business that was to come under the consi- 
deration of each meeting was properly known and 
ascertained. The extraordinary meetings were call- 
ed by public proclamation, when any matters oc- 
curred whose nature or importance required more 
solemn consideration or quicker dispatch. Every 
meeting was opened with sacrifices and prayer ; af- 
ter which the president explained the matter about 
which they were to deliberate. If the question 
had been previously agitated in the senate, in the 

g 2 



100 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

manner that we shall afterwards describe, the opi- 
nion there given was read, and the people were ask- 
ed, whether they thought proper to confirm it ? If 
they demurred, those who chose to deliver their sen- 
timents about the affair were desired to ascend the 
tribunal. The oldest members generally spoke first. 
When the pleadings were concluded, the people 
gave judgment by holding up their hands, in sign 
of approbation of the opinion or proposal laid be- 
fore them. But if a majority gave not this sign, the 
proposal was rejected. After the pleasure of the as- 
sembly was thus known, their sentence was redu- 
ced into writing, was then read over to them, and 
was confirmed a second time. 

The whole power of the commonwealth, both le- 
gislative and judicative, was yested in these popu- 
lar assemblies. For not only were all matters of 
public concern, such as the enacting and abrogating 
of laws, religious affairs, the creation of magistrates, 
and inquiries into their administration, peace, war, 
treaties, and the rewards of signal services done to 
the state, discussed in them ; but every question of 
private right might be tried before them, by appeals 
Torn all the judicatories in the republic. 

As some sort of restraint, or rather as a directory 
to the popular assemblies, Solon instituted the se- 
nate, which he formed of 100 men chosen out of 
each tribe; and the tribes in his time being four, 
the whole members of the senate amounted, bv con- 
sequence, to 400. Their number, however, was af- 
terwards increased to 500 upon the increase of the 
number of tribes to ten, about 100 years after Solon, 
when each tribe was allowed to furnish fifty mem- 
bers to the senate. They were all chosen by lot. 
But no man could become a senator before the age 
of thirty, nor till strict inquiry was made into his 
private character; and, before his admission, he 
bound himself by oath to give judgment in every 
question according to law, and to deliver at all times 
to the people of Athens the best counsel that oc- 



PART I. ANCIENT GREECE. 101 

curred to him. Every member of the senate re- 
ceived a salary out of the public treasury. The pre- 
sident was elected out of each tribe in rotation. 

The senators, before assembling, sacrificed to Ju- 
piter and Mercury. It was the president's business 
to lay before the senate the questions on which they 
were to deliberate. Each judge stood up in his 
turn, and delivered his opinion. The manner of 
stating the question being agreed on, it was writ- 
ten out and read aloud. The judges proceeded to 
give their votes by throwing either a black or a 
white bean into an urn. If the number of white 
beans exceeded that of the black, the sentence pass- 
ed in the affirmative ; if the number of black beans 
was greatest, it was rejected. But before the decree 
of the senate could have the force of law, it requir- 
ed the approbation of the assembly of the people, 
before whom therefore it next came. If affirmed 
by them, it passed into a law ; if not, it was only 
good for a year. This council was, as already men- 
tioned, intended by Solon as a check upon the as- 
sembly of the people; which being for the greater 
part composed of a confused multitude, without edu- 
cation, capacity, or much zeal for the public good, 
stood in need of such an institution to inform and 
direct them, to fix their inconstancy, to prevent 
their temerity, and to bestow on their deliberations 
a prudence and maturity to which the multitude 
necessarily were strangers. For this reason the most 
important matters of the state, such as those relat- 
ing to peace, war, the army, the navy, and the pub- 
lic funds, were first agitated in the senate, and 
brought before the popular assemblies only in the 
second instance. 

The next considerable act of Solon's administra- 
tion was the institution, or rather perhaps the refor- 
mation, of the court of areopagus. The power of 
this court was properly speaking, purely judicative. 
It was composed of the archons who had served 
the stated time in that capacity, and had discharged 



102 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

the duty of their office with distinguished integrity 
and reputation. The number of the judges in this 
court was not fixed. Sometimes they amounted to 
two or three hundred. The court of areopagus 
never met but at night, and in an open place ; and 
those who pled before them were not permitted to 
indulge themselves in declamation, but were strict- 
ly confined to the merits of their cause. 

This court was always most highly respected, on 
account of the singular justice and integrity of the 
judges, who were intrusted with the education of 
the youth, with the care of the public money, and 
with power to punish those who lived in idleness. 
They had likewise jurisdiction in matters of reli- 
gion, and deliberated about the introduction of new 
divinities, and the building of temples and altars. 
Besides the matters here enumerated, they meddled 
with no other, unless upon particular application of 
the state, which sometimes had recourse to the wis- 
dom of their deliberation on any dangerous emer- 
gency. 

It were equally tedious and unnecessary to enter 
into a particular detail of the various subordinate 
institutions of Solon. We hope that what has been 
said may give the reader a distinct notion of the 
public government of this famous republic, and that 
is all we proposed.* We shall therefore conclude 

* We shall, however, by way of note, mention very briefly 
some of the most remarkable of Solon's laws. — He who in public 
commotions remained neuter, was declared infamous. A rich 
heiress, who in marriage found her wishes disappointed, from 
some natural defect about her husband, of which he must have 
been sensible before marriage, might associate with her husband's 
nearest male relations : no portions were allowed to be given 
with any wives, except those who were heiresses. All injurious 
reflections against the dead were forbidden ; so were public re- 
vilings against the living. Those who had no children were au- 
thorised to bequeath their effects by will, from which, before So- 
lon's time, they were restrained. From a desire to promote in- 
dustry and manufactures, which the barrenness of the territories 
of Attica rendered more particularly necessary, he ordained that 
the son, who by hi3 father had not been educated in some busi- 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE. 108 

with a few words on the article of the public re- 
venues of Athens. 

These arose, 1st, From the produce of the territo- 
ry of the republic, the sale of its woods, and the great 
sums drawn from its silver mines. %dly, From the 
contributions of the allies to support the expences 
of war. In the time of Aristides, the produce of 
this fund amounted to no more than 460 talents ; 
Pericles augmented it about a third ; and some time 
after, it was more than doubled, and rose to 1300 
talents. 3dly, From the fines and confiscations im- 
posed by the courts of law. And, lastly, From ex- 
traordinary taxes levied in case of urgent necessity 
upon all the inhabitants of Attica. 



PART II 

Of the education of the youth, the games and shows, matters of 

war and religion among the Greeks. 

Of all the branches of Grecian polity, that which 
regarded the education of their youth was the most 

ness, should not be obliged to support that father when in want : 
and he who was thrice convicted of idleness became infamous. 
To discourage profligacy, and to promote marriage, illegitimate 
children were not obliged to relieve their parents when reduced 
to poverty, while lawful children were, with the exception just 
mentioned, compelled, under the penalty of infamy, to maintain 
their indigent parents. An adulterer caught in the fact might 
instantly be put to death with impunity ; and the adulteress was 
prohibited from adorning her person, and from assisting at pub- 
lic sacrifices. The exportation of any of the fruits of the ground, 
except oil, was prohibited under severe penalties. No stranger 
could be naturalised into the Athenian republic, unless he had 
been previously exiled to perpetuity from his native country, or 
had settled with his whole family at Athens to prosecute some 
manufacture. The guardian was not permitted to live in the 
same house with the mother of his ward. The custody of the 
minor's person was not intrusted to his presumptive heir. An 
archon who appeared drunk, suffered death. He who dissipated 
his fortune was declared infamous. He who refused to be a sol- 
dier, or betrayed cowardice in battle, was not allowed to appear 
in the forum, or in the places of public worship. The husband 
who continued to cohabit with his wife, after discovering that 
she dishonoured his bed, became infamous. 



104 % THE HISTORY OF BOOK U 

admirable. To the wisdom of those ancients in this 
respect, may be chiefly attributed the vast superi- 
ority in point of character and ability of the indivi- 
duals among them over those of modern times. To 
treat this subject with the accuracy its importance 
requires, would be a work equally laborious and 
useful. But as it is incompatible with our present 
design to enter into a minute investigation of this 
matter, we shall content ourselves with giving a 
general view of it in as few words as possible. 

Among the Greeks, the education of the youth 
was a branch of government ; and for that purpose 
public exercises were appointed, both for forming 
the body and for improving the mind. 

Their bodily exercises were principally calculated 
to inure them to the fatigues of war. Proper 
schools were set apart for the performance of those 
exercises, and skilful masters were appointed by the 
public to oversee them. There the youth practis- 
ed wrestling, riding, the use of arms, and military 
evolutions. Hunting too, which is an image of war, 
was in great repute, and very highly encouraged by 
the ancients. In the course of that diversion, the 
youth were accustomed to support the most vio- 
lent fatigue, cold, heat, and all the other varieties 
of the weather ; hunger, thirst, and hard journeys. 
For this reason Xenophon, one of the finest writers 
that Greece produced, who, with the science of a 
philosopher, united the skill of an excellent com- 
mander, a thorough knowledge of the world, and 
the politeness of a gentleman, thought it worth his 
while to compose a treatise on the art of hunting ; 
and in his beautiful philosophical romance, the 
Cyropedeia, he takes frequent occasion to launch in- 
to the praises of it, and to show, in the person of his 
hero, to what useful purposes it contributes. 

Dancing, too, was reckoned an essential part in 
the education of the ancient Greeks. Its principal 
aim with them was to bestow on the body an un- 
constrained and easy motion, and a graceful air. 



• 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE. 105 

To excel in it, therefore, was accounted an accom- 
plishment worthy the gravest and greatest charac- 
ters. Hence even Epaminondas, one of the most 
perfect characters that Greece ever produced, was 
praised for dancing gracefully, and for playing skil- 
fully on the flute. 

Music, which holds a middle rank between the 
exercises of the body and the qualifications of the 
mind, was likewise carefully cultivated by the 
Greeks, and considered as a necessary and polite 
accomplishment. The ancients indeed ascribed to 
this art the most wonderful effects, believing it ca- 
pable to soothe the passions, to soften the manners, 
and even to humanise barbarous and savage disposi- 
tions. On this account Socrates himself was not 
ashamed, when pretty far advanced in years, to 
learn to play upon musical instruments : and 
Themistocles, otherwise so well accomplished, was 
thought deficient in merit, because he could not 
touch the lyre. Even Plato, the gravest philoso- 
pher of antiquity, deemed these two arts of dancing 
and music so important, that in his books of laws, 
he takes much pains to prescribe proper rules with 
regard to them. But the taste of the Greeks in 
these two articles, was at length corrupted and de- 
praved by the extreme licentiousness of their thea- 
tres, where both music and dancing were by the co- 
medians applied to the purpose of exciting the loos- 
est and most shameful passions. 

Greece was the nursery and the residence of every 
branch of polite learning, of arts, and of sciences. 
Every study that depends on the powers of imagi- 
nation, or the faculties of the understanding, was 
there carried to the summit of perfection. Hence 
their youth applied, with the utmost assiduity, to 
the study of mathematics, philosophy, poetry, and 
eloquence, and were early instructed by the best 
masters in the principles of their native language, 
of which the various beauties were carefully point- 
ed out to them. By these means the Athenians in 



106 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

particular imbibed that exquisite taste for the re- 
finements of language* which has been the wonder 
of succeeding ages. 

But the acquisition they valued the most, and 
which was the object of their warmest ambition, 
was eloquence. This, indeed, in popular govern- 
ments like theirs, was of all qualifications the most 
useful, being the path that conducted to the highest 
offices of the state, and raised those who excelled in 
it to the most distinguished rank among their fel- 
low-citizens. 

Before the time of Socrates, the sciences were 
chiefly taught by masters called sophists, a vain pre- 
sumptuous set of men, who were eternally disput- 
ing and boasting of their knowledge. The excel- 
lent philosopher just mentioned, took great pains to 
detect their ignorance, and to expose them to ridi- 
cule. This provoked them against him ; and we 
shall by and by see, that he owed his destruction in 
a great measure to the resentment of those sophists. 

The games and combats, so much in use among 
the Greeks, were principally encouraged on account 
of their being so admirably calculated for rendering 
the bodies of the youth robust and vigorous, and 
for enabling them to support the fatigues of war ; 
and likewise on account of their forming a part of 
their religious worship. Of these exercises the fa- 
mous heroes of antiquity, such as Hercules, These- 
us, Castor, and Pollux, were the original inventors ; 
and the greatest poets aspired at glory by celebrat- 
ing the praises of those who conquered and excelled 
in them. In process of time, public instructors in 
those exercises arose, who formed a separate profes- 
sion by themselves, and often made an ostentatious 
display of their skill, by contending with one ano- 
ther in public. 

Of these games there were four principal and more 
solemn exhibitions, namely the Olympic, the Pi- 
thian, the Nemean, and the Isthmic. 

The Olympic games were the most famous of all. 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE. 1 07 

Their first institutor is unknown, though Pelops is 
with a great deal of probability generally considered 
as such. No particular time was at first set apart 
for their celebration. But, about the year before 
Christ 784, Iphitus, king of Elis, fixed it to every 
fourth year. These games were consecrated to Ju- 
piter ; and were performed in the neighbourhood of 
Olympia, a city in the district of Pisa. An olym- 
piad was a period of four years, being the space of 
time that intervened between one celebration and 
another. Ancient authors reckon their chronology 
altogether by olympiads, beginning at the olympiad 
which happened in the year before Christ 776. 

These more solemn games were no doubt at first 
established by the Greeks, as well with a view to 
draw together the leading men in the different 
states of Greece, that they might have an opportu- 
nity of deliberating on matters of general concern, 
as to inspire the youth with a love of glory. The 
Greeks exerted their utmost efforts to support the 
magnificence of these games* which were regularly 
celebrated while that people maintained their liber- 
ty. The vast concourse of spectators that constant- 
ly flocked thither, inspired the combatants with the 
highest spirit of emulation ; and to come off victo- 
rious was esteemed the greatest glory. According 
to Horace, victory there raised the conquerors to the 
rank of gods. The year was distinguished by the 
name of the conqueror in the chariot races, account- 
ed the most honourable of all, and his praises were 
sung by the most famous poets. The prize was a 
crown of laurel. 

Running was considered as the principal exercise 
at the Olympic games; which therefore always 
opened with the foot races. The course was called 
the stadium, from the measure of that name, con- 
taining about 600 feet, which was originally the 
whole space set apart for the performance of all the 
exercises. But, in process of time, not only the 
particular spot within which the disputants con- 



108 THE HISTORY OF BOOK !• 

tended, but likewise that occupied by the specta- 
tors, was called by that appellation, though perhaps 
exceeding the extent of several stadia. In the mid- 
dle of the stadium were displayed the different 
prizes destined for the victors. At one extremity 
of the lists was placed the barrier or starting place, 
formed by a cord extended ; without which were 
ranged the runners, and also the chariots. The 
drawing of this cord was the signal for starting. At 
the other extremity of the lists was placed the goal 
for those who ran. 

The runners were drawn up in a straight line, and 
the moment the signal w r as given, they hurried to- 
wards the goal with wonderful rapidity. In the 
shortest race, he who arrived first at the goal was 
declared the victor : But there was a longer race ; 
in which, after reaching the goal, they returned to 
the barrier. Besides these, there were others of 
greater extent still ; and, in the longest of all, the 
disputants were obliged to double the goal no fewer 
than twelve times. 

Horse-races, though holden in a considerable de- 
gree of estimation, were not so common : And, in- 
deed, in those ancient times, w r hen the use of stir- 
rups was unknown, it must have required very 
great dexterity to contend in them. 

The chariot-races were the most famous of all ; 
not only because ancient princes and heroes gener- 
ally fought from chariots ; but likewise because 
those who contended for the prize in that exercise, 
at the Olympic games, w r ere persons of the noblest 
birth, or distinguished by the greatness of their ex- 
ploits. Two kings of Syracuse, Gelo and Hiero, 
and Philip of Macedon, accounted their having ob- 
tained the palm of victory in this dispute among 
their highest honours. These chariots were drawn 
by two or four horses yoked a-breast. Hence the 
words bigae (a tw r o-horse carriage,) and quadrigae 
(a four-horse carriage.) All the chariots set off to- 
gether from the starting-place, called carceres, the 



PART Hi ANCIENT GREECE. 1®9 

instant the signal was given. The station of each 
was settled by lot ; for some stations were much 
more advantageous than others ; those, for exam- 
ple, that were ranged on the left, were nearer 
the goal, around which they were obliged to ten, 
than those ranged on the right, which had a larger 
circuit to perform ; but the stations occupied by 
each before starting, were necessarily altered in the 
course of the race ; for the fleetest horses, and mos* 
skilful charioteers, would certainly take possession 
of the most convenient stations. Of all the Athe- 
nians, Alcibiades was the most ambitious to distin- 
guish himself in these games. For that purpose he 
kept a great number of horses ; and once sent no 
fewer than seven chariots to contend for the prize. 
On the day that he won the three first prizes, he 
gave a grand entertainment to all the spectators, 
who must have formed a vast multitude. These 
victories of Alcibiades were immortalised by a fa- 
mous ode composed by the celebrated Euripides. 

It was not necessary for the disputant in the cha- 
riot-races to conduct his chariot in person. It was 
sufficient if he were present ; or even if he sent thi- 
ther his horses. Thus Philip was at Potidea, when 
he received the news of his victory in the chariot 
races at the Olympic games. It may be observed 
too, that even women were permitted to contend for 
the prize in that dispute. We learn from history, 
that Cynisca, the sister of Agesilaus king of Sparta, 
was the first woman who set the example ; and that 
she gained the victory in the race of the chariots 
drawn by four horses. 

The victor, after being adorned with a crown of 
olive, received a palm into his hand, and was con- 
ducted through the stadium by a herald, who pro- 
claimed him victor by the sound of a trumpet. 
This was accompanied by loud shouts from the 
spectators. On returning to his native city, he 
made his entry through a breach in the wall, 
thrown down for that special purpose, mounted on 



1 10 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

a chariot drawn by four horses, all his fellow-citizens 
going out to meet him. Victory in the chariot 
races was, as already observed, esteemed the most 
honourable of all ; and historians distinguished each 
olympiad by the name of him who had won the 
first prize in that dispute. 

The combats of the athletae, or the gymnastic 
exercises, formed the remaining part of the enter- 
tainment at the Olympic games. The athletse 
prepared themselves for this public exhibition of 
their strength and dexterity by a regular educa- 
tion ; and none but free Greeks, of irreproachable 
moral characters, were admitted into their number. 
They were obliged, previously to their appearing 
at the public games, to spend ten months in the 
gymnasia ; where, under the direction of proper 
masters appointed for the purpose, they observed 
the most rigid temperance, to harden their bodies, 
and to adapt them to the requisite exercises. Be- 
fore engaging, the athletas had their bodies care- , 
fully rubbed and anointed, that their limbs and 
joints might thereby be rendered more strong and 
pliable : and they fought quite naked, to give less 
hold to their adversaries. 

Those who presided at these games were called 
agnothetae. 

The various exercises in which the athletae con- 
tended, were wrestling, boxing, the pancratium, 
throwing the discus, and jumping. 

Wrestling is an exercise every where so well 
known, that it were superfluous to spend many 
words in giving a description of it. Each contending 
party practised his utmost strength, agility, and ad- 
dress, to throw down his adversary. But if he who 
was thrown down carried his opponent along with 
him, the dispute was not at an end, for they still 
continued struggling ; and he who got uppermost 
at last, and obliged the other to demand quarter, 
was declared conqueror. Milon of Crotona, and 
Polydamas, were the most renowned wrestlers of 
all antiquity. 



i 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE* 111 

Boxing is an exercise pretty generally known 
likewise. In this exercise the combatants fought 
with their fists, which were armed with cestuses, 
a sort of gauntlet or glove, composed of leather 
straps lined with plates of iron, to render the blows 
more violent ; and to preserve their heads from con- 
tusions, they wore a sort of large cap. Sometimes, 
after contending a long while, they were so ex- 
hausted by sweat and fatigue, as to be obliged of 
concert to suspend the combat for a little time, 
that they might draw breath, and refresh them- 
selves. In these engagements, they were some- 
times frightfully disfigured, having all their body 
covered with miserable contusions, an eye knocked 
out, or their jaw bones broken ; and sometimes the 
combatants dropped down dead on the spot. 

The pancratium required, as the word imports, 
the whole strength of the body. It was a combina- 
tion both of wrestling and boxing ; for the comba- 
tants employed the struggling practised in the one, 
and the blows used in the other. They were at li- 
berty even to kick with their feet, and to make 
use of their teeth and nails. Such combats justly 
appear to us barbarous and horrible, nearly as much 
so as those of the Roman gladiators ; and the spec- 
tators were certainly in a high degree devoid of hu- 
manity, when they took pleasure to see men en- 
deavouring in this manner to disfigure, and even to 
murder one another. 

The discus was an exercise in which the dispu- 
tants exerted all their strength in throwing a piece 
of stone or lead, of a round form, and generally of 
such a weight, that it was with difficulty carried in 
both hands. This, like most of the other exercises, 
was calculated to strengthen the body, that it might 
bear the more easily the burdens necessary to be 
carried in war. Their posture, when they threw 
the smaller discus, was thus : they advanced one 
leg to a convenient distance before the other, bend- 
ed their body, and holding the discus poised on one 



112 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

arm, leaned their whole weight on the foremost leg, 
then, after two or three motions in the manner they 
were to throw, in order properly to balance their 
whole body, they discharged the discus. He who 
threw it farthest won the prize. But besides this, 
they had several other methods of throwing the 
discus, generally making use of both arms at the 
same time. 

Jumping and throwing the javelin were two ex- 
ercises, in which the disputants endeavoured to 
jump and to throw the javelin the farthest they pos- 
sibly could ; and he was victor who threw it the far- 
thest of all. 

Besides the exercises above described, it was us- 
ual at the Olympic games, for the poets, and finest 
geniuses of the times, to contribute still further to 
the public entertainment, by reciting before that 
vast assembly some of their best compositions. 
There Herodotus publicly read his history ; which 
was so highly relished and applauded, that each of 
the nine books whereof it consisted, was honoured 
with the name of one of the nine muses. In like 
manner Lysias, the famous Athenian orator, recited 
an oration, wherein he congratulated with the 
Greeks on their having humbled the power of Di- 
onysius the tyrant. Several other orators likewise 
went thither to read some favourite discourse. 

The victors in those games had right of prece- 
dency at all the public shows. Besides this general 
indulgence, they were particularly honoured at Spar- 
ta, by the privilege of being maintained at the pub- 
lic charge, and of fighting nearest to the person of 
the king. The praises of the victors were common- 
ly the subject of the odes composed by the poets of 
those days. Pindar and Simonides made this the 
theme of all their works of that kind. 

The Pythian games were celebrated at Delphos 
every fourth year, in honour of Apollo ; and parti- 
cularly in memory of his victory over the serpent 
Python. The victor in them was crowned with 
laurel. 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE. 113 

The Nemsean games were celebrated every second 
year at Nemsea, a city of the Peloponnesus, in ho- 
nour of Hercules, who had destroyed the lion that 
infested the forest of Nemsea. The victor in them 
was crowned with parsley. 

The Isthmian games were celebrated every fourth 
year in the isthmus of Corinth, in honour of Nep- 
tune. They were instituted by Theseus. The vic- 
tor in them was crowned with pine leaves. 

It is to be remarked, that during the celebration 
of all these games, a general suspension of arms took 
place through Greece, if at the time war happened 
to prevail between any of the states. 

One of the most famous combatants in the gym- 
nastic exercises, of which we have been just speak- 
ing, was Milo the Crotonian, so called from his being 
a native of the city of Crotona. He is renowned 
in history for his prodigious strength, and his great 
courage. When but a very young man, he was six 
times victor at the Olympic games. The instances 
mentioned by historians of his vast strength, and no 
less surprising stomach, appear almost incredible. 
He is said to have carried on his shoulders, the 
whole length of a stadium, an ox four years old, 
to have killed it with a single blow of his fist, and 
to have eaten the whole carcase in one day. His 
strength, however, proved at last his destruction, 
for, having attempted to open entirely the body of 
an oak tree, which he found a little open already, 
the wood closed upon his hands, and, being unable 
to disengage himself, he was devoured by the wild 
beasts. 

The Athenians were passionately fond of thea- 
trical representations. Among them judges were 
appointed to examine each piece before it came to 
be publicly acted : and the representations were con- 
ducted with the highest magnificence. 

Tragedy was not only invented, but carried to 
the highest pitch of perfection among the Greeks. 
Thespis may be said to have been the inventor of 

H 



114 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

it: Eschylus improved upon his plan; and Sopho- 
cles and Euripides completed the work. 

Terror and pity constituted the soul of the an- 
cient Greek tragedy ; for that ingenious people, who 
in every art and science made nature their sole mo- 
del, discovered that these two passions were the best 
adapted to affect the minds of the spectators. The 
principle upon which this is founded, may perhaps 
be this : that as we are sensible of the misfortunes 
with which human life is surrounded, we are the 
more disposed to be affected with the representa- 
tion of those misfortunes, from a consciousness of 
being ourselves exposed to feel the sufferings by 
which we see others distressed. But to ascertain 
the principle appears unimportant. Terror and com- 
passion were the only passions whereby those an- 
cient poets studied to move their audience. They 
seem to have disdained to accomplish that end by 
exhibiting their heroes as the slaves of the softer 
passions, and unmanned by the effeminate care of 
love. They regarded weaknesses of that sort as a 
stain on their characters. 

Comedy kept pace with her sister art at Athens, 
and arrived at perfection much about the same time. 
The Athenians took great delight in comic repre- 
sentations ; being well pleased to see the blemishes 
in the characters of their superiors and contempor- 
aries exposed anil censured by the ingenious touch- 
es of pleasantry and wit. But we are justly sur- 
prised at the extreme licentiousness of the Athenian 
comic poets, for they not only made the most illus- 
trious characters of their age the butt of their ridi- 
cule, but even meddled with the character of their 
gods. They likewise presumed to touch on state 
affairs ; and introduced the faults of government as 
the subject of their mirth and pleasantry. This ex- 
cessive licentiousness, was one of the consequences 
of the popular form of government. 

Eupolis, Cratinus, and Aristophanes, were the 
most famous of the Greek comic poets ; but of the 



PART H. ANCIENT GREECE. 115 

two first, none of the performances have come down 
to us, and only a few of those of the latter. In the 
time of Ly sander and the thirty tyrants, the satiri- 
cal liberty which had till then prevailed on the 
stage was greatly restrained. The poets, however, 
eluded the force of the injunction given them, not 
to mention any person by name, by drawing the 
character in so striking a manner, that the audience 
had no difficulty to find out the person aimed at. 
But at last, in the time of Alexander the Great, the 
poets were entirely prohibited from attacking any 
living character in their comedies, either directly 
or indirectly. They were obliged therefore to have 
recourse to fiction, and to devise adventures for 
their theatrical personages. Comedy then became 
a copy of the living manners of the age in general! 

The theatre of the Greeks consisted of three prin- 
cipal divisions. The first, destined for the specta- 
tors, and denominated the theatre in a more strict 
and confined sense, was in the form of a semicircle, 
and disposed in the manner of an amphitheatre, 
containing three storeys of seats above one another, 
of which the highest reached to the top of the build- 
ing. Each storey consisted of seven rows of seats, 
separated from one another by a landing place. The 
storeys of seats were divided from each other by 
three ranges of very large porticoes, which compos- 
ed the body of the amphitheatre. Besides these, 
there were great square openings in proper places, 
called vomitoria, by which the people entered and 
retired; and stairs called cunei, because each of 
them formed a sort of corner conducting to the se- 
veral storeys of seats. 

The second division was called the scenes, and 
consisted of two parts. The first of these, called in 
a more limited sense the scenes, was of the form of 
a long square, and presented a large front, along 
which the statues and decorations were disposed. 
The other part of this division was a large space in 
front of the scenes, called by the Greeks proscenium; 

h2 



116 THE HISTORY OF BOOK L 

but it might have been in a stricter sense denomi- 
nated the stage, for it was there the actors perform- 
ed the piece. 

The third division, called the orchestra, was si- 
tuated between the theatre and the scenes, and was 
set apart for the pantomimes, dancers, and musicians. 

The whole edifice was open at top, and exposed 
to the weather, but was commonly covered with 
sails or large pieces of canvass, to preserve the spec- 
tators from the heat of the sun. 

The passion of the Athenians for theatrical re- 
presentations rose at last to a kind of phrenzy, and 
is accounted one of the principal causes of the cor- 
ruption of their manners. It must be allowed, that 
Pericles, from a desire to conciliate the popular fa- 
vour, was the first who laid the foundation of this 
corruption; for, by procuring a certain salary to 
each citizen every day that sacrifices were perform- 
ed, or plays exhibited, he very naturally produced 
in the hearts of the Athenians a strong inclination 
for the theatre. Feasts and plays succeeded each 
other almost without intermission ; and the people, 
as a consequence of their taste for shows and diver- 
sions, became idle and indolent. 

The taste, however, was restrained within some 
sort of bounds till after the death of Epaminondas. 
The Athenians, finding themselves by that event, 
delivered from a man whose talents had raised the 
Thebans to such a situation as to be able to dispute 
with them the superiority in Greece ; and who had, 
during his life, kept them as well as the other states 
in constant action ; and having then no other enemy 
to give them disturbance, consumed in shows and 
feasts the whole public money destined for the 
maintenance of their fleet and army. What unac- 
countable delusion, to squander away in empty a- 
musements such immense sums ; and to prefer the 
love of pleasure to the safety of the state and inte* 
grity of manners ! Their enemies, and particularly 
Philip king of Macedon, did not fail to avail them- 



PART II. ANCIENT GttEfcCE. 117 

selves of this state of indolence and dissipation into 
which the Athenians had fallen. 



The Greeks were from the earliest times distin- 
guished by their martial character ; of which the 
Trojan war, where so many brave chiefs gained im- 
mortal fame> furnished the first public display. It 
is difficult to determine, whether this warlike tem- 
per was the cause or the effect of that strong spirit 
of liberty with which we have seen them so univer- 
sally actuated. But these two passions are certain- 
ly nearly allied, and must have greatly cherished 
and heightened one another. This martial disposi- 
tion, too, must have been highly promoted by the 
peculiar situation of the country, divided, as it was, 
into a number of small states, each governed by its 
own laws, and influenced by its peculiar character 
and interests. Accordingly, we see, that ambition 
and jealousy occasioned continual subjects of dis- 
pute among those different states, and kept them 
almost constantly at war with one another. Sparta 
and Athens were unquestionably the chief of all 
the Grecian states, and rendered themselves no less 
famous by their rival ship and their perpetual strug- 
gles for superiority, than by the singularity and 
difference of their genius and manners. 

From what has been already said in the former 
part of this appendix, the cause of this pre-eminence 
of Sparta and Athens over their neighbours is suf- 
ficiently apparent. The whole aim of the Spartan 
legislator appears to have been to render his coun- 
trymen a nation of soldiers. Every circumstance of 
their education was admirablv calculated for that 
purpose. To go barefoot, to lie hard, to eat little, 
to suffer every extremity of the weather, to bear 
fatigue, and even wounds, to exercise themselves 
continually at wrestling, running, hunting, all con- 
tributed to that end. Their remarkable respect for 
their magistrates and elders, and their perfect sub- 
mission to the laws, prepared them admirably for 



J 18 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

every branch of military discipline. At Sparta too 
the mothers wept only for such of their children as 
fled, not for those that fell. All means,in a word, were 
practised to make the Spartans invincible in battle. 

The Athenians, though not educated in so hardy 
a manner, were nevertheless animated with an equal 
spirit of valour. The ancient glory of their nation, 
which had always distinguished itself by its warlike 
actions, was a powerful incentive to bravery, A 
generous emulation not to yield in point of merit to 
their rivals the Spartans, likewise served greatly to 
promote the martial temper natural to the Athen- 
ians. But, above all, the rewards and honours be- 
stowed on those who had behaved with remarkable 
courage in battle ; the monuments erected to the 
memory of such as had fallen in the service of their 
country ; and the excellent funeral orations publicly 
pronounced on the most solemn occasions, to render 
their names immortal, contributed wonderfully to 
keep alive the flame of valour, and to inspire them 
with extraordinary bravery. This end was likewise 
greatly advanced by the attention shown by the re- 
public to such of their citizens as had suffered in 
war. For not only those who were maimed, but the 
children and parents of those who were killed in 
battle, were taken under the immediate protection 
of the commonwealth, and educated and maintained 
at the public expence. 

By these means Sparta and Athens enjoyed an 
undisputable superiority, in point of valour and 
military discipline, over all the other states. Thebes 
alone, by an extraordinary exertion of bravery, at- 
tempted to share in their glory. But her power, as 
we shall see in the sequel, was of very short con- 
tinuance. 

The armies both of the Lacedemonians and A- 
thenians consisted of four classes : citizens, allies, 
mercenaries, and slaves. At Athens, in the time of 
Demetrius Phalerius, were reckoned about 20,000 
citizens, 10,000 strangers, and 40,000 slaves. 



PART lii , ANCIENT GREECE. ,119 

All the Athenians, at the age of twenty years, 
were inrolied, and engaged by oath to serve the 
republic, which they were obliged to do till they 
were sixty years old. Citizens alone were admit- 
ted on that footing. Each of the tribes whereof the 
state was composed, furnished a certain number of 
soldiers, according as the public exigencies required, 
either for the sea or land service; for in process of 
time the naval power of Athens became vejy con- 
siderable, insomuch that, at the beginning of the 
Peloponnesian war, we shall see them maintaining 
a fleet of no fewer than 300 galleys. 

At Sparta, in the time of Demaratus, were com- 
puted to be 8000 Spartans. These were the flower 
of the nation, every individual of that number pos- 
sessing the qualifications of a general; and they 
were all inhabitants of Sparta ; for those who went 
by the name of Lacedemonians lived in the coun- 
try. Their allies formed the most numerous part of 
their troops. The mercenaries were maintained by 
the state ; and every Spartan was attended by four 
or five Helots. 

The age of those who bore arms among the Lace- 
demonians, was from thirty to sixty years ; those of 
a less or more advanced age were charged with the 
defence of the city. They never put arms into the 
hands of their slaves, except in cases of great neces- 
sity. Their proper national forces altogether amount- 
ed only to about 10,000 men ; for Sparta was not so 
populous by a great deal as Athens. 

The infantry of the Greeks, in general, consisted 
of two great divisions : 1st, The heavy-armed sol- 
diers, each of whom carried a large shield, a lance, 
a javelin, and a sword. 2dly, The light-armed sol- 
diers, who bore only bows and slings, and in the be- 
ginning of the battle were commonly posted in the 
front of the army. The armies were divided into 
different squadrons or regiments, commonly consist- 
ing, as at the battle of Mantinea, of between 500 
and 600 men ; these again were subdivided, like 



120 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I* 

our modern regiments, into four companies of 128 
men each ; and these companies were further sub- 
divided into four parties, which we may call pla- 
toons, consisting of thirty-two men each, and which 
admitted of four men a-breast and eight deep, or 
eight a-breast and four deep. 

The Lacedemonians had but few cavalry ; and 
the Athenians still fewer, their territory being in- 
adequate to the support of any considerable number 
of horse- 

The Athenians were much superior to the Lace- 
demonians in naval power. Their fleets consisted 
of two sorts of ships : 1st, Their ships of war, call- 
ed by them long ships, which were rowed j 2dlt/? 
Their transports, which carried the provisions and 
baggage, and were managed with sails. Of their 
ships of war some had but one bench of oars, with- 
out any deck ; some had two, some three, some four* 
and some five benches of oars. Hence they were 
denominated biremes, triremes, fyc. according to their 
number of benches. The triremes were most in use. 
The most common opinion is, that the different 
benches of oars were disposed above one another 
obliquely, like the steps of a stair, and not parallel 
to each other, along the whole length of the vessel. 
The beak or rostrum of the vessel was on a level with 
the water, immediately under the prow, and was a 
long piece of wood, having a sharp point covered 
with iron, with which they sometimes pierced and 
sunk their opponent at a single stroke. The manage* 
ment of the vessel was committed to the rowers and 
sailors ; distinct from these were the soldiers, whose 
business was to fight. The sailors were all citizens, 
and none of them slaves. The chief commander of 
the vessel was called nauclerus. The next in office 
was the pilot, who had his station at the stern. It 
was believed that each of the larger vessels contain- 
ed about 200 men in all, counting both soldiers and 
sailors. The common pay was about three oboli, 
nearly threepence sterling. The pay of the land 
forces was much the same. 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE. 121 

The charge of arming the galleys in times of war, 
and of furnishing them properly with every thing 
necessary, was laid upon the richer sort of citizens, 
who were thence called trier archs, a word import- 
ing commftnders of galleys of three benches of oars. 
At first the number of these was not determined ; 
but afterwards each tribe *was obliged to furnish 
120 men ; and the tribes being then ten, the whole 
number of men by that means amounted to 1200. 
These were divided into four classes of 300 men 
each; of whom the first 300, being the richest, 
made the requisite advances ; for which recourse 
was reserved to them against the rest; Those 1200 
men were again divided into parties of sixteen men 
each ; of whom each party was obliged to equip 
m\e galley. 

As this law was extremely arbitrary, and by that 
means gave occasion to much injustice and oppres- 
sion, Demosthenes persuaded the Athenians to es- 
tablish a different rule, whereby every citizen, whose 
estate amounted to ten talents, was obliged to fit 
out one galley upon his own proper expence ; if his 
estate was worth twenty talents, he was obliged to fi t 
out two; and so of the rest. Those who were not 
worth ten talents, were to join with others, till the 
estates of the whole reached to that sum, and to find 
one galley among them. 

It was the state that furnished the pay of the sail- 
ors and soldiers. The trierarch had the command 
of the vessel ; and when there were two trierarchs, 
they commanded by turns, at the rate of six months 
each. When their office ended, they were obliged 
to give an account of their management, and to de- 
liver up the ship, with every thing belonging to her, 
into the hands of the republic. 

The Greeks had a singular taste for every species 
of religion. Being for the greater part originally 
composed of small colonies from different nations, 
each state had its peculiar form of worship. They 



122 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I. 

had, besides, the folly to adopt not only the various 
deities of one another, but likewise those of the dif- 
ferent nations with whom they had any intercourse. 
Still not satisfied with the multitude of gods, by 
these means introduced among them, they institut- 
ed a genera] festival m honour of all other gods 
wherewith they were unacquainted ; and from the 
Acts of the Apostles, it appears that the Athenians 
had erected an altar to the unknown God. The 
most remarkable particulars relating to religion 
among the Greeks were their temples, their sacri- 
fices, their festivals, their oracles, and their augury. 

The four principal temples belonging to the 
Greeks were, 1st, That of Diana at Ephesus, ac- 
counted one of the seven w r onders of the world. It 
was about 440 feet long, and 230 wide ; and was 
supported by 127 pillars, about 62 feet high, the 
whole executed by the most skilful artists. 2d, 
That of Apollo in the city of Miletus. 3d, That of 
Ceres and Proserpine at Eleusis. Mh, That of Olym- 
pian Jove at Athens. All these temples were built 
of marble, and decorated with the finest ornaments. 
Their architecture furnished the most perfect models 
in the three principal orders ; namely, the Doric, 
Ionic, and Corinthian. 

But of all the temples in Greece, the most famous 
by far was that of Apollo at Delphos, on account of 
the great credit and reverence paid by all nations to 
the responses of his oracle. This temple was filled 
with immense riches, made up of presents from the 
most opulent princes and states. Those particular- 
ly of Croesus king of Dydia, were extraordinarily 
magnificent, consisting of vast quantities of gold 
and silver, and some statues of solid gold, of inesti- 
mable value. But the great wealth of this temple 
allured the avarice of several princes who were not 
over scrupulous about the crime of sacrilege. 
Xerxes, in his return from Greece, took possession 
of the greatest part of its treasures ; the Phoceans 
plundered it several times ; Sylla carried off much 



i 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE, 123 

of its wealth ; and the emperor Nero, long after, 
ordered 500 of its most valuable statues to be 
brought to Rome. 

To give a distinct idea of the sacrifices of the 
Greeks, it will suffice to set down an account of that 
offered up on the arrival of Telemachus at Ithaca, 
as we find it minutely described in the third book of 
Homer's Odyssey. Nestor performed on that occa- 
sion the part of the priest or sacrificer : two men 
brought forward the heifer : two other men ap- 
proached at the same time, the one bearing a bason 
of water, the other a basket containing the conse- 
crated barley : two men more stood by, the one 
holding an axe, the other a vessel to receive the 
blood. Nestor began the ceremony, by pouring out 
the water, by way of libation, and scattering the 
barley ; after that, he cut off from the forehead of 
the victim some hair, which he threw into the fire, 
and addressed a prayer to Minerva. Then he who 
held the axe, cut with one blow the sinews of the 
neck of the heifer, which was then thrown down ; 
the women present pouring forth, in the mean 
time, their prayers, accompanied with loud excla- 
mations : the victim being lifted up again was 
blooded. As soon as she was dead, they skinned 
and opened her : the haunches were separated from 
the rest of the carcase, were overlaid with a double 
coat of fat, covered with small pieces cut off from 
the other parts, and then burnt on the altar, Nestor 
sprinkling them with wine. When the haunches 
were consumed by the fire, and the entrails tasted 
by all present, the remaining parts were cut into 
convenient pieces, and roasted on spits ; and then 
those present sat down to the entertainment. 

The Athenians observed many festivals. The 
principal were, 

1st, The Panathenea, celebrated in honour of Mi- 
nerva, the tutelar deity of the city, which from her 
derived its name. These were substituted by The- 
seus, in place of the Athenea, when he prevailed 



124 THE HISTORY OF ' BOOK L 

with all the people of Attica to remove to Athens. 
They were solemnised every year ; and, on that oc- 
casion, victory was publicly contended for in four 
different disputes; namely, running, wrestling, mu- 
sic, and poetry. Judges were appointed for regu- 
lating the form of the trial, and distributing the 
prizes. These disputes were followed by a solemn 
procession, in which a magnificent standard was 
carried, exhibiting the feats of Pallas against the 
Titans and giants. The old men walked foremost 
in this procession ; next the oldest women ; after 
them came all the men in the flower of their age, 
armed with shields and lances ; they were followed 
by the young men of the principal families ; girls 
carrying baskets, wherein were the consecrated 
things, succeeded next; and the procession was 
closed by young children of both sexes. In this 
festival, the people of Athens implored the protec- 
tion of Minerva. 

2dly 9 The festivals of Bacchus, consisting of the 
greater, called Dionysia, which were celebrated in 
spring within the city ; and the lesser, called Lenea, 
celebrated in the autumn, and in the country. 
Both were attended with magnificent shows, and 
dramatic representations, as well of the tragic as co- 
mic kind. The initiated dressed themselves at these 
festivals in skins, and carried in their hands thyr- 
suses, with drums or horns ; having their heads 
adorned with leaves of the vine or ivy ; and person- 
ating Silenus, Pan, or the Satyrs. They were 
either actually drunk, the most common case, or 
else counterfeited drunkenness, and ran about all 
over the country. The women joined in the cele- 
bration of these festivals as well as the men ; dis- 
guised themselves in the same manner ; and seem- 
ed actuated by a sort of religious phrenzy. The 
vilest and most excessive debauchery and licentious- 
ness prevailed on those occasions. 

3dly, The festival of Eleusis or Ceres. This was 
one of the most famous, and was called, by way of 



PART II. ' ANCIENT GREECE. 125 

supereminence, the Mysteries. Tradition bore, that 
it was instituted by Ceres ; who having come to 
Eleusis in Attica, taught the inhabitants the use of 
corn ; and at the same time softened and human- 
ised their savage dispositions. These mysteries 
were divided into the greater and the lesser : The 
lesser were celebrated in the month of November, 
end the greater in the month of August. Stran- 
gers were totally excluded from both. Before initia- 
tion, it was necessary to wash, to pray, to sacrifice, 
and to observe a strict continence for a certain 
space. The ceremony of their admission was per- 
formed in the night. On that occasion certain 
mysterious books were read ; extraordinary voices, 
with claps of thunder, were heard ; spectres appear- 
ed ; the earth shook ; and the initiated were con- 
gealed with fear. It was alleged, that very abomi- 
nable things were transacted at these ceremonies ; 
but if so, they were buried in silence ; for it was 
highly criminal to divulge the mysteries of this fes- 
tival. An archon, then honoured with the title of 
king, presided at the celebration of the ceremonies, 
having under him several officers to assist him in 
the discharge of his duty. All the Athenians, both 
men and women, were early initiated in these mys* 
teries. 

It was commonly believed, that this ceremony 
enjoined the practice of virtue ; and procured the 
celebrators the peculiar protection of the goddess, 
and a higher degree of happiness in the next life. 
What strange notions have been entertained in all 
ages, about the manner of paying honour to the 
beings supposed to preside over the universe, and 
of reconciling their favour ! It was capital for any 
person not initiated to enter the temple of Ceres. 
This festival continued nine days. The first three 
days were consumed in the performance of certain 
previous ceremonies. On the fourth was exhibited 
the procession of the basket, so called from its be- 
ing composed of women carrying baskets filled 



v 



126 THE HISTORY OP BOOK I. 

with certain things most carefully concealed, The 
fifth was the procession of the torches, when they 
imitated Ceres searching for Proserpine. On the 
sixth the statue of Bacchus, called Iacchus, was 
carried along. This procession set off from the 
Ceramicus, a suburb of Athens, and ended at 
Eleusis. While marching along, they sung hymns 
in praise of the goddess ; sounded trumpets ; danced, 
and exhibited the highest marks of joy. On the 
seventh day, games and combats were celebrated. 
The two last days were set apart for certain par- 
ticular ceremonies. This festival was observed on- 
ly once every four years ; and while it continued, it 
was unlawful to arrest or to throw any person into 
prison. 

Oracles, among the pagans, were the result of 
the anxious curiosity about futurity, natural to the 
minds of men, who, by that means, presumed to in- 
terrogate the deity about human affairs. This was 
the most solemn species of prophecy, to which re- 
course was had for the solution of all doubtful 
questions. To obtain the opinion of the gods about 
declaring war, or concluding peace, those pagans 
never failed to apply to some oracle ; and the re- 
sponse, if intelligible, which was seldom the case, 
was religiously complied with. Jupiter was thought 
to be the chief source of most oracles. Those who 
were more immediately employed in declaring the 
pleasure of the god, were careful to express them- 
selves in ambiguous terms, which might receive 
any explanation that the event might justify. It 
should seem that Greece, from its earliest times, 
made use of this method of consulting the gods ; 
for we find no precise period assigned for the first 
introduction of oracles into that country. Those 
who had the chief management of affairs in the 
different states, found these oracles very convenient. 
For, when they had a mind to introduce any inno- 
vation into the system of government, or wanted 
any favourite measure adopted by their country- 



PART II. ANCIENT GREECE. 127 

men, they knew well how to procure the approba- 
tion of the oracle; and in that case the people 
never ventured to contradict the pleasure of the 
gods. The priests likewise found their advantage 
in this matter ; for they took special care not to 
permit the god to open his mouth, till after the re- 
quisite preparations by sacrifices and presents. Or- 
acles, therefore, appear to have been entirely of hu- 
man invention, founded on the credulity of the 
multitude, and kept up by the self-interest of the 
priests, and the policy of the ruling men. 

The most renowned oracle of antiquity was that 
of Apollo at Delphos, a town in the district of 
Greece called Phocis. Apollo was there worshipped 
under the name of Pythian Apollo, and the priestess 
assumed the name of Pythia. She delivered her 
oracles standing on a tripod called cortina, which 
was placed on the mouth of a hollow in mount 
Parnassus, whence a vapour that affected the head 
was supposed to issue. Round this hollow was 
built the temple of Delphos. In process of time, 
the priestess being unable alone to sustain the 
fatigue of giving responses to the multitude that 
thronged thither from all quarters to consult the or- 
acle, was obliged to make use of an assistant, who 
was likewise a female. 

It was only on particular days, called happy, that 
the priestesses uttered their prophecies. For that 
purpose they prepared themselves by purifications, 
fasts, and sacrifices. When the day arrived, the 
laurel tree that grew before the gate of the temple, 
and the earth around, were perceived to shslke. As 
soon as the priestess was intoxicated by the vapour, 
her hair stood erect, her look grew wild, she foamed 
at the mouth, and appeared altogether frantic. 
Virgil, in the sixth book of his iEneid, represents 
his Cumean Sybil as actuated in the same manner. 
Then she uttered several indistinct words, which 
the priests carefully collected, and afterwards ar- 
ranged according to pleasure. For these responses 



128 THE HISTORY OF, &C. BOOK J* 

were almost always dark, obscure, and capable of 
different interpretations. Sometimes, indeed, but 
extremely seldom, they were plain ; for it is hardly 
possible for the oracle to mistake the real solution 
of a few among the infinite number of questions 
asked. It is to be supposed, too, that the ministers 
of the god would employ every sort of art and de- 
ceit to impose upon the multitude ; and it is clear, 
from various passages in history, that they have ac- 
cepted of bribes, in order to return particular re- 
sponses. Some pious christians, indeed, fathers of 
the church, and others, were of opinion, that the 
devil took some concern in the matter, by the per- 
mission of the Supreme Being, that the impious in- 
ventions of those pagans might turn to their own 
punishment and confusion. 

Augury was another species of divination to 
which the Greeks, as well as the other heathens, 
had recourse. They honoured it too with the title 
of science, though it consisted of the most ridicUr. 
lous puerilities. For those who made augury their 
study, were exceedingly attentive to the notes of 
birds, and carefully observed whether they appear- 
ed on the right or left hand ; they took special no- 
tice of the appetite discovered by chickens for their 
food, of the appearance of the in trails of beasts, of 
monsters, of prodigies, of eclipses, and of all other 
extraordinary phenomena of nature. On such 
trifling circumstances did the most important af- 
fairs of state almost always depend. For it is amaz- 
ing, that not only the vulgar, but even many of the 
great men among the ancients, paid implicit faith to 
these ridiculous absurdities. At the same time it must 
be acknowledged, that there were several who, so 
far from giving credit to this foolish farce of divi-. 
nation, laughed at it, and made it the butt of their 
raillery : such as Hannibal, Marcellus, Cicero, &c, 



THE 

HISTORY 

OF 

ANCIENT GREECE. 



BOOK II. 

CONTAINING- THE HISTORY OF THE SECOND AGE 

OF GREECE. 

From the time that Hippias took refuge in Persia to the end of 
the Peloponnesian war, a period of about 100 years. 

This second age is the same in the duration of 
the Greek nation, that the space from twenty-five 
to forty years of age is in the life of man, namely, 
the period of its greatest strength and vigour. It 
may not improperly, therefore, be called the man- 
hood of Greece, being altogether made up of the 
most glorious days which that country ever enjoyed. 

The Greeks, hitherto confined within the limits 
of a narrow country, had found little opportunity 
of displaying, in the sight of the world, their valour 
and virtue. But thePersian invasion that was soon 
to pour upon them like an impetuous torrent, was 
destined to set their merit in the most conspicuous 
point of view, and to give full scope to their wis- 
dom and bravery. We shall by and by see a very 
small army of Greeks marching boldly against so 
vast a multitude of enemies, that a single discharge 
of their darts is said to have darkened the face of 
the sky. We shall see those few Greeks attack with 
undaunted resolution that immense crowd of Per- 
sian troops, and put them fairly to flight. We 

i 



130 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

shall find them in like manner engaging their ene- 
mies at sea, under the same disadvantage in point of 
numbers, and vet with the same success. In a word, 
we shall have a striking proof of the great superio- 
rity of disciplined valour over the blind impetuous 
courage of an irregular multitude. 

During this second age we shall see the Spartans, 
who, by the admirable constitution of their govern- 
ment and their private virtues, had acquired a pre- 
eminence over all their neighbours, exercising their 
power with a severity that savoured of the austeri- 
ty of their manners, and treating their allies with 
haughtiness and rigour. In consequence of this be- 
haviour, we shall see those allies growing by de- 
grees more and more impatient of the Spartan yoke, 
and falling gradually under the influence of Athens, 
who industriously availed herself of so favourable a 
conjuncture. ,The Athenians, therefore, in their turn 
take the lead in Greece, and maintain their superi- 
ority down to the Peloponnesian war, constantly 
faithful to their engagements, treating the other 
states as equals, and exerting their power only in 
doing good. 

This period, so glorious for Athens, was of about 
fifty years' continuance. At length, however, the 
Athenians in like manner disgusted the other states 
by their haughtiness and insolence ; and, by the 
event of the Peloponnesian war, the Spartans be- 
came a second time the first people of Greece. 



CHAP. I. 

The Two Persian Invasions. 



Darius I. the son of Hystaspes, of whom 
521. we have already taken notice, filled at this 
time the Persian throne, which he is said to 
have obtained by the address of his groom. We 
are told, that upon the death of Smerdis the ma- 
gician, it was agreed among the conspirators who 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 131 

had murdered him, that he of their number whose 
horse should neigh the first on a certain appointed 
day, should be elected king. The groom of Darius 
being informed of this agreement, carried a mare in 
the evening to the place where the meeting was to 
be holden next day, and then brought his master's 
horse to the mare. When, therefore, the Persian 
noblemen came to the place appointed, the horse of 
Darius no sooner reached the spot where he had 
met the mare the night before, than he immediate- 
ly neighed, and Darius was thereupon proclaimed 
king by the rest.* 

The Persian empire comprehended then not only 
all that part of Asia presently known by the name 
of Persia, but likewise what we call Turkey in Asia. 
It also included, on the African side, Egypt and 
several countries on the coast of the Mediterranean 
sea ; and, on that of Europe, part of Thrace and 
Macedonia. Indeed it is true, that the several states 
in the last mentioned countries, were rather tribu- 
tary than entirely dependent on the Persian power : 
and the same may be supposed to have been the 
case with some others of their more remote provinces. 

But let us take a brief review of the various causes 
that are said to have produced the war between the 
Greeks and Persians. W e have already observed, 
that Hippias contributed greatly to this event, 
when, upon finding all his attempts in Europe to 
restore himself to the sovereign power in Athens 
ineffectual, he took refuge in Persia ; and having 
insinuated himself into the favour of the Persian 
monarch, he practised every artifice to prevail with 
him to attack the Athenians. But this was not 
all : Other causes concurred to forward the endea- 
vours of Hippias. 

Atossa daughter of Cyrus, and one of the wives 
of Darius, had used all her influence with her hus- 
band to persuade him to undertake an expedition 

* This story has a very ludicrous appearance, and will proba- 
bly stagger the belief of many readers. * 

i2 



V 



132 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

into Greece, that he might thereby give the Persi- 
ans a conspicuous proof of his courage and military- 
prowess. Democedes, a physician, a man in high 
esteem with Atossa, was, on account of his being a 
native of the Greek colony, settled at Crotona in 
Italy, pitched on as the most proper person for 
travelling into Greece, to examine its situation, and 
the strength of the chief towns along the coast. In 
this journey Democedes was accompanied by fifteen 
Persian noblemen, who had private instructions to 
keep a strict watch on his behaviour, and to bring 
him back again to Persia. After these Persians 
had accompanied Democedes through the principal 
cities of Greece, and made the requisite observa- 
tions in that country, they next passed over into 
Italy, but were apprehended as spies at Tarentum, 
and thrown into prison. Here Democedes, being 
seized with a strong desire to revisit Crotona his 
native country, found means to escape from his 
Persian companions, and retired to that city. The 
other Persians, having in a little time recovered 
their liberty, returned to Persia, after endeavouring 
in vain to prevail with the magistrates of Crotona 
to deliver up Democedes. Hence we see, that 
Darius had already begun to meditate an expedition 
into Greece ; to the more immediate execution of 
which he was instigated by the following transaction. 

The Ionians, originally a Greek tribe, as we have 
mentioned above, inhabited a considerable part of 
the sea-coast of Asia Minor, and had long conduct- 
ed themselves as tributaries of the Persian empire. 
Some wealthy inhabitants of Naxus, one of the 
Cyclades islands, having been expelled their native 
country, took refuge at Miletus, where they im- 
plored the assistance of Aristagoras, the Persian 
governor of that city, to restore them to their native 
country. This suggested to Aristagoras the design 
of reducing the island of Naxus under the Persian 
power ; which he hoped might open the way to the 
conquest of the other Cyclades. This plan he com- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 133 

municated to Artaphernes governor of Sardis, and 
Darius's brother, who approved of it, and procured 
the consent of Darius to attack Naxus. Having 
made the necessary naval preparations, Artaphernes 
gave the chief command of the expedition to Meg- 
abates a noble Persian. But the people of Naxus 
made so brave a resistance, that the Persians, after 
besieging the island for the space of four months, 
were obliged to abandon the enterprise. Megabates 
attributed the bad success of this expedition to the 
conduct of Aristagoras, and endeavoured to ruin 
him in the opinion of Artaphernes. 

Aristagoras, believing his ruin inevitable, resolv- 
ed, in order to avoid the resentment of the satrap, 
to persuade the Ionian s to revolt from the Persian 
yoke. With this view, after having sounded the 
inclinations of the leading men among the Ionians, 
and procured their concurrence, he made a tour 
through the whole country, to dispose the minds of 
the multitude to promote the projected revolution. 
Then he made himself master of the Persian fleet, 
of which he had the command ; and travelled into 
Greece to endeavour to prevail with its various 
states to second his undertaking. He began his 
negociation at Sparta, where he addressed himself 
to Cleomenes, who was then on the throne, and 
represented to him what a noble occasion now pre- 
sented itself to the Spartans, of employing their 
valour in procuring liberty to their countrymen the 
Ionians. Cleomenes hesitated at first ; but a pre- 
sent from Aristagoras of fifty talents, induced him 
at last to assent to his proposal. But, according to 
some authors, the Lacedemonians not only refused 
to hearken to the request of Aristagoras, but order- 
ed him to depart from the city. From Sparta 
Aristagoras went to Athens; where the inhabi- 
tants, full of indignation against the Persians, for 
having lately summoned them to restore Hippias 
to the regal dignity, were the best inclined in the 
world to listen to his request. They therefore in- 



134 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

stantly embraced his cause, and sent twenty ships 
to the assistance* of the Ionians. 

The first attempt of the Ionians was against 
504. the city of Sardis ; of which, being in a de- 
fenceless situation, they quickly got posses- 
sion. But a soldier having set fire to one of the 
houses, the rest, which were all of wood, im- 
mediately catched the flames, and the whole city 
was reduced to ashes. The Ionians, alarmed in the 
mean time at the approach of the Persian army, re- 
solved to retreat to Ephesus, and to betake them- 
selves to their fleet ; but the Persians overtook 
them, and cut many of them off. 

When Darius was informed of the burning of 
Sardis, and that the Athenians had assisted the 
Ionians in their revolt, he was highly enraged, 
swore by a solemn oath to take vengeance on the 
Greeks ; and gave orders to repeat in his hearing, 
every day when he sat down to table, " Sire, Re- 
member the Athenians." 

The Ionians, notwithstanding their late disaster, 
persisted in their enterprise ; and, sailing towards 
the Hellespont, took Byzantium. But the Persians, ■ 
that they might oppose them every where, divided 
their forces ; and beat them in several engagements ; 
in one of which Aristagoras was killed. At last 
uniting all their troops, the Persians marched a- 
gainst Miletus, the strongest city of Ionia, hoping 
that if they could reduce it, the other Ionian cities 
would soon submit. The Ionians, suspecting their 
design, quickly assembled their own ships and those 
of their allies, forming altogether a fleet of 350 
sail. The Persians, not daring to attack this fleet^ 
endeavoured by the way of negotiation to detach 
the allies from the confederacy, and were success- 
ful. As soon, therefore, as the ships of the allies 
were separated from those of the Ionians, the Per- 
sians fell upon the latter, now reduced to a very 
small number, and entirely defeated them. Then 
they attacked Miletus, took it, razed it to thefoim- 



CHAP. II ANCIENT GREECE. 135 

dation, and put all the inhabitants to the sword. 
The other cities, terrified by its example, imme- 
diately made their submissions. Histieus, uncle of 
Aristagoras, and tyrant of Miletus, having gathered 
together the remains of the Ionian army, made an 
incursion into Mysia. But he was attacked by 
Harpagus, who commanded a considerable body of 
Persian troops in that country, was defeated, taken 
prisoner, and sent to Artaphernes ; who, knowing 
him to have been very active in promoting the re- 
volt, crucified him, and sent his head to Darius.* 

Darius, in the mean time, was continually me- 
ditating an expedition into Greece, that he might 
gratify the violent resentment he had conceived a- 
gaint its inhabitants. At last he gave orders to fit 
out a fleet of more than 300 ships, and to raise at 
the same time a powerful land army, that so he 
might crush the Greeks at once. Of these forces he 
gave the chief command to his son-in-law Mardon- 
ius, whose experience contributed not a little to the 
bad success of the expedition. In the first place, 
he lost many of his ships, together with a great 
number of men, in a violent tempest, as they were 
sailing round a point of land formed by mount 
Athos, called at present cape Santo ; and next, his 
land-forces, in passing through Thrace, were by the 
Thracians attacked in their camp during the night, 
and a vast number of them cut off. These disasters 
obliged Mardonius to relinquish this first expedi- 
tion, and to return back again. 

A war breaking out much about the same time 
between the Eginetae and Lacedemonians, the lat- 
ter marched to attack the former. But by the mis- 
conduct of Demaratus, one of their kings, who had 
quarrelled with his brother-king Cleomenes, the 
enterprise miscarried. Cleomenes, in revenge, call- 
ed in question the legitimacy of Demaratus's birth ; 

* In the year before Christ 498, Lartius was elected first dic- 
tator at Rome; and, six years after, tribunes of the people were 
first created. 



136 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

and the matter having been referred to the decision 
of the oracle, the priestess was corrupted by Cleom- 
enes, and gave judgment against Demaratus ; who 
was thereupon deposed. Enraged at this injurious 
treatment, he retired to the court of Persia, where 
he was received in the most welcome manner, and 
loaded with wealth. But all this profusion of kind- 
ness could not prevail with him to do any thing pre- 
judicial to the interests of his country. 

The Athenians having likewise quarrelled with 
the Eginetae, fitted out a fleet against them ; and on 
that occasion several engagements ensued, of the 
circumstances of which we are ignorant. These in- 
testine quarrels, however, gave the Athenians an 
opportunity of becoming very skilful in naval affairs, 
and prepared themtomake that vigorous resistance to 
the Persian power, which we shall by and by relate. 

Athens, in the mean time, enjoyed the sweets of 
the liberty procured her by the expulsion of the 
Pisistratidae ; and produced many citizens of extra- 
ordinary wisdom and valour ; among whom Miltia- 
des, Aristides, and Themistocles, chiefly distinguish- 
ed themselves. As these three illustrious Athen- 
ians are soon to make a great figure in the affairs 
of Greece, we shall here exhibit in few words the 
chief outlines of their characters. 

Miltiades was a proficient in the art of war, and 
no person could boast of equal skill in conducting 
an army. He had a particular cause of hatred a- 
gainst the Persians ; by whom, on their entering 
Thrace, he had been deprived of a government he 
then held in that country. 

Aristides and Themistocles, though much young- 
er than Miltiades, gave proofs of the greatest abili- 
ties. But their different dispositions generally oc- 
casioned a contrariety in their opinions. Themis- 
tocles was a plebeian by birth, was naturally ambi- 
tious, and being attached by prejudice and educa- 
tion to the party of the people, he made it his chief 
study to gain the good will of the multitude. For 



CHAP I. ANCIENT GREECE. 137 

that purpose, he behaved on all occasions with ex- 
treme complaisance to the citizens, whom he show- 
ed himself ever ready to oblige ; and he appeared 
very little scrupulous about the means he employed 
to accomplish his enterprises. 

Aristides, on the other hand, being noble by birth, 
and an admirer by principle of the Spartan consti- 
tution, entertained a strong attachment to aristo- 
cracy. He was perfectly indifferent about popular- 
ity, and made justice the governing rule of his 
whole conduct, as well in public as in private life. 
The public welfare was the chief object of his atten- 
tion ; and his love for his country, his singular skill 
in public business, and his disinterested and upright 
behaviour, procured him the admiration, the confi- 
dence, and the esteem of his fellow-citizens. 

While the Athenian liberty nourished such citi- 
zens as these, and while Sparta, adhering to the 
rigid institutions of Lycurgus, produced a whole 
people of the bravest soldiers, Darius resolved to fall 
upon Greece with all his forces. But desirous pre- 
viously to sound the inclinations of its various states, 
with respect to the superiority he intended to claim 
over them, he dispatched heralds through all the 
cities of Greece, to demand earth and water ; a 
symbol which denoted the submission and depen- 
dence of those from whom it was required on him 
who required it. The Eginetse, and a few other 
cities, dreading the vast power of the Persians, ad- 
mitted the superiority claimed. But the Athen- 
ians and Spartans, far from agreeing to the demand 
of the heralds, were so provoked at the arrogance of 
their commission, that, through that violent dispo- 
sition natural to those who live under a republican 
government, they transgressed the law of nations in 
the persons of the heralds ; one of whom they threw 
into a well, and another into a deep ditch, telling 
them, with a spirit of raillery peculiar to the Greeks, 
that they might take from thence as much earth 
and water as they pleased. 



188 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

Darius, perceiving that he should meet with the 
most obstinate resistance in his undertaking, made 
more formidable preparations for war than before, 
and increased his armament to 500,000 men, and 
500 ships; the whole commanded by Datis and 
Artaphernes. Hippias, happy in so favourable an 
opportunity of revenging himself on the Athenians, 
acted as guide and conductor of the expedition, un- 
der Artaphernes, by whom he had been hitherto 
treated in the kindest and most hospitable manner. 
The Persians quickly reduced all the islands in the 
iEgean sea ; and having taken Eretria, a city in 
Euboea, burnt it to the ground. Then they enter- 
ed Attica, and encamped at Marathon, a small 
town on the sea-coast ; whence they sent to inform 
the Athenians of the chastisement inflicted on the 
obstinate and disobedient Eretrians. 

Upon this the Athenians applied for assistance 
to the Lacedemonians, who granted them 2000 
men. But a superstitious maxim that prevailed at 
Sparta, prevented those forces from beginning their 
march till after the full moon ; by which means 
they did not arrive at Athens till four days after 
the ensuing battle. The terror of the Persian name 
restrained the other states from furnishing the ex- 
pected assistance. Platea alone sent 1000 soldiers 
to join the Athenians. In this extremity the A- 
thenians armed even their slaves ; a measure that 
had never been practised before ; but, after all, they 
could muster up no more than 10,000 men. This 
small army was commanded by ten generals ; each 
of whom was to exercise the chief command in his 
turn for no longer space than a day at a time. But 
when it came to be Aristides's turn to command, that 
magnanimous patriot, sensible of the superior skill 
and experience of Miltiades as a general, intreated 
him to accept the command in his stead. This ex- 
ample was followed by all the rest. When the 
public welfare is the sole object in view, great minds 
never fail to sacrifice every meaner motive to the 
highest consideration. 



CHAP I. ANCIENT GREECE. 139 

They next deliberated whether they ought to 
wait for the enemy in the city, or to march out and 
give them battle : — And indeed how little probabi- 
lity was there that such a handful of men should in 
the open field be able to sustain the shock of the 
Persian multitude? Miltiades, however, was of 
opinion, that they ought to march out and fight the 
enemy ; and being seconded by Aristides, the other 
generals assented likewise. That skilful commander 
desired to take advantage of the imprudent situa- 
tion of the Persians ; who being hemmed in by the 
sea, by a steep mountain, and by the morass of Ma- 
rathon, could bring but a small part of their forces 
into action, and could make no use at all of their 
cavalry. 

The Athenians, therefore, to the number of 
490. 10,000 men, marched forth against an army of 
100,000 foot, and 10,000 horse. This memor- 
able day reflected the highest glory on Miltiades. 
To prevent his little army being surrounded by the 
enemy, he drew it up with a mountain in the rear ; 
extended his front as much as possible ; placed his 
chief strength in the wings ; and caused a great 
number of trees to be cut down, to keep off the 
enemy's cavalry from charging them in flank. The 
Athenians rushed forwards on the Persians like so 
many furious lions. This is remarked to have been 
the first time that they advanced to the attack run- 
ning. By their impetuosity, they opened a lane 
through the enemy, and supported with the greatest 
firmness the charge of the Persians. The battle was 
at first fought by both parties with great valour and 
obstinacy ; but the wings of the Athenian army, 
where, as we have just said, Miltiades had placed 
his chief strength, attacked the main body of the 
enemy in flank, threw them into irretrievable con- 
fusion. Six thousand Persians perished on the spot, 
and amongst the rest the traitor Hippias, the prin- 
cipal occasion of the war. The rest of the Persian 
army quickly fled, and abandoned to the victors 
their camp full of riches. 



■l 



140 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

Thus the Athenians obtained a victory more real 
than probable. Animated by their success, they 
pursued the Persians to their very ships ; of which 
they took seven, and set fire to several more. On 
this occasion one Cynegirus, an Athenian, after per- 
forming prodigies of valour in the field, endeavoured 
to prevent a particular galley from putting to sea, 
and for that purpose held her fast with his right 
hand ; which being cut off, he next seized her with 
his left ; which being likewise cut off, he took hold 
of her with his teeth, and kept her so till he died. 
Another soldier, all covered over with the blood of 
the enemy, ran to announce the victory at Athens ; 
and after crying out, " Rejoice, we are conquerors," 
fell dead in the presence of his fellow-citizens. Ar- 
istides and Themistocles distinguished themselves 
very highly in the battle ; but Miltiades gained the 
chief glory. As a reward for so signal a piece of 
service to his country, and to perpetuate the mem- 
ory of his skill and bravery, they caused him to be 
painted in a large picture, representing the battle, in 
the attitude of giving orders at the head of his 
10,000 Athenians. They likewise raised monuments 
to the memory of those who had fallen in the en- 
gagement, and thereon inscribed the names both of 
the deceased and of their particular tribe. 

Their success at Marathon, as having made the 
Greeks sensible of their own strength, is accounted 
the principal cause of their future victories ; and 
indeed the consideration of having with a handful 
of men defeated so vast an army, might justly in- 
spire them with great confidence. But what may 
not a skilful general perform at the head of a small 
number of disciplined soldiers, actuated by the most 
ardent love for their country, and ready in its de- 
fence to confront death in every shape ? 

The Persian fleet, in the mean time, attempted 
to surprise Athens before the Grecian army should 
arrive to its relief. But the victorious Greeks, by 
a forced march, frustrated the design of the enemy. 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 141 

The Athenians, thus delivered from the Persians, 
resolved to chastise the islands that had assisted their 
enemies. For that purpose they sent out a fleet 
under the command of Miltiades, who very soon 
subdued a great number of the islands, and made 
them tributary to his countrymen. But he was un- 
successful at Paros, where, upon a false alarm of the 
arrival of the Persians, he precipitately abandoned 
the undertaking, and returned with his fleet to 
Athens. Being obliged to confine himself to his 
house, by a dangerous wound he had received in 
the course of the siege, his enemies took advantage 
of that circumstance to prepossess the public against 
him with a belief of his keeping up a traitorous cor- 
respondence with the Persian monarch. The rash 
inconsiderate multitude immediately condemned 
him to death. Every man of sense was ashamed 
and shocked at the injustice and cruelty of this 
sentence. In vain did his friends constantly remind 
the people of his behaviour at Marathon. All they 
were able to obtain, was a commutation of the sen- 
- tence from death to a fine of fifty talents. His 
great exploits had already excited the jealousy of 
his fellow citizens, who either thought that they 
owed him too much, or were afraid lest he might 
aspire at sovereign authority ; and careless of being 
called ungrateful, they accounted his late misfor- 
tune a crime. Miltiades, being unable to pay so 
high a fine, was thrown into prison ; where his grief 
and indignation at such unworthy treatment ren- 
dered his wound incurable, and soon brought him 
to the grave. Thus did that great man afford a 
striking example of the ingratitude and cruelty of 
his inconstant and capricious countrymen. 

His son Cimon, who afterwards made so great a 
figure, having been enabled, with the assistance of 
his friends, to discharge the fine, obtained the pri- 
vilege of burying the dead body of his unfortunate 
father ; whose death opened the eyes of the Athe- 
nians, and made them sensible of the injustice of 



142 THE HISTORY OP BOOK II. 

their behaviour. But their sorrow was too late, 
and could not redeem that excellent commander 
from the grave, nor even prevent their repeating 
the same cruelty and folly on future occasions. 

The wise Aristides very soon became a second 
victim to their capricious ungrateful disposition ; 
but his disgrace was honourable, being confessedly 
occasioned by his steady adherence to justice. We 
have already mentioned, that extreme contrariety of 
manners and principles subsisted between him and 
Themistocles. The latter, though of mean extraction, 
was extravagantly ambitious, very bold and enter- 
prising, and of so active a disposition, that quiet and 
repose seemed a burden to him. He affected to 
roam through the streets in the night ; and when 
asked the reason, answered, That he could not sleep 
for thinking on the trophies of Miltiades. He was 
exceedingly artful in finding out and availing him- 
self of the ruling passions of men ; and was so much 
the more dangerous by being very eloquent. Aris- 
tides, on the contrary, was of a reserved, modest, 
steady disposition ; governed all his actions by the 
most scrupulous rules of justice ; and regarded the 
lofty projects of Themistocles as so many steps to 
sovereign power. Themistocles, impatient of being 
continually thwarted in his ambitious schemes by 
so rigid a censor as Aristides, resolved to free his 
hands of him at once. For that purpose he applied 
himself privately to form a party against Aristides ; 
and at last got him banished by the sentence of os- 
tracism. It is said, that on this occasion a peasant 
who did not know Aristides, and could not write, 
having by accident applied to him to write his own 
name on his shell, was asked by Aristides, Whether 
he had ever received any provocation from the per- 
son he wanted to banish ! " None at all, sir," an- 
swered the peasant, " but I cannot bear to hear him 
always called the just" Aristides, without saying a 
word, took the shell, wrote his own name vipon it, 
and returned it to the man. When going out of the 



/ 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 143 

city, he begged of the gods, that no misfortune 
might happen to his countrymen which might 
oblige them to recal him from banishment. 

Themistocles, in the mean time, foreseeing an 
approaching storm from the quarter of Persia, per- 
suaded the Athenians to employ all the money they 
drew from their mines, in fitting out a powerful 
fleet for the protection of their country. 

Darius, more exasperated than ever against the 
Greeks by the defeat of his army at Marathon, re- 
solved to exert his utmost efforts to wipe away 
that disgrace, and to restore the glory of his arms. 
He gave orders therefore to make new levies of 
troops though all his provinces ; and consumed no 
less than three years in preparing for this third ex- 
pedition against Greece, which, though then pretty 
far advanced in years, he intended to conduct in 
person. But death disappointed all his projects. 
Darius was of a mild, humane disposition, and a 
strict observer of justice and the laws of his king- 
dom. But the keenness of his passions hurried 
him sometimes into measures of which his calmer 
reason would have disapproved. He reigned thirty- 
six years, and is known in scripture by the name of 
Ahasuerus. 

After the death of Darius, his son Xerxes, the 
eldest of his children by Atossa his second wife, 
succeeded him in the kingdom of Persia, and pro- 
secuted the warlike preparations begun by his fa- 
ther. Having subdued the Egyptians, he deter- 
mined in the third year of his reign to carry his 
arms immediately into Greece. 

Xerxes, therefore, assembling his council, 
484. informed them that he was resolved to under- 
take this expedition in order to punish the 
Athenians for having been accessory to the burning 
of Sardis, to wipe away the disgrace of the defeat 
at Marathon, and to execute the other intentions of 
Darius his father. Mardonius, of whom we have 
made mention above, behaved on this occasion with 



J 



144 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

all the baseness of a servile flatterer, to please the 
vanity of his master. He assured him that no na- 
tion in the world would dare to oppose his power ; 
and he affected to vilify and to despise extremely 
the courage of the Greeks. The rest of the coun- 
cil, perceiving the king to be mightily pleased with 
the flattery of Mardonius, did not fail, like well- 
bred courtiers, to applaud his opinion, and to coin- 
cide with him in every particular. So true it is, 
that princes owe almost always their greatest mis- 
fortunes to the complaisance and adulation of those 
about them. Artabanus alone, the uncle of Xerxes, 
ventured to contradict the opinion given. He en- 
deavoured to make the king sensible of the rashness 
of the intended enterprise, by putting him in mind 
of the unfortunate success of another enterprise of 
the same kind attempted by his father Darius 
against the Scythians, and the imminent danger in- 
to which it had brought that prince, who had been 
utterly undone, if Histeius had, agreeable to the 
advice of the other officers and courtiers, destroyed 
a bridge he had thrown over the Danube. He like- 
wise reminded Xerxes of the shameful defeat of the 
Persians at Marathon ; and exhorted him not to 
give ear to the flattering suggestions of inexpe- 
rienced courtiers, nor to suffer his reason to be daz- 
zled with the glaring prospect of imaginary glory. 
He concluded with upbraiding Mardonius for the 
insincerity of his advice. 

Princes corrupted by flattery are apt to construe 
an open generous behaviour into a seditious bold- 
ness. Thus Xerxes, instead of profiting by the ad- 
vice of his uncle, was enraged at it ; arid told Arta- 
banus, that his being brother to Darius was the 
only consideration which protected him from the 
effects of his resentment. But on cool reflection, 
Xerxes perceived the injustice of this treatment of 
his uncle; and next day acknowledged in open 
council that he had been in the wrong. 

Herodotus relates a ridiculous story of an appari- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 145 

tion, by which he pretends that Xerxes was con- 
firmed in his resolution of invading Greece, and 
Artabanus deterred from giving further opposition 
to that project. It is generally believed, that if 
there was indeed any foundation for this story of 
the apparition, which is extremely improbable, it 
must have been some trick invented by the children 
of Hippias, or of those whose interest it was to kin- 
dle up the war. However that may have been, 
Xerxes persisted in his resolution, and thought of 
nothing but of executing it. Before setting out for 
Greece he made an alliance with the Carthagenians, 
and sent money to their general Hamilcar, to in- 
duce him to make war on the Greek states in Sicily, 
in order to prevent them from sending assistance to 
their countrymen on the continent. With this 
money Hamilcar having levied in Spain and Gaul 
an army of 300,000 men, invaded Sicily accordingly. 

Xerxes departed from Susa in the fifth year 
481. of his reign, for Sardis, the place of rendezvous 
of his army ; giving orders to his fleet to sail 
towards the Hellespont along the coast of Asia Mi- 
nor, and commanding a passage to be cut for it 
through Athos, a mountain in Macedonia, that 
stretches out into the Hellespont, in the form of a 
peninsula. Though it is probable that this order 
was never complied with, it is nevertheless a strik- 
ing instance of the ridiculous folly of this great mo- 
narch, whom sensible people will be more inclined 
to pity than admire. He is said, too, to have been 
childish enough to imagine that he could controul 
the elements ; and to have threatened to punish 
them, if they should presume to oppose his designs. 
It is even reported that he addressed a letter in these 
terms to mount Athos. But this is too gross to 
gain implicit belief. 

After having passed through Cappadocia, he 
halted at Celene, a town of Phrygia. Here we are 
told that Pythius, a very wealthy prince, deceived 
Xerxes in a most magnificent manner, and offered 

K 



146 THE HISTORY OF BOOK If. 

him the use of his treasures ; that Xerxes, disdain- 
ing to yield to him in generosity, augmented his 
riches by large presents ; but that Pythius having 
begged of Xerxes to leave him one of his five sons 
to be the support of his old age, and to take only the 
remaining four along with him in the expedition, 
the cruel monster ordered the favourite son to be 
put to death in presence of his father.* 

Xerxes passed the winter at Sardis. From this 
place he sent deputies to demand earth and water of 
all the cities of Greece, except Athens and Sparta, 
whom he affected thus tacitly to single out for 
vengeance. In the spring he advanced towards the 
Hellespont ; where he enjoyed the pleasure of see- 
ing the sea covered with his fleet, and the land with 
his army. Artabanus took this opportunity to make 
some reflections, in the presence of the king, on the 
many miseries incident to mankind ; which it is the 
first duty of sovereigns to alleviate as much as pos- 
sible. He insisted, at the same time, on the great 
uncertainty of human affairs ; and could not help 
applying his observations to the present enterprise 
of Xerxes, whose army was so numerous, that no 
country could for any considerable time furnish it 
with subsistence, and whose fleet was too large for 
any harbour to contain. 

To transport his troops from Asia into Europe. 
Xerxes ordered a bridge to be thrown over a strait 
of the Hellespont, about a quarter of a league broad, 
known at present by the name of Gallipoli. But 

* This story again shocks the credibility of a considerate 
reader : and it may be observed once for all, that the history of 
the Persian expeditions against the Greeks rests entirely on the 
authority of Grecian writers ; who, being justly prejudiced by 
those invasions against the Persian tyrants, may be reasonably 
supposed to have represented facts in the light the most unfa- 
vourable to their oppressors, and the most glorious to their 
own countrymen. In particular, the number of the forces said 
to have been brought against the Greeks, is so extravagantly 
great, and the temptation to exaggerate it so evident, that a judi- 
cious reader will be inclined to make considerable abatements. 



CHAP. I. ' ANCIENT GREECE. 147 

the work was destroyed by a storm. Xerxes, en- 
raged at this accident, vented his resentment upon 
the sea. Herodotus says, he ordered it to be chas- 
tised with 300 lashes, and chains to be thrown into 
it, as if to bind it. Then he commanded two new 
bridges to be constructed, one for the army, and the 
other for the baggage. One of these bridges con- 
sisted of 360, and the other of 314 ships, moored 
endways across the strait. They were secured by 
large anchors against the violence of the winds and 
waves ; and were joined together by six large cables, 
reaching from the one side of the strait to the other, 
and fastened on both sides to large wooden stakes 
fixed in the ground. The ships were covered with 
a sort of deck, and the army was seven days in 
passing. 

When the army arrived at Dorisca in Thrace, 
Xerxes desired to review it ; and, for that purpose, 
ordered it to be drawn up in the plains in the neigh- 
bourhood. By Herodotus's account, it was found 
to amount to 1,800,000 foot, and 80,000 horse, 
which, joined with the forces furnished him by the 
nations whom he had subdued after passing the Hel- 
lespont, formed altogether a multitude of 2,100,000 
men. His fleet consisted of 1207 galleys of three 
benches of oars, each carrying 200 men ; which, 
when reinforced by 120 more of the same size, fur- 
nished by the European states, formed a fleet of 
1327 vessels, carrying 301,606 men, exclusive of 
8000 transports. The army was commanded by 
six generals, of whom Mardonius was the chief. 
Datis was general of the cavalry ; and Hydarnes of 
the immortal troop, composed of 6000 chosen men. 
Herodotus, who gives this account of Xerxes' arma- 
ment, lived at the time ; and further informs us, 
that these vast forces were supplied with provisions 
by a great number of ships, solely employed for that 
purpose, which attended the army along the coast, 
and continually brought them fresh supplies of all 
kinds of provisions. He likewise tells us, that be- 

K 2 



148 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II, 

sides the preparations for this expedition made by 
Darius, no less than four years were employed for 
the same purpose by Xerxes. 

Xerxes, after reviewing his army, desired Dema- 
ratus to tell him, without flattery, whether he 
thought the Greeks would dare to oppose him. 
That generous Lacedemonian frankly answered, 
That the Greeks, being a people inured from their 
cradles to poverty and a sober hardy life, had, by that 
means, been hitherto enabled to preserve themselves 
free and independent ; that as they had been edu- 
cated, and had always lived in liberty, be believed 
none of the states of Greece, but particularly his 
own countrymen the Lacedemonians, would ever 
listen to any terms that might seem to encroach 
upon that invaluable privilege ; and that he was 
persuaded they alone, though deserted by all their 
neighbours, would not decline fighting, let their 
enemies outnumber them ever so much. 

The Greeks, seeing the storm ready to fall upon 
them, were somewhat alarmed at first, but by no 
means discouraged. They held an assembly in the 
isthmus, where it was agreed to suspend all private 
contests, and to unite their whole forces against the 
common enemy. But the Boeotians, Thessalians, 
and several other states, who were more immediate- 
ly exposed to the impending danger, having de- 
clared for the Persians, the whole burden of the 
war devolved on the Athenians and Lacedemoni- 
ans. The former applied for assistance to their 
allies, to the Argives, to the Sicilians, and to the in- 
habitants of the islands of Corcyra and Crete : most 
of whom declined to join them, under the affected 
pretence, that they could not be admitted to an 
equal share in the command ; the Sicilians even in- 
sisted for the chief command. Most of them there- 
fore submitted to Xerxes. The states of Thespia 
and Platea alone took part with the Athenians and 
Spartans. 

But this general desertion of the other states • 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 149 

served only to make those of Athens and Sparta to 
prepare for their defence with greater vigour and 
circumspection. Themistocles, fully sensible of the 
vast importance of this war, and of his own capaci- 
ty to conduct it with all the skill and resolution it 
required, made it his first care to remove out of 
the way, by the force of money, one Epicides, who 
pretended to compete with him for the chief com- 
mand, but whose sole merit consisted in an osten- 
tatious eloquence, with which he had acquired con- 
siderable credit among the people. Themistocles, 
therefore, who had on every occasion given proof 
of superior parts, and shown himself capable of con- 
ducting the greatest undertakings : and had par- 
ticularly on former occasions displayed a singular 
sagacity in seizing the decisive moment of action, 
was unanimously chosen commander-in-chief of the 
Athenian forces. Aristides was recalled, after a 
three years' banishment, together with all the other 
banished citizens ; no opposition having been made 
to the return of his rival by Themistocles, who, on 
this occasion, set an example highly worthy the 
imitation of all men of influence in a state, by whom 
jealousy and rivalship ought, in times of danger, to 
be sacrificed to the interests of their country. 

Themistocles having plainly foreseen, from the 
time of the battle of Marathon, that the war was 
nothing less than finished by that engagement ; and 
being sensible that Athens, possessing such a barren 
and narrow territory, was much too weak to make 
head against the powerful forces of the Persians by 
land, had therefore from that moment applied all 
his attention to the increase of the naval strength 
of his countrymen. In this he had so far succeeded, 
that they at present had a fleet of 100 large galleys, 
besides many vessels of three banks of oars ; and on 
the approach of Xerxes, he persuaded them to equip 
100 more. To this small fleet Greece owed its pre- 
servation. 

Eurybiades, a Lacedemonian, was named eonv 



150 . THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

mander-in-chief of the united forces of both states. 
Jlere we have another proof of the moderation of 
Themistocles, who readily sacrificed his ambition to 
the advantage of the common cause. For although 
the Athenians were entitled to claim the chief 
command, as having furnished two-thirds of the 
fleet, Themistocles nevertheless cheerfully acquies- 
ced in the appointment of Eurybiades. 

The first step taken by the allies was to dis- 
480. patch Leonidas at the head of 10,000 men, to 
take possession of the defile of Thermopylae, 
situated at the foot of mount Oeta, between Thes- 
saly and Phocis, a pass no more than 90 feet broad, 
and the only one by which the army of Xerxes 
could penetrate into Achaia. In the mean time, 
the fleet of Xerxes coasted along the shore, regu- 
lating its motions by those of the army. Every 
thing gave way to the Persians; and the cities 
through which they passed, furnished them with 
provisions in abundance. 

Xerxes, after marching through Thrace and 
Macedonia, came at last to the pass of Thermopylae, 
guarded by the Grecian troops, which, according to 
Pausanias, amounted altogether to no more than 
11,000 ; and of these only 4000 were more imme- 
diately destined to defend the passage. But every 
man of that number was fully determined to con- 
quer or to die. Xerxes was far from thinking that 
the Greeks would dare to dispute his passage. But 
finding himself mistaken, and being] informed by 
Demaratus, that a handful of men might at this 
place stop for a considerable time all his forces, he 
endeavoured to corrupt Leonidas by magnificent 
presents, and the most tempting promises, even that 
of making him supreme lord of Greece. But 
Leonidas having rejected all his temptations with 
disdain, Xerxes thereupon commanded him, by a 
messenger, to send him his arms ; " Let your king 
come and take them," answered Leonidas, Then 
the Medes advanced against the Greeks ; but be- 



4 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 151 

ing unable to sustain their attack, were obliged to 
retreat. The troop of Persians, distinguished by 
the name of immortal, next charged the Greeks, 
and fought with great valour, so that the pass was 
chocked up with the dead. While the best troops 
of Xerxes were thus sacrificed to the Spartan 
valour, an inhabitant of the country having dis- 
covered to the Persians a secret path conducting to 
an eminence that commanded the pass, a large de- 
tachment was immediately sent to take possession 
of it. 

Leonidas receiving intelligence that the top .of 
the rocks forming the pass were occupied by 20,000 
Persian troops, whose darts must soon overwhelm 
him and his small party, intreated the greater part 
of his men to retire, and reserve themselves for a 
more advantageous opportunity of serving their 
country ; while he himself, with about 300 Spar- 
tans and a few Thespians, would maintain the pass 
to the last. The rest having accordingly departed, 
" Come, my friends," said Leonidas, " let us dine 
cheerfully, in the hope of supping together in the 
other world." His brave companions, who were 
superior to all praise, encouraged by the example 
of their chief, thought of nothing now but to sell 
their lives as dearly as possible ; believing it in- 
cumbent on them, as the leading people of Greece, 
to devote themselves to certain death, thereby to 
convince the barbarians how much it must cost 
them to reduce a free people to slavery. In the 
dead of night, this heroic troop, advancing directly 
forwards to the tent of the king, penetrated to the 
middle of the Persian camp, cut off' all that came 
in their way, and spread the most dreadful conster- 
nation among the enemy. But day-light at last 
discovering them distinctly to the Persians, they 
were immediately surrounded, and, being rather 
overwhelmed than conquered, breathed their last 
above heaps of slaughtered enemies; leaving to 
after ages an example of intrepidity before un- 



152 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

known, and hardly to be paralleled in history. The 
Persians are said to have lost upwards of 20,000 
men in this engagement ; and, among the rest, the 
two brothers of Xerxes. 

To the memory of those brave defenders of 
Greece, a superb monument was afterwards erected, 
bearing two inscriptions ; the one in honour of all 
those who had served on that occasion, importing, 
that an army of 4000 Peloponnesian Greeks had 
there stopped the progress of the whole Persian 
force; the other in honour of Leonidas, and his 
300 Spartans, expressed in a few simple words, to 
this effect : " Go, passenger, tell at Sparta, that we 
H died here in obedience to her laws." 

This famous action at Thermopylae, in the opinion 
of Diodorus Siculus, contributed very highly to the 
subsequent advantages obtained by the Greeks. 
For the Persians, astonished at so striking an in- 
stance of desperate valour, thence concluded, that 
it was hardly possible to subdue a nation of such 
undaunted resolution ; and the Greeks likewise per- 
ceived from the same example, that valour and 
discipline are capable of vanquishing the greatest 
multitude, and that therefore it was possible to 
overcome the Persians. * 

The very day that Leonidas fell at Thermopylae, 
the Athenian fleet, commanded by Themistocles, 
having discovered, while cruizing off Artemisa, a 
promontory of Eubcea, a detachment of the ene- 
my's fleet, amounting to 200 vessels, attacked them 
in the night, and sunk more than thirty of them ; 
and the rest were that same night wrecked on the 
coast of Eubcea by a storm that succeeded the en- 
gagement. The Athenians received next day a 
reinforcement of 53 ships more, attacked those of 
the Cilicians, and sunk many of them. A general 
engagement ensued the same day, in which both 
parties fought with great bravery : and though nei- 
ther could boast of the victory, yet the loss was most 
considerable on the side of the Persians. From the 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. m 153 

event of these several actions, the Athenians learn- 
ed, that victory is not always determined by the 
greater number of ships. Hearing, in the mean 
time, of what had passed at Thermopylae, the 
Greeks thought it advisable to retire nearer home, 
and therefore set sail for Salamis, a small island not 
far from Attica. The very same day too of the ac- 
tion at Thermopylae, the Carthaginian army, a- 
mounting to 300,000 men, which co-operated with 
the Persians, and was endeavouring to reduce the 
Greek states in Sicily, was totally defeated by Gelon, 
tyrant of Syracuse. 

Xerxes having now advanced into Phocis, after 
marking his march all along with the effects of his 
resentment, the Peloponnesians resolved to fortify 
themselves within the isthmus. The Athenians, 
therefore, seeing themselves on the eve of being 
crushed under the whole weight of the Persian 
power, sent, in this extremity, to consult the oracle ; 
who told them, " That the only means of preserv- 
ing their city were wooden walls." These wooden 
walls pointed out by the oracle, were interpreted by 
Themistocles to be their ships ; and he told his 
countrymen, that the sole means of preservation 
left, was to abandon the city, and to betake them- 
selves to their fleet. This advice was not at all re- 
lished by the people, who shuddered at the thoughts 
of deserting their gods, and the tombs of their an- 
cestors. Themistocles, however, succeeded at last, 
in persuading them, that the existence of Athens 
depended neither on its houses nor its temples, but 
on the lives of its citizens ; and that the gods them- 
selves had, by the mouth of the oracle, plainly de- 
clared it to be their pleasure, that the Athenians 
ought to leave their city for a while. The people, 
at last, convinced by his eloquence, consented to go 
on board of their ships. 

It is difficult to say, whether we are more affect- 
ed on this occasion by the melancholy situation of 
the Athenians, thus compelled by a barbarous prince 



/ 



15* THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

to desert their native country ; or by the heroic re- 
solution of those Athenians to go in this manner 
into a sort of voluntary banishment, rather than to 
submit to their oppressor. 

The Athenians conveyed their women, children, 
and the greater part of their old men to Trezene, a 
small town on the sea-coast of Peloponnesus, where 
they were received with all the marks of humanity 
that their situation required. But many of their 
oldest men were left in the citadel, being unable, by 
reason of their great age and infirmities, to undergo 
the fatigue of transportation. 

Xerxes in the mean time approaching towards 
Athens, sent a detachment of his troops to plunder 
the temple of Delphos, which contained immense 
riches. But Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus both 
tell us, that most of the soldiers sent on this errand 
perished by the way in a violent tempest. 

The Persian army arriving at Athens, find no- 
thing but silence and solitude within the walls. Thev 
attack the citadel, which, after a brave resistance by 
its feeble garrison, was taken by storm, and all with- 
in it were put to the sword. Xerxes ordered the 
rest of the city to be set on fire. 

In the mean time differences were like to arise in 
the Grecian fleet commanded by Eurybiades, one 
half of them being of opinion, that they ought to 
advance towards the isthmus of Corinth, to be at 
hand to support their army ; and the other, that 
they ought by no means to quit the advantageous 
post at Salamis. The latter opinion was supported 
by Themistocles, who on this occasion gave another 
proof of his extraordinary moderation and coolness 
of temper. For while he was maintaining his opi- 
nion with some warmth against Eurybiades, who 
was a man of a very choleric disposition, the latter 
flew in a passion, and lifted up his cane to strike 
him. Themistocles called out to him, " Strike, but 
hear me," His eloquence and firmness at last pre- 
vailed; and the Greeks saw that, being extremely 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 155 

inferior to the enemy in the number, as well as in 
the size of their ships, it was of the highest impor- 
tance to avail themselves of their present situation, 
and to give battle in such a narrow strait as that of 
Salamis, where the enemy could not bring all their 
fleet into action. They resolved, therefore, to pre- 
pare to fight the Persians in this strait. 

The Persians too determined to give battle, con- 
trary to the opinion of queen Artemisa, who repre- 
sented to them, that the loss of a sea-fight must be 
inevitably attended with the destruction of their ar- 
my at land. But her advice, though the most pru- 
dent, was rejected ; Xerxes himself having declared 
his sentiments for their coming to action. Themis- 
tocles, in the mean time, to put it entirely out of the 
power of his countrymen to retire from Salamis, con- 
trived to have false intelligence conveyed to Xerxes, 
of their intending to decline the engagement, and to 
make their escape, and therefore advising him to order 
his fleet instantly to advance and block them up. 
This stratagem he communicated to Aristides, who 
undertook to exhort the rest of the commanding offi- 
cers with whom he was in great credit, not to be 
dismayed at seeing themselves hemmed in, but to 
behave with their usual intrepidity. The stratagem 
had the desired effect : and the Greeks seeing no 
other possibility of escaping, except by fighting 
their way through the midst of the enemy, prepar- 
ed for the engagement. 

Xerxes, who was on shore, being desirous of see- 
ing the battle, ordered a superb throne to be erect- 
ed for him on an eminence. The fleet of the Greeks 
consisted of 380 sail. Themistocles, who that day 
commanded it, waited for the rising of a wind, 
which regularly began to blow at a certain hour, in 
a direction exactly in the face of the enemy. The 
Persians began the attack with great bravery ; but 
the small fleet of the Greeks, acting by the skill of 
its commanders under every advantage, soon threw 
the enemy's first line into confusion, and sunk the 



156 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

Persian admiral. Those that followed him, intimi- 
dated by his fate, partly betook themselves to flight, 
and partly were sunk. On the wings, however, the 
action continued vfery warm and obstinate ; but the 
wind being against the Persians, the unwieldy size 
of their ships rendering them very difficult to be 
managed, and their great number rather embarrass- 
ing than availing them in such a narrow strait, they 
could not long sustain the impetuosity of the A- 
thenians, but fell into a general disorder. The Ioni- 
ans, mindful of their Grecian extraction, were the 
first that fled ; and they were quickly followed by 
the rest of the Persian fleet, which soon appeared 
scattered up and down in flight and confusion. 

Queen Artemisa signalised herself by a courage 
far above her sex. In the height of the battle, per- 
ceiving herself to be on 'the point of falling into the 
hands of the Greeks, she immediately hung out 
Grecian colours, and attacking one of the Persian 
galleys, sunk it. The Greek that pursued her, de- 
ceived by this stratagem, believed her to be one of 
his own party, and quitted the pursuit. The vic- 
tory cost the Greeks 40 ships ; but of the Persians 
200 were either taken or sunk. 

This engagement, one of the most memorable re- 
corded in ancient history, acquired immortal fame 
to the Grecian wisdom and courage. The renown- 
ed Cimon, though yet but a young man, distin- 
guished himself highly on that occasion, and gave 
evident signs of his future greatness. But as the 
principal glory of the victory belonged to Themis- 
tocles, the eyes of all the Greeks were fixed on him 
as their deliverer ; and the highest honours were 
conferred on him. At this time every sentiment of 
jealousy was overlooked, and none exceeded the 
Lacedemonians in their encomiums on Themisto- 
cles, whom they crowned with laurel, the reward of 
wisdom and valour. When he appeared at the 
Olympic games, the whole assembly rose up to give 
him place ; every eye was fixed on him alone ; and 
that day was the most glorious of his life. 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE* 157 

This important defeat astonished and disconcerted 
Xerxes in the highest degree. Mardonius, how- 
ever, endeavoured to compose his mind by pallia- 
ting his loss ; but at the same time advised him to 
set out for Persia ; assuring him, that with 300,000 
of his land forces, he, Mardonius, did not doubt of 
being able to conquer the Greeks, notwithstanding 
the late disaster. The remains of the Persian fleet 
took refuge in dimes, a harbour in Eolia. 

On the other hand, Themistocles, in concert with 
Aristides, sent private intelligence to Xerxes, that 
the Greeks were preparing to destroy his bridge 
over the Hellespont. That weak credulous prince 
believed the information, and leaving Greece in a 
violent hurry, with a strong guard of his best troops, 
arrived, after a very painful march of forty-five days, 
(attended with the double misery of famine and dis- 
ease, which destroyed the greatest part of his troops) 
at the bridge, but had the mortification to find it 
already demolished by a great storm. This mighty 
prince, therefore, whose numerous fleet had lately 
covered the sea, was reduced to the necessity of pass- 
ing the strait in a poor fishing bark. Thus was the 
vanity effectually humbled, and thus ended all the lof- 
ty projects of this impious and presumptuous man, 
who, before leaving his own dominions, had ordered 
all the Greek temples of Asia to be burnt, and the 
immense riches contained in them to be applied to 
defray the expence of his expedition. 

Mardonius, after wintering in Thessaly, took the 
field, and began his operations, by making very ad- 
vantageous offers to the Athenians, to detach them 
from their confederacy with the other states, pro- 
mising not only to rebuild the city, and to give 
them a vast sum of money, but to set them at the 
head of all Greece. Aristides, then archon, answer- 
ed the messengers of Mardonius, that all the gold 
in the world was insufficient to corrupt the Athen- 
ians, or to induce them to desert the defence of the 
common liberty of their country ; that while the 



158 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

sun continued to light the world, the Athenians 
would remain the mortal enemies of the Persians, 
and would revenge, to the utmost of their power, 
the mischief they had brought upon their country, 
and the burning of their houses and temples. As 
soon as Mardonius received the answer of the A- 
thenians, and thence saw that no motive could in- 
duce them to break their engagements, he ordered 
his army to advance towards Attica. The Athen- 
ians, on the approach of the Persian army, left their 
city a second time, and retired to Salamis. Mardo- 
nius thereupon sent new deputies to them, with 
terms still more advantageous than the former; but 
the Athenians were so far from accepting them, 
that they stoned to death one Lycidas, only for 
saying that they ought to give an audience to the 
deputies. The Persian general, provoked at the 
contempt with which the Athenians treated all his 
proposals, entered Athens, and burnt every thing 
that had formerly escaped the fury of Xerxes. 

In this situation, the Athenians complained to 
the Lacedemonians of their not having sent them 
the stipulated succours. The latter were then solely 
intent on maintaining their ground within the Pe- 
loponnesus, and defending the entry of the isthmus ; 
but, in compliance with the requisition of the A - 
thenians, who made a great outcry against the slow- 
ness of their proceedings, they sent to their assist- 
5000 Spartans, each of whom was attended by seven 
Helots. These forces, joined with those of the A- 
thenians and Peloponnesians, formed altogether an 
army of about 70,000 men; which, after assembling 
at Eleusis, followed Mardonius into Bceotia, and 
encamped at the foot of mount Citheron. Pausanias, 
son of Cleombrotus, and viceroy of Sparta, com- 
manded the Lacedemonian troops ; and Aristides 
those of the Athenians. The Persian army then 
amounted to 300,000 men. 

Pausanias in the mean time advanced towards 
Platea, with his forces drawn up in battle array : 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 159 

the Athenians being on the right wing, and 
479. opposed to the Persian troops ; and the Lace - 
demonians on the left, opposed to the Greek 
troops in the service of the Persians. The Mega- 
reans, who were encamped on the plain, having 
been attacked by the Persian cavalry, were, after a 
very brave and long resistance, on the point of giv- 
ing way, when 300 Athenians ran to their relief. 
The battle then became more obstinate than before. 
But Magistius, who commanded the Persian caval- 
ry, being slain, his men betook themselves to flight. 
The death of this officer, who was reckoned the 
ablest in the Persian army, spread universal con- 
sternation through all their troops. Ten days inter- 
vened between this action and the general engage- 
ment. Artabazus was of opinion, that the Persians 
ought to avoid a general battle ; but Mardonius, a 
man of a violent fiery disposition, thought other- 
wise. Pausanias and Aristides, informed of the de- 
sign of the Persians to attack them, drew up their 
army in battle order near the city of Platea ; which 
Mardonius perceiving, changed the intended order 
of this attack. That day was wholly taken up with 
these evolutions. But the Greeks, finding them- 
selves straitened for water in their present situation, 
resolved to decamp. Mardonius believing this move- 
ment to be a flight, immediately advanced with his 
men, uttering loud shouts, and charged the rear of 
the Greek army, composed of the Lacedemonians ; 
who, forming themselves in a column, opposed the 
enemy with their usual valour, and falling on the 
Persians, with the greatest fury, made a dreadful 
slaughter. 

Mardonius fell in the beginning of the action. 
The main body of the Greek army advancing in 
the mean time to the charge, in separate detach- 
ments, completed the overthrow of the Persians. In 
another quarter of the field, the 40,000 Greeks in 
the Persian service, who were engaged with the 
troops commanded by Aristides, hearing of the 



160 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

flight of the barbarians, followed their example, and 
retreated likewise; but rallied, in their camp, and 
there intrenched themselves. The Lacedemonians, 
however, supported by the Athenians, attacked and 
forced their entrenchments; after which nothing 
was to be seen but a general massacre : for the Per- 
sians, being too numerous to be made prisoners, re- 
ceived no quarter, and were all put to the sword. 
Artabazus, after distinguishing himself both as a 
skilful officer and as a brave soldier, collected the 
scattered remains of the Persian army, amounting 
now to no more than 44,000 men, and returned 
with all expedition towards Persia. The loss of the 
Greeks in this engagement was about 10,000 men. 

The Greeks, as a monument of this memorable 
victory, erected a statue to Jupiter in the temple of 
Olympia, inscribed with the names of all the states 
of Greece who had fought at Platea. It came next 
under consideration, whether the prize of valour 
ought to be adjudged to the Athenians or to the 
Lacedemonians. But to avoid all controversy on 
this head, whereby the general joy arising from the 
victory might be disturbed, the question was, by the 
influence of Aristides, referred to the determination 
of the other Greeks ; who, to prevent any jealousy 
between those rival states, adjudged it to belong to 
the Plateans. Then, after sending a tripod of solid 
gold to the temple at Delphos, and setting apart a 
tenth of the spoil, as an offering to the gods, to be 
applied to religious purposes, they divided, with 
great justice, the rest of the spoil ; which was so im- 
mense, that Justin is of opinion, it was the first 
great cause of the corruption of the Grecian manners. 

By the persuasion of Aristides, the Greeks passed 
a solemn decree, obliging all the states to send de- 
puties to Platea, to offer sacrifices to Jupiter the de- 
liverer ; instituting public games at that place every 
fifth year ; and ordering a fleet of 100 ships, and an 
army of 10,000 foot, and as many horse, to be kept 
always on foot, for making continual war on the 



\ 

CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE, 161 

barbarians. The Plateans were appointed to cele- 
brate in time coming the anniversary of all those 
who had fallen in this battle ; which they regularly 
performed with much pomp and ceremony. 
) The Persian fleet having, in the mean time, sailed 
towards Samos ; that of the Greeks, under the com- 
mand of Leotychides the Lacedemonian, and Xan- 
tippus the Athenian, advanced as far as Delos, upon 
the earnest in treaty of the inhabitants of Chios, who 
begged to be delivered from their subjection to the 
barbarians ; and likewise in consequence of secret 
intelligence received by them, of the intention of 
the Ionians to revolt. The Persians, hearing of the 
approach of the Greeks, retired to Mycale in Asia 
Minor, where they drew their vessels on shore, and 
surrounded them with a deep ditch. The Greeks, 
however, pursued them thither ; and, with the as- 
sistance of the Ionians, attacked them. The battle 
was at first bravely fought on both sides. But the 
Milesians and Samians, followed by the rest of the 
Asiatic Greeks, having deserted from the Persians, 
the latter were vanquished, and 40,000 of them cut 
in pieces. The Athenians took possession of the 
enemy's camp, burned the Persian fleet, and return- 
ed to Samos with a vast deal of plunder. This en- 
gagement happened on the same day with that of 
Platea. 

Thus did that memorable day for ever free the 
Greeks from any future Persian invasions, and de- 
livered them from those innumerable armies of bar- 
barians, which, like clouds of locusts, had consumed 
their country for two whole years. These grievous 
defeats were never forgotten by the Persian mon- 
archy ; and they entirely cured Xerxes of all desire 
of undertaking any other enterprises of the same 
kind. He thought no more of executing vengeance 
on the Greeks ; and, to efface all remembrance of 
his past disasters, he gave himself wholly up to 
every sort of voluptuousness and debauchery. His 
court became one general scene of the most shame- 

L 



162 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

ful excesses, murder and incest succeeding each 
other in a perpetual round. This weak licentious 
prince was at length put to death by his own subjects. 

The severe effects of tyranny formerly experien- 
ced by the Athenians, had excited in them such a 
strong desire of liberty, that, to preserve it, they 
boldly hazarded the greatest dangers. Their bra- 
very, however, was admirably supported and con- 
ducted by the wisdom and skill of their generals, 
who were particularly attentive to choose such a si- 
tuation for giving battle, that the enemy could not 
much avail themselves of their vast superiority in 
point of number, 

CHAP. II. 

Affairs of Greece, from the final disappointment of the Persian 
invasion under Xerxes, to the commencement of the Pelopon- 
nesian war. 

The Athenians having now recovered perfect 
tranquillity, brought back their wives and children 
to Athens ; of which they rebuilt the walls, and 
considerably increased the extent. The Lacede- 
monians taking umbrage at this, from an apprehen- 
sion lest Athens should become too powerful, re- 
presented to the Athenians, that it was the general 
interest of Greece to have no fortified place without 
the Peloponnesus, because, in case of a fresh inva- 
sion, it might serve for a retreat and warlike mag- 
azine to the enemy. Themistocles having pro- 
cured himself to be named ambassador to Lacede- 
mon, there, to justify the conduct of his country- 
men, maintained in open senate, that it was as 
much for the common advantage of the allies as for 
that of the Athenians, that the latter had fortified 
their city with good walls ; that besides, it was but 
equitable that they, as well as the rest, should take 
proper measures for their own safety ; and, in fine, 
that they w r ere able to defend themselves either a- 
gainst foreign or domestic enemies. 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 163 

In the next place, Themistocles, solely intent on 
increasing the power of the republic, fortified Py- 
reus, the famous harbour of Athens, in the same 
manner as he had done the city ; and persuaded 
the Athenians to augment their fleet yearly with 
twenty ships. The object of this skilful politician 
was to deprive the Lacedemonians of the superiori- 
ty hitherto possessed by them over the other states 
of Greece. But it must be confessed, that he was 
not very scrupulous with regard to the means em- 
ployed by him for that purpose. An instance of 
this was his project of burning the Grecian fleet in 
the harbour of Pegazus, whither it had retired to 
winter after the defeat of Mardonius ; or, according 
to some authors, that part of it only which belong- 
ed to the Lacedemonians. But not daring openly 
to propose this scheme, he was desired by the peo- 
ple to communicate the matter privately to Aris- 
tides ; who having been accordingly informed of it, 
declared to the people, that though the project of 
Themistocles was indeed highly useful, yet, at the 
same time, it was most unjust. Themistocles was 
therefore prohibited from putting it in execution. 
How becoming, thus to see a whole state prefer 
what was just to what was useful ! and what a high 
idea of the justice of Aristides must we not con- 
ceive, when we see him chosen singly, by a whole 
people, to determine whether a project of the ut- 
most general importance was just or unjust ! 

The Lacedemonians^ about this time, proposed 
that the deputies who had formerly been admitted 
to seats in the council of the ampbictyons, from 
Thessaly, from Thebes, from Argos, and from the 
other states that had submitted to Xerxes, should, 
as a punishment for their defection from the com- 
mon cause, be for the future deprived of that pri- 
vilege. The proposal appeared to be equitable, and 
coincided with the resentment entertained of the 
pusillanimous and treacherous conduct of those 
states. But Themistocles, apprehensive lest by the 



lf$4 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

proposed exclusion, the Lacedemonian interest 
might preponderate too much in that important 
council, employed all his eloquence and address to 
get the proposal rejected : and his endeavours were 
successful. This step exasperated the Lacedemon- 
ians extremely against Themistocles, whom they 
ever after opposed in all his schemes. In particular 
they exerted their influence to support the rising 
fortunes of Cimon in opposition to Themistocles ; 
and by their intrigues they were very instrumental 
in promoting the subsequent persecution and ban- 
ishment inflicted on him by his ungrateful coun- 
trymen. 

Aristides having nothing in view but the welfare 
of his country, was continually employed in promot- 
ing her interests. His prudence prevented distur- 
bances that were likely to arise in Athens by the 
licentious and turbulent disposition of the peo- 
ple, who, finding themselves now in peace and se- 
curity, desired to take the whole power of govern- 
ment into their own hands. To these seditious 
projects they were chiefly instigated by Themisto- 
cles, partly from motives of opposition to his rival 
Aristides, who supported the party of the better 
sort ; but principally from partiality to the party of 
the commons, to which his birth naturally attached 
him. Aristides, to quiet them, procured the office 
of archon, hitherto confined to the richer tribes, to 
be rendered attainable by every rank in the state. 
By this concession he for the present satisfied the 
people, and diverted them from a scheme that must 
infallibly have occasioned a civil war. 

As the Persians were still in possession of some 
cities in Asia Minor, the Athenians and Lacede- 
monians resolved to deliver those cities from their 
subjection ; and for that purpose, sent out a fleet 
under the command of Pausanias, Aristides, and 
Cimon the son of Miltiades. This expedition was 
attended with the desired success, and the Persian 
garrisons were expelled from all the cities. Then 



CHAP II. ANCIENT GREECE. 165 

the fleet sailed up the Hellespont, and attacked 
Byzantium ; which Pausanias had the glory of tak- 
ing. But the haughty disposition natural to that 
Spartan, appeared to be greatly increased by his late 
success. He treated the officers in the most arro- 
gant and overbearing manner, and soon became 
perfectly unsupportable. This excessive pride stain- 
ed the glory of his actions, and at last brought on 
his ruin. For desiring to become the son-in-law of 
Xerxes, his vanity induced him to betray his coun- 
try, and he offered to make that monarch master of 
Sparta, and of all the rest of Greece, on condition of 
receiving his daughter in marriage, and of being in- 
vested with sovereign authority over the country he 
should thus betray. Xerxes embraced the proposal, 
and transmitted to Pausanias large sums of money, 
to enable him to make good his engagements. The 
plot, however, was discovered. But as the Lacede- 
monians could not, for the present, procure suffi- 
cient evidence of his treason to justify a capital pun- 
ishment, they were satisfied with deposing him. 

The allies, now weary of their subjection to Spar- 
ta, which Pausanias had exercised over them with 
the utmost severity, and charmed at the same time 
with the mildness, affability, and justice of Aris- 
tides and Cimon, conferred on them' the chief com- 
mand of the fleet, and put themselves under the 
protection of the Athenians. Thus did Sparta, by 
the haughty imperious behaviour of Pausanias, lose 
that superiority over the rest of Greece, which her 
justice and moderation had at first procured her. 

As Cimon is about to appear in a very interesting 
light, as chief commander in Asia, it is proper here 
to take notice of a few particulars of his life, pre- 
vious to his appearing in that character. We have 
already mentioned his having undertaken to dis- 
charge the fine imposed upon his father, in order to 
obtain the privilege of burial for his dead body. 
That act of filial affection had procured him the 
esteem of every body. Thenceforward he daily 



166 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

gave distinguished marks of the finest parts, and 
soon showed himself capable of rivalling his father 
in valour and military skill ; Themistocles in acute- 
ness and prudence ; and Aristides in integrity and 
justice. The latter conceived the highest regard 
for Cimon while yet very young ; and perceived 
that he was equal to the most important offices of 
the state. In the two memorable engagements at 
Salamis and Platea, Cimon signalized himself re- 
markably, and quickly attracted the admiration of 
his countrymen. 

After delivering the Greek colonies from the 
Persian yoke, he continued to push on his conquests 
in Asia, and reduced several of the enemy's cities. 
He next attacked, near the island of Cyprus, with 
a fleet of 250 sail, that of the Persians, amounting to 
840 sail, and, supported by a powerful army, encamp- 
ed along the shore. The engagement was desper- 
ately supported at first. But the Greeks having 
sunk several of the enemy's ships, put the rest to 
flight. Then Cimon, sailing towards the Thracian 
Chersonese, took the city of Eione on the banks of 
the Strymon. On this occasion, the Persian, Butes, 
who was governor of the city, finding it impossible 
to preserve the city, threw his riches into the river, 
and then burnt himself and all his family on a fu- 
neral pile. 

After this, Cimon subdued the other states in that 
country, drove from Syrops the pirates that infested 
the Egean sea, established an Athenian colony in 
their place, and made himself master of Naxus. 
Cruising along the coasts of Asia, he reduced all the 
maritime cities of Caria and Lycia, and left not the 
Persians in possession of a single inch of ground be- 
tween Ionia and Pamphylia. Hearing that the 
Persian fleet lay at anchor at the mouth of the river 
Eurymedon, waiting for a reinforcement of Pheni- 
cian ships, that they might attack him with their uni - 
ted forces, he immediately sailed against the former 
to prevent their junction ; charged them with such 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 167 

vigour, that they were obliged, in spite of their su- 
periority in number, to run their ships aground, and 
took more than 100 of them. Without giving his 
men time to breathe after their victory, he instantly 
landed them and attacked the army of the enemy, 
which was drawn up on the banks of the Euryme- 
don. The Persians sustained the first charge of the 
Greeks with great firmness. But the troops of Ci- 
mon, animated by their late success, broke them at 
last, put them fairly to flight, made a great number 
of them prisoners, and got a vast booty. Cimon 
crowned his victories with the capture of the Phe- 
nician fleet which was coming to the assistance of 
the Persians, and by that means gave a fatal blow to 
the Persian naval power. 

The Lacedemonians, importuned by contin- 
474. ual complaints against Pausanias, summoned 
him to return home to justify his conduct. 
He obeyed, and was for the present acquitted, either 
through the defect of evidence, or the gratitude of 
his countrymen for his past important services. He 
returned, therefore, to Byzantium ; but immediate- 
ly renewed his negotiations with Artabazus,to whom 
Xerxes had referred him, that they might together 
settle the plan of operations. The whole matter, 
however, was at last clearly brought to light. A 
slave, whom he had charged with certain dispatches 
for Asia, having observed, that of all his companions 
formerly dispatched thither on business of the same 
kind, none had returned, became apprehensive of 
meeting with the same fate himself. He was therefore 
tempted to open the letter of his master ; where, 
perceiving at once all the importance of his com- 
mission, he resolved to deliver his dispatches to the 
ephori, who, after maturely weighing every cir- 
cumstance, ordered the slave to take refuge in the 
temple of Neptune ; and then propagated a report, 
that the reason of his doing so, was to beg pardon 
of the god for having opened a letter of his master. 
Pausanias hastens to the temple ; where the ephori 



168 THE HISTOEY OF BOOK II. 

being concealed, overhear his whole conversation 
with the slave, are thereby entirely convinced of the 
full extent of his treason, and resolve to bring him to 
immediate punishment. Pausanias, perceiving his 
danger, flies for safety to the temple of Minerva. 
The ephori, not choosing to violate the privilege of 
the temple, but desiring, at the same time to punish 
the traitor, ordered the entry to be shut up, and part 
of the roof to be uncovered, that he might be star- 
ved to death ; which happened accordingly. 

The ardent passion of Themistocles for power 
471. at length offended the Athenians ; who, pro- 
voked at his constantly reminding them of his 
services, banished him from Athens. Themistocles 
was obliged to take refuge at Argos. In the mean 
time, it was alleged that some passages -in letters, 
found in the possession of Pausanias after his death* 
seemed to indicate a secret understanding between 
him and Themistocles. But the truth of this fact 
was never properly ascertained. The Lacedemoni- 
ans, however, upon whose ambition he had been a 
constant check, took advantage of this circumstance 
to ruin him, and communicated the pretended dis- 
covery to the Athenians. Themistocles endeavour- 
ed to justify himself by letter. But his enemies, 
glad of so fair an opportunity of accomplishing his 
destruction, used every argument to convince his 
countrymen of his guilt, and were at last successful. 
Themistocles, getting notice of these proceedings, 
retired to the island of Corcyra, and from thence in- 
to Epirus. But thinking himself unsafe even there, 
he next took refuge at the court of Admetus king 
of the Molossi. This was a very dangerous and 
daring step in Themistocles. That prince entertain- 
ed a strong resentment against him, on account of 
some suit of his having been harshly refused by the 
Athenians, while the authority of Themistocles was 
at its height among that people. Touched, however, 
at seeing at his feet, and in his power, the greatest 
man of Greece, he gave him a kindly reception, and 



* 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 169 

resolved to protect him. We shall by and by see 
the fate of Themistocles. 

Let us now resume the general history of Greece, 
where we shall behold the glory of Aristides in full 
splendour. The Athenians, at present in the undis- 
puted possession of the principal authority in Greece, 
and by consequence, enjoying uncontrouled influ- 
ence in the management of public affairs, resolved, 
in compliance with the request of several of the 
states, to put the funds furnished for the purpose of 
the general defence of the country on a new footing, 
by imposing on each city a tax proportionable to its 
whole revenue. It required a man of great integrity 
and disinterestedness to proportion and to collect this 
tax. Aristides was unanimously pitched upon for 
that purpose ; and he discharged the trust reposed 
in him to the satisfaction of all the parties concerned, 
and in such a manner as did honour to the choice of 
his countrymen. The period of his administration 
is considered as the happiest in the history of the 
Greeks. For in the sequel, under the management 
of Pericles and his successors, the increase of un- 
necessary expences required the tax to be first 
doubled, and afterwards tripled. 

It is hardly possible to carry the contempt of riches 
to a greater length than Aristides did. He even 
gloried in his poverty. Of his sentiments on this 
head, he gave evident proofs in his defence of Cal- 
lias, one of the richest citizens of Athens, to whom 
it was imputed as a crime, that, being rich, and the 
friend of Aristides, he had nevertheless suffered him 
to remain in poverty. But of this charge Aristides 
fully justified him, by declaring to the judges, that 
Callias had often pressed him to accept of consider- 
able sums, but which he had as often refused, from 
a persuasion, that the want of riches prevented in 
him all desire of superfluities, and left him at liber- 
ty to apply himself entirely to the management of 
public affairs. What magnanimity ! 

The leading men who succeeded Aristides, reple- 



s 



170 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

nished Athens with beautiful porticoes, with statues, 
and with other decorations ; but his study, says Plu- 
tarch, was to adorn it with virtue. He was not al- 
ways, adds the same author, a magistrate ; but he 
was always employed in the service of his country. 
* His house was a public school for sound policy, wis- 
dom, and virtue ; and was ever open to all the A- 
thenian youth, who repaired thither as if to consult 
an oracle, and were listened to and instructed by 
him in the most familiar and obliging manner. 
Though he had, on several occasions, given signal 
marks of his courage, as at the battle of Marathon, 
when he supported the opinion of Miltiades, to 
march out and give battle to the Persians in the open 
field, yet equity was his distinguishing characteris- 
tic, and procured him the appellation of just. He 
possessed uncommon equality of temper, which did 
not desert him even in his banishment, but enabled 
him to preserve his affection for his country, and to 
petition the gods in favour of his fellow-citizens, at 
the very instant when they were treating him with 
the most cruel ingratitude. His only object was the 
glory of Athens; and provided she were successful a- 
gainst her enemies, he was little solicitous whether it 
was by his means or those of another. Of this he gave 
a strong proof with respect to Themistocles. After 
sharing with him the whole danger and conduct of 
the war, he never offered to dispute with him the 
glory of the success ; but suffered him to enjoy it 
without a rival. Aristides was in all respects the 
perfect model of a good citizen. 

The reader cannot fail to be anxious to know the 
circumstances attending the last part of the life, and 
the final exit of this great man. But historians 
have left us altogether in the dark on that point. It 
is probable, however, that he ended his days in 
peace. History only informs us, that, after possess- 
ing for a long while the sole management of the 
public money, he died in such absolute poverty, as 
not to leave sufficient funds to burv him. But the 



CHAP if J ANCIENT GREECE. 171 

republic charged itself with this last duty to its best 
citizen ; and likewise with the care of providing 
suitable matches for his daughters ; and his son Ly- 
simachus was maintained in the Prytaneum at the 
public expence. 

It was nearly about the time of which we 
455. are now speaking, that the Romans, having 
heard of the wisdom of the Greek institutions, 
sent ten of their citizens to Athens, to inform them- 
selves of the different laws there established. It was 
from the collection made at Athens by those ten citi- 
zens, that the laws of the twelve tables were com- 
posed, which formed the basis of the after system of 
Roman jurisprudence. 

Artabanus, captain of the guards to Xerxes, see- 
ing his sovereign disgusted with all attempts of con- 
quest, immersed in pleasure, and despised by his 
subjects, conceived the design of dethroning him ; 
and for that purpose formed a conspiracy with one 
of the chief eunuchs. Having accordingly assassi- 
nated Xerxes in his chamber, he hastens to find Ar- 
taxerxes, surnamed Longimanus, that prince's third 
son ; acquaints him with the murder of his father, 
and accuses Darius, the eldest son of Xerxes, as the 
murderer. Artaxerxes believing the villain, kills his 
brother in the first transports of his rage, and mounts 
the throne. Artabanus forms a confederacy for de- 
throning the new king. Artaxerxes getting intel- 
ligence of this conspiracy, puts Artabanus to death. 
The partisans of the latter, together with his sons, to 
the number of seven, all grown men, resolved to re- 
venge the death of Artabanus. This new confe- 
deracy against Artaxerxes produced an open war, 
and a bloody battle. But Artaxerxes prevailed in 
the end, and exterminated the greater part of his 
enemies. Become at last peaceable possessor of his 
kingdom, he deposed all his viceroys of whose fide- 
lity he entertained any suspicion ; reformed many 
abuses that had crept in during the late reign ; and 
acquired the character of a great prince. We 



172 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

shall have occasion to make mention of him more 
than once in the sequel. 

Let us once more look back to Themistocles. 
The Athenians, resolved not to permit him to re- 
main in quiet under the protection of king Adme- 
tus, required that prince to deliver him up, under 
pain of their displeasure. Themistocles, informed 
by Admetus of the dilemma into which he had 
brought himself on his account, determined, with- 
out hesitation, to retire to a greater distance still 
from his cruel and ungrateful countrymen : He goes 
on board of a ship ; and, after escaping several dan- 
gers, arrives at Cumes in Armenia. The Persian 
monarch having heard of his being proscribed by 
his countrymen, had already set a price on his head ; 
and issued orders, that all persons who arrived in 
any part of the coast of his dominions should be 
strictly examined. Themistocles, however, found 
means to reach Eolia undiscovered ; and, by the 
friendship of his host, a man of considerable sub- 
stance in that country, he was from thence con- 
ducted in a covered waggon to Suza; the con- 
ductor of the waggon telling those he met, that 
the person conveyed in the waggon was an Ionian 
lady, whom he was conducting to a nobleman at 
court. He was permitted therefore to pass without 
farther enquiry, the ladies in Persia being always 
carefully guarded from public view. 

As soon as he came to the court of Artaxerxes, 
he told that he was a Greek, and begged an audience 
of the king. Being accordingly admitted into the 
royal presence, he prostrated himself as usual before 
the monarch, and made a most moving speech to 
obtain his protection. You see, at your feet, says 
he, Themistocles ; a man who has indeed done much 
harm to the Persians, but who has it in his power 
to render them important services. My life is in 
your power. If you save it, y ou will eternally oblige 
a man who begs it at your hands ; if you deprive 
me of it, you will destroy the greatest enemy of 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 113 

Greece. Artaxerxes was astonished at his intrepi- 
dity* and could not help admiring him. He made 
him no answer for the present ; but, on being left 
alone, he gave himself up to the highest transports 
of joy, crying out from time to time, " I have The- 
mistocles in my power." Next day, however, after 
deliberating coolly on this unforeseen event, he re- 
solved to act the generous part, and to bind The- 
mistocles to his interests, by loading him with fa- 
vours. He therefore called him into his presence ; 
received him in the kindest and most obliging 
manner ; presented him with 200 talents, and ques- 
tioned him much about the affairs of Greece. 

Themistocles, that he might be able to converse 
more freely with Artaxerxes, applied himself to the 
study of the Persian language, and soon learned to 
speak it. In the mean time, the Persian monarch 
was daily giving him still greater and greater marks 
of favour, and on all occasions testified a particular 
esteem for him. He married him to a Persian lady 
of the highest birth ; made him his companion in 
all his pleasures; and conversed with him with great 
familiarity. His credit was so high that he was 
himself amazed at it. It is said, that, being one 
day at table with his children, and reflecting on the 
magnificence with which he was treated, he could 
not refrain from exclaiming, " We had perished, 
my children, if we had not perished." He fixed his 
residence at Magnesia, a city of Asia Minor, and 
continued there for the remaining part of his life. 
The revenues of three cities were assigned him as 
a fund of subsistence. 

After Cimon had gained over the Persians the vic- 
tories already mentioned, he returned to Athens, 
and employed part of the spoils taken from the ene- 
my, in fortifying Pyreus and embellishing the city. 

Cimon was no less admired by the Athenians in 
time of peace, than he had been during the war. 
Besides erecting various public structures, both for 
the strength and for the ornament of the city, he 



174 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

planted the academy with groves; brought water 
into it, and laid it out in delightful walks. He like- 
wise planted plane trees round the forum. He ap- 
plied his riches to the noblest of purposes. He or- 
dered his delightful gardens to be at all times open 
to his fellow-citizens. He kept a very plentiful but 
plain table, to which all persons, rich and poor, ci- 
tizens and strangers, were made welcome ; and he 
assisted with his wealth, not only his particular 
friends, but the greater part of the Athenians. As 
he walked through the streets of Athens, the ser- 
vants that attended him had orders to put money 
privately into the hands of all the poor citizens who 
came in their way : and to give clothes to such as 
seemed to stand in need of them. But all this was 
done by Cimon without the smallest ostentation ; 
and without any intention of courting the favour of 
the people ; for, in point of politics, he was inviola- 
bly attached to the party of the nobility. 

Being chosen to conduct another expedition a- 
gainst the Persians, he expelled them from the Thra- 
cian Chersonesus, and laid siege to Thasus, whose 
inhabitants had revolted against the Athenians. This 
siege is remarkable for its having continued three 
years ; and for the obstinate resistance of the besieg- 
ed, whereby they exposed themselves to the sever- 
est misfortunes of war. It was declared capital for 
any person to talk of surrendering ; and the women 
seconded the efforts of the men, even cutting off their 
hair to make ropes. The city accordingly stood out 
till famine had carried off most of its inhabitants. 

Cimon next subdued all the country opposite to 
Thrace, as far as Macedonia, of which kingdom, too, 
he was on the point of attempting the conquest. 

Under these favourable circumstances the num- 
ber of inhabitants in Attica appears to have been 
greatly increased. For notwithstanding a great loss 
of men in the course of the war, they sent out large 
colonies, to Eione on the river Strymon, to Amphi- 
polis in Macedonia, and to the island of Sciros. 



I 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 175 

Artaxerxes hearing of these important successes 
of Cimon, and of the increase thence derived to 
the Athenian power, proposed to Themistocles to 
take the command of a powerful army, which he 
had resolved to send against Attica. Such a pro- 
posal threw that illustrious exile into the greatest 
perplexity. Agitated on the one hand by the strong 
affection still retained by him for his native country, 
and the thoughts of the dishonour he should draw 
on himself by bearing arms against it ; and on the 
other hand, by the powerful sentiments of gratitude 
entertained by him towards a prince who had loaded 
him with the highest favours ; he perceived that 
death alone could deliver him from his distressful 
situation. He resolved therefore to sacrifice his 
life to his duty to his country, and to his gratitude 
to Artaxerxes. Assembling his friends, he 
466. bade them a moving farewell ; swallowed 
a draught of bull's blood, and died at the age 
of sixty-five years. Artaxerxes was struck with 
admiration at this instance of magnanimity, and 
highly regretted his dying so prematurely. But 
according to Thucydides, he did not die by poison, 
but by a natural disease. 

Themistocles possessed great magnanimity, in- 
vincible courage, and an insatiable desire of glory. 
He enjoyed wonderful power of memory, uncom- 
mon penetration and sagacity, and a disposition sin- 
gularly active, indefatigable, and persevering. We 
have seen, that it was the most extreme necessity 
which forced him to take refuge with the enemies of 
his country, on finding himself persecuted in the most 
rigorous manner, by a jealous and ungrateful peo- 
ple, whom he knew by experience to be capable of 
the greatest cruelty to those who had rendered them 
the most signal services. Next to Miltiades, whose 
fate was recent in his memory, he was the principal 
author of their safety. He gained the confidence 
and affection of the allies, by his mild and conde- 
scending behaviour, and by his insinuating address. 
By his prudence he extinguished that spirit of dis- 



176 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

cord which prevailed among the Greeks at the time 
of the Persian invasion, the subsistence whereof 
might, on that occasion, have proved fatal to them ; 
and he united them against their common enemy. 
He convinced his countrymen, that their naval 
strength was their greatest safety, and could alone 
procure them a superiority over the other Greeks ; 
and to him principally the Athenians owed their skill 
in naval affairs. He was particularly distinguished 
by an acute discernment, and an accurate foresight 
with respect to future events. Stratagem, indeed, 
and cunning, were much employed by him : but in 
that respect he acted from a principle which, though 
perhaps wrong, was universally adopted by his coun- 
trymen, namely, That every thing which contri- 
buted to the advantage or glory of the common- 
wealth was lawful and laudable. 

About this time, the most violent earthquake ever 
felt before in Greece happened in Laconia. Not only 
were most of the houses thrown down by it, but 
the earth opened and swallowed up several spots of 
ground in that neighbourhood. The Helots, taking 
advantage of this calamity, attempted to assert their 
liberty ; and, joining the Messenians, made war on 
the neighbouring cities. The Lacedemonians were 
reduced to the necessity of begging assistance of the 
Athenians. Cimon, thinking it ungenerous to 
take advantage of the misfortunes of a rival city, 
persuaded the Athenians to assist them; and march- 
ing himself into Laconia, at the head of 4000 men, 
he dispersed the Helots. 

This is the proper place* to fix a celebrated 
467. epoch. — It was in the seventh year of the 
reign of Artaxerxes, that the Israelite Es- 
dras, that monarch's cup-bearer, obtained permis- 
sion of his royal master to return to Jerusalem, to 

* A solemn contest between the tragic poets first instituted 
at Athens. On this occasion Sophocles, only twenty -eight years 
old, was preferred to Eschylus, though then in the zenith of his 
fame. 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 177 

re-establish the Jewish religion, and to live accord- 
ing to the law. Thirteen years after, and in the 
twentieth year of the reign of Artaxerxes, Nehe- 
miah, another of his cup-bearers, obtained of that 
prince a decree, permitting the Jews to rebuild the 
walls of Jerusalem. 

About this time Herodotus began to write his his- 
tory. It is remarkable, that the time of Esdras, the 
last writer of sacred history, and by whom the seve- 
ral books of that history were ranged in their pre- 
sent order, coincides with that of the first writer of 
profane history. The sacred writings, reckoning 
only from the time of Abraham, had then existed 
for the space of fifteen centuries.' 

To return to Athens. The celebrated Pericles 
had lately made his appearance in public business, 
and had already acquired great influence in the ad- 
ministration. Animated with a more ardent desire of 
glory than Cimon, he was become jealous of the re- 
putation of that illustrious Athenian ; who, by his 
services to the state, and his liberality to his fellow- 
citizens, had gained their highest esteem. Pericles 
therefore resolved to oppose him. Cimon was con- 
nected with the noblest families of Athens. Pericles, 
on the other hand, in imitation of the political con- 
duct of Themistocles, embraced the party of the 
people ; and omitted nothing to attract the atten- 
tion and the favour of the crowd. It must be con- 
fessed, that his extraordinary parts corresponded 
perfectly with his soaring ambition. He possessed 
uncommon elevation of sentiment, and a striking 
dignity of manner and deportment. He had recei- 
ved the most important part of his education under 
the celebrated philosopher Anaxagoras ; from whom, 
besides natural philosophy, he had learned a chaste 
and lofty style. Pericles had likewise studied with 
much care the art of government among his coun- 
trymen ; and his singular penetration quickly ena- 
bled him to manage their passions and their pre- 
judices to the best advantage. His quality of sena- 

M 



178 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II> 

tor gave him an opportunity of displaying to the 
greatest advantage his powers of oratory, which he 
possessed in a supreme degree. His natural elocu- 
tion was enforced by all the graces of a fine voice, 
and very captivating exterior accomplishments, in- 
somuch that he in a manner charmed the imagina- 
tions of his audience, and managed them as he plea- 
sed. The boldness, too, and the impetuosity with 
which he spoke, so astonished his hearers, that they 
fancied a resemblance between his declamation and 
the thunder of Jupiter. This procured him the ap- 
pellation of Olympian. But finding it necessary, 
ni order completely to gain over the multitude to 
his side, to rival Cimon in liberality, his first care 
was to insinuate himself into that branch of the ad- 
ministration which regarded the management of 
the public funds. It is apparent, that in this em- 
ployment he by no means proposed to act on the 
rigid principles of Aristides. He first obtained the 
conquered territories to be divided among the citi- 
zens ; and then he procured a certain proportion of 
the public money to be paid to each of them as a 
gratuity for their attending the popular assemblies ; 
a policy that corrupted the Athenians, and accus- 
tomed that sober frugal people to luxury and idle- 
ness. .. " 

By lavishing the public money in the most profuse 
and ostentatious manner, Pericles succeeded in se- 
ducing the people to his side. In the prosecution 
of this plan, he received no opposition from his rival 
Cimon. That great man being of a mild, candid, 
and peaceable disposition, and of sentiments too ele- 
vated for little political intrigues, enjoyed in quiet 
the fruits of his former success, and placed his chief 
pleasure in sharing his wealth with his fellow-citi- 
zens. Pericles therefore made hasty advances to- 
wards the object of his ambition. 

The Helots having about this time formed a new 
confederacy, made themselves masters of Ithome. 
The Lacedemonians by a fresh embassy begged as- 



1 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 179 

sistance of the Athenians ; but, in consequence of a 
sudden change of opinion, they very abruptly dis- 
missed the Athenian troops that had been sent to 
their assistance. This caprice greatly disgusted the 
Athenians. Cimon having warmly supported the 
demand of the Lacedemonians, and displayed much 
zeal in their favour, Pericles and Ephiates availed 
themselves of that circumstance privately to pre- 
possess the people against him, and to render him 
suspected. Cimon was destined, like most of the 
great men of this republic, to have his services re- 
warded with the punishment of ostracism. He was 
banished for ten years. 

Pericles took advantage of the absence of Cimon, 
and of his own credit with the people, to make in- 
novations in the established form of government. 
He deprived the areopagus of the power of judging 
in the most important questions that had formerly 
belonged to their jurisdiction; he rendered the other 
courts of justice subservient to his pleasure ; and he 
became so absolute in Athens, that under this re- 
publican government he possessed a power almost 
despotic. 

The misunderstanding which at this time took 
place between the Spartans and Athenians, was the 
beginning of the mutual animosity that constantly 
afterwards subsisted between those two states, and 
brought to view the spirit of rivalship, with which 
they had long been secretly animated against one 
another. The spirit of discord broke out much about 
the same time among the other states of Greece, and 
set them all in arms. As it is unnecessary, and 
would be inconsistent with our plan, to take notice 
of the particulars of all the petty wars that were the 
consequence of these disputes, we shall content our- 
selves with the most cursory mention of them. W e 
do this the more willingly, because a particular detail 
of the misery and slaughter of which they were pro- 
ductive would shock the humanity of most readers, 
without conveying any precise or distinct ideas to 



180 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

those who take pleasure in the study of military ope- 
rations. 

The inhabitants of Megara had formed a spirited 
resolution to render themselves independent of the 
Argives ; but being totally defeated in an engage- 
ment by their oppressors, their city was besieged* 
and, in spite of the most obstinate resistance, was 
taken and razed to the ground. 

The Helots, after defending themselves in Ithome 
for ten years against the whole Spartan power, were 
at last obliged to surrender ; and being expelled the 
Peloponnesus, settled at Naupactus. 

The Megarians, by renouncing their connexion 
with the Spartans, and siding with the Athenians* 
excited the jealousy of the Corinthians, who on that 
account fought two battles with the Athenians, in 
which each party was conqueror in its turn. 

The inhabitants of Egina, actuated by the same 
motives of jealousy, likewise declared war against 
the Athenians, but were defeated in a sea-engage- 
ment by Leocrates, who blockaded their town. The 
Corinthians having laid waste the territory of Me- 
gara, were totally routed by the Athenians, who 
had come to the relief of that country. 

A war likewise breaking out between the Dorians 
and Phoceans, the former, supported by the Spar- 
tans, remained the conquerors. 

About the same time a sharp engagement hap- 
pened between the Spartans and Athenians in the 
neighbourhood of Tanagra in Boeotia. Cimon, who 
was then in banishment, came to the field of battle, 
and begged permission of his countrymen to share 
with them in the danger of the engagement. But 
this they refused him, on pretence of suspecting his 
intentions. He exhorted, however, those of his tribe 
who were present, and lay under the same suspicion 
of favouring the enemy, to give proofs of their loyal- 
ty and fidelity. They obeyed his injunctions so ef- 
fectually, that everyone of them fell, fighting brave- 
ly, and the Athenians lost the battle. Two months 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 181 

after, the Athenians had their revenge for this de- 
feat. Under the command of Myronidas, one of 
the best generals of Greece, they totally vanquished 
the Spartans, destroyed Tanagra, and laid waste 
Bceotia. 

Egina having in the mean time capitulated, had 
its walls razed to the foundation. About the same 
time, the Athenian commander Tolmedes surprised 
Giltheum, a sea port town of Laconia, burnt the La- 
cedemonian fleet, and defeated the inhabitants of 
Sicyon in battle. 

While the states of Greece were in this manner 
employed in the mutual destruction of each o- 
463. ther, the Athenians, by the instigation of Ina- 
rus king of Lybia, undertook an expedition 
into Egypt, which had lately revolted against the 
Persian power. On their junction with the king of 
Lybia, they gave battle to the Persians, put them 
to flight, and got possession of a part of Mem- 
phis. Next year, however, the scene was greatly 
altered; for after several fruitless assaults, they 
were at last obliged to raise the siege of that city on 
the approach of the enemy, and to retire to Biblis, an 
island in the Nile. In this place they withstood an 
eight months' siege. But their fleet happening to lie 
at anchor in the Nile, the Persians, by changing the 
course of the river, rendered the ground round the 
ships dry, took every one of them, and put the 
greatest part of their crews to the sword. The army 
being thus disabled from opposing the enemy any 
longer, partly perished, and partly dispersed. Such 
was the event of this unfortunate enterprise, in which 
the Athenians consumed six years. 

During the Egyptian expedition, Pericles, desi- 
rous of distinguishing himself in the character of a 
soldier as well as in that of a statesman, ravaged the 
coasts of Laconia, and beat the Sicyonians in two 
engagements. 

The Athenians becoming sensible at last of the 
injustice of their treatment of Cirnon, recalled him 



182 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IL 

after five years banishment. Soon after his return* 
that great man succeeded in bringing about a peace 
between his countrymen and the Lacedemonians ; 
and with a view of diverting the Athenians, grown 
presumptuous by their late good fortune, from mak- 
ing war on their neighbours, he resolved to find oc- 
cupations for their arms abroad. Departing, 
450. therefore, for Cyprus with a fleet of 140 ves- 
sels under his command, and beingthere joined 
by sixty more from Egypt, he attacked Artabazus 
the admiral of Artaxerxes; and took 100 of his ships. 
He next made a descent upon Cilicia ; and totally 
defeated M egabazus, another officer of that prince- 
He then returned to Cyprus to form the siege of Ci~ 
tium. In the course of this siege, Cimon fell sick. 

Perceiving his end approaching, he beseeched 
499. his men to keep his death a secret. They fol- 
lowed his advice, and, proceeding with their 
operations, obtained a signal victory, in which they 
took 100 of the enemy's ships, and then sailed back 
in triumph to Attica. 

Cimon's death was much regretted by the Athe- 
nians. Plutarch, among other lofty encomiums, 
describes him as having been an affectionate son, a 
faithful friend, a zealous citizen, a most skilful com- 
mander, and so extremely liberal, as never to have 
been equalled in generosity. We must add, that 
he had a share in all the important exploits of his 
time, and that he very much increased the naval 
power of Athens. It appears to have been a princi- 
pal object with Cimon to keep his countrymen in 
unremitting action, while at the same time he rea- 
dily admitted the slightest pretences to excuse their 
allies from personal service. His motive for this is 
obvious. The Athenians daily became more war- 
like, while their allies grew effeminate and unac- 
quainted with the use of arms. When young, he 
was a great favourite of Aristides, who reclaimed 
him from his extravagances. In the sequel, Cimon 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 183 

imitated his friend in his disinterestedness and love 
of justice*. 

The Spartans having forcibly deprived the 
447. Phoceans of the superin tendency of the tem- 
ple of Delphos, the Athenians replaced them 
in it after beating the Boeotians. But in a subse- 
quent engagement the Boeotians, with the assistance 
of their neighbours, cut the Athenian army in pie- 
ces, and killed their general Tolmedes. Megara re- 
volts ; and the Spartans make an irruption into At- 
tica. Pericles, anxious to bring the war to a con- 
clusion, privately corrupted Plistonax king of the 
Lacedemonians ; and having by that means secured 
the safety of Attica, sailed against Euboea, and sub- 
dued that island. The states of Greece, weary of 
such an exhausting war, used their united endea- 
vours to restore peace ; which is at length concluded 
between the two republics of Athens and Lacede- 
mon, and their respective allies, for the space of 
thirty yearsf . 

Let us now turn our eyes to the administration 
of Pericles. To counterbalance his exorbitant pow- 
• er in Athens, the better sort set up in opposition to 
him Thucydides, the brother-in-law of Cimon, who 
exerted his utmost endeavours to curb Pericles, and 
to maintain the balance between the nobility and 
people. Pericles, on the other hand, to retain the 
affection of the populace^ entertained them with 
shows and feasts ; took into his pay a great number 
of them to serve on board of a fleet he was fitting 

* A remarkable instance of Cimon's disinterestedness is record- 
ed by Plutarch. A Persian of distinction haying incurred the 
resentment of his king, withdrew with great riches to Athens. 
Here, to procure Cimon's protection, having offered that illustri- 
ous Athenian a magnificent present, Cimon asked him, " whether 
he desired to have him for his friend or for his mercenary ?" 
" For my friend, unquestionably," answered the Persian. " Then," 
said Cimon, " retain your present ; for if I be your friend, I may 
command your money whenever I want it." 

t In the year before Christ 444, military tribunes with consu- 
lar power were created at Rome ; and next year censors were for 
the first time elected there. 



184 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

out ; and established several colonies in the Cher- 
sonesus, both with a view to disburden the city of 
a great number of superfluous idle people, and like- 
wise to hold the allies in awe. In all these under- 
takings, he professed to have no other aim than the 
public good. After the example of Themistocles, 
he annually augmented their navy with sixty ships, 
a policy that, by displaying the power and strength 
of the Athenians, rendered them formidable to their 
enemies, and respectable among strangers. He di- 
vided the lands conquered by the republic, among 
the old disbanded soldiers. 

Pericles, by a judicious distribution of proper re- 
wards, excited a noble spirit of emulation among 
the professors of the fine arts ; and adorned Athens 
with the master-pieces of the most skilful artists. 
It must be acknowledged, to the honour of Pericles, 
that whatever works of Greece, either in archi- 
tecture, sculpture, or painting, have attracted the 
admiration of after ages, were the fruits of his go- 
vernment, and of the attention bestowed by him 
upon the most elegant subjects. For many of 
those masterpieces we are indebted to Phidias 
the celebrated statuary, of whom the famous statue 
of Pallas, so highly valued by the best judges, was 
a capital work. Pericles replenished the city of 
Athens with ornaments that attracted the admira- 
tion of strangers, and inspired them with a high 
idea of the Athenian genius and power. Athens 
assumed a new face. Pomp and magnificence sup- 
plied the place of its original simplicity. But the 
best and most sensible citizens discerned, in this 
superb display, an approaching corruption of man- 
ners. Pericles, according to Cicero, was by these 
men blamed for having exhausted the public mo- 
ney to fill the city with superfluous decorations. 

The allies in the mean time, and the enemies of 
Pericles, complained loudly of his wantonly lavish- 
ing away in those works the funds that ought to re- 
main appropriated for the exigencies of war. Per- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 185 

icles answered, that the Athenians were by no 
means accountable for their conduct in this respect 
to their allies, who ought to be satisfied with the 
protection afforded them against the irruptions of 
the barbarians. He added, that the works at which 
they were pleased to take umbrage, furnished em- 
ployment and subsistence to a vast number of citi- 
zens. 

But this was not all ; the orators of the opposite 
faction attacked him with great acrimony. Thu- 
cydides, in particular^ whose invectives were sharp- 
ened by personal animosity, harangued against him 
with singular keenness and ability ; and the contest 
between Pericles and him rose to such a height, that 
it became necessary that the one or the other should 
be banished the city. Pericles's address prevailed, 
and brought about the banishment of his rival. 
Become now sole master in Athens, he disposed of 
the whole power of the republic at his pleasure, and 
reigned absolute in its most flourishing days. 

Pericles perceiving his authority to be at last 
firmly established, and that the favour of the peo- 
ple was now less necessary to him, gave another 
turn to the government, and insensibly circum- 
scribed the power of the democracy. In this un- 
dertaking he met with his usual success, by means 
of his admirable skill in managing the minds of 
the multitude, and bringing them to the temper he 
desired, by the force of his eloquence. His con- 
duct, too, was now perfectly irreproachable ; and 
his only aim seemed to be the public advantage. 
He possessed indeed a noble disinterested soul : for, 
during the long space that he enjoyed the entire 
disposal of the public money, his private estate did 
not appear to jiave been at all encreased ; and ex- 
cepting the largesses procured by him for the peo- 
ple, and his expences in embellishing the city, his 
management was guided by the most wise and pru- 
dent economy. 

The fixed object of Pericles' whole conduct, w r as 



186 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II* 

to raise Athens to an unrivalled superiority over 
the other states of Greece. But though of distin- 
guished personal bravery, he appears on the whole 
to have been rather averse to war, from the most 
amiable of all motives, humanity : and when una- 
voidably engaged in it, he seems to have been care- 
ful, from the same motive, never to undertake 
doubtful or hazardous enterprises, conducting his 
measures so prudently as hardly ever to venture an 
engagement without a certainty of success. All his 
warlike operations were managed with consummate 
skill ; particularly his successful expedition into the 
Chersonesus, during which he fortified the Greek 
cities in that country, and by building a strong wall 
across the isthmus, secured it against the inroads of 
the Thracians. He led an expedition as far as the 
kingdom of Pont us. He re-established, by force of 
arms, the Phocians in the management of the tem- 
ple of Delphos, whereof they had been dispossessed 
by the Lacedemonians. He entirely subdued Eu- 
boea, and rendered the Athenian power every where, 
respectable. 

In the dispute between the Samians and Miles- 
ians, the Athenians sided with the latter, by the 
persuasion of Pericles ; who, setting sail for Samos 

with a fleet of forty ships, there established 
441. democracy, and left a garrison in the town. 

After his departure, the citizens, who had with- 
drawn themselves on his approach, having received 
a re-inforcement from the governorof Samos, entered 
the town by night, and put all the garrison to the 
sword. Pericles getting intelligence of this, return- 
ed with a greater force than before, defeated the 
Samian fleet, and blockaded the town. In vain did 
the Phenicians come to its f relief. Pericles, having 
received an additional reinforcement, battered the 
walls with such vigour, that he obliged the Samians 
to capitulate, and to pay the expences of the war. 
This exploit added greatly to the reputation and 
glory of Pericles. 



1 wM 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 187 

The Corcyreans likewise, finding themselves un- 
able to make head against the Corinthians, who had 
attacked them, implored the assistance of the Athe- 
nians. The Corinthians too, on their part, sent de- 
puties to Athens, which for a considerable time kept 
the public resolutions in suspense. But the Corcy- 
reans so far prevailed at last, as to procure themselves 
to be received into alliance w r ith the Athenians : 
who did not, however, choose openly to declare war 
against the Corinthians, being by no means displeas- 
ed to see those two powerful maritime states weak- 
ening each other by their mutual quarrels. 

The Athenians, grown insolent from their suc- 
cess, wantonly attacked every state which they even 
suspected to be an enemy. They commanded the 
inhabitants of Potidea not only to demolish the 
walls of their city on the Pallenus side, but likewise 
to dismiss the magistrates, whom, as a Corinthian 
colony, they had received from Corinth. The Cor- 
inthians, provoked at this instance of the Athenian 
injustice, declared war against them, and sent an 
army into the territory of Potidea. An engagement 
ensued, in which victory declared for the Athenians. 
In this battle Alcibiades, as yet a very young man, 
and his master Socrates, chiefly distinguished them- 
selves. That philosopher was observed to support 
the fatigues of war with an ease that must have 
been the consequence of the hardy temperate life 
to which he had inured himself ; and in the action 
he behaved with a courage that would have done 
honour to the bravest veteran. On this occasion he 
procured the prize of valour to be adjudged to his 
scholar Alcibiades, intending by that means to in- 
spire him with a love of glory. 

This advantage of the Athenians did not at all 
subdue the resistance of the Potideans, who resolv- 
ed to complain to the Spartans. These readily es- 
poused their quarrel, and secretly prevailed with 
Perdicas king of Macedon to take arms in their 
behalf. A battle ensued, in which the Athenians, 



188 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

having broken the main body of that prince's army, 
obtained the victory, and laid siege to Potidea. The 
Corinthians having likewise complained of Sparta, 
obtained, like all those who had been injured by the 
Athenians, a very favourable hearing from the La- 
cedemonians, who at last declared the peace to be 
infringed on the part of the Athenians, and pro- 
claimed war against them. 

It is certain that the overgrown power of the A- 
thenians ; the presumption inspired by the victories 
over the Persians, of which they attributed the 
whole honour to themselves ; their affectation of 
superiority over the Spartans : and their overbear- 
ing behaviour to their allies, by assuming to them- 
selves an exclusive power of judging in every mat- 
ter that concerned the whole confederacy ; had at 
this time offended all their neighbours. The La- 
cedemonians, therefore, and the other states of 
Greece, thought it now highly necessary to humble 
their pride ; and for that purpose made use of every 
pretext to justify an open declaration of war. 

During their hostile preparations, the Lacedemo- 
nians endeavoured to cover their resolutions with 
the appearance of equity. Among other old sub- 
jects of dispute revived by them, they required the 
Athenians to restore liberty to the cities over which 
they had assumed an authority ; and particularly to 
abrogate a law made by them against the inhabitants 
of Megara. Pericles answered their complaints with 
great strength of argument. He demonstrated, that 
these were by no means sufficient grounds for a war, 
and at the same time convinced the Athenians, that 
they had no reason to be alarmed at the threats of 
the Lacedemonians, being in a much better situa- 
tion to support a war than they. 

At this time the enemies of Pericles, not daring 
openly to attack himself, vented their resentment 
against his friends, and framed accusations against 
Phidias, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. The first was 
accused of having embezzled large sums of money 
destined for the construction of his statue of Mi- 



CHAP. II. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



189 



nerva. But this assertion his accusers were unable 
to make good. Then he was accused of having en- 
graved representations both of Pericles and of him- 
self, upon the part of the shield of that goddess which 
exhibited the battle of the Amazons ; a piece of va- 
nity surely very pardonable. For no greater crime, 
however, was Phidias condemned to an imprison- 
ment, in which he is said to have ended his days. 
But some authors believe that he was only banished. 

The second, Aspasia, was accused of impiety and 
a disorderly life. This lady was renowned for her 
wit, her beauty, her eloquence, and her extraordi- 
nary political abilities. The most distinguished 
men at Athens took pleasure in listening to her 
conversation. ' Socrates himself used to say that of 
her he learned rhetoric. Pericles, in particular, was 
extremely fond of Aspasia ; insomuch, that he was 
even believed to have married her. He therefore 
charged himself with the care of her defence ; and 
pled her cause with such force of argument, and so 
pathetically, that the judges, affected with his tears, 
pronounced her innocent. 

The last, Anaxagoras, was accused of maintain- 
ing doctrines contrary to the established religion ; 
because he taught and pretended to account for the 
motion of the heavens ; and affirmed that the regu- 
lar and beautiful order visible in the disposition of 
the universe, must be the work of one Supreme 
Being, possessed of perfect intelligence. That phi- 
losopher, sensible how difficulit it is to combat the su- 
perstitious prejudices of a bigotted populace, thought 
it his wisest course to secure himself by flight. 

It was at present the interest of Pericles to engage 
the Athenians in a war ; for they had already pass- 
ed a law obliging him to render an account of the 
public money. To avoid the storm that threatened 
him, he indulged the Athenians in their inclination 
for war, which, by employing them about a business 
more urgent, and more directly interesting, might 
not only divert them from prying minutely into his 
preceding management of the public funds, but 



190 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

might likewise give him additional importance in 
the state, by obliging them, in the conduct of the 
war, to have frequent recourse to his counsel and 
direction. 

The people in the mean time held an assembly to 
deliberate on the demands of the Lacedemonians^ 
Pericles, on this occasion, justified the measures 
of the Athenians with admirable eloquence. He 
demonstrated the demands of the Lacedemonians 
to be no other than affected pretences, under which 
they hoped to conceal their jealousy, the real motive 
of their conduct, as they could not behold, without 
an envious eye, the Athenians possessed of the su- 
periority in Greece ; that it would be disgraceful in 
the Athenians to have their measures controuled by 
such enemies ; and that the sword was the shortest 
and the only method to settle the controversy. Still 
farther to encourage the Athenians to undertake 
this war, he gave them a flattering description of 
their army, their navy, and their funds. This de- 
scription made a stronger impression, and animated 
them the more, because they knew certainly that 
it was just. For there were at that time in the pub- 
lic treasury 9600 talents; the contributions of their 
allies amounted to 460 more ; and they had an army 
of 30,000 men, and a fleet of 300 galleys. Pericles, 
after giving his opinion for the war, proceeded next 
to deliver his sentiments with respect to the conduct 
of it. He advised the Athenians never to hazard a 
general battle, especially far from home ; to make 
the defence of the city their principal object ; and 
by all means to preserve their superiority at sea. He 
concluded with laying before them the plan of ope- 
rations for the first campaign. 

CHAP. III. 
Containing the history of the Peloponnesian war. 

The war that now ensued among the Greeks is 
known in history by the name of the Feloponne- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 191 

sian war. It was of twenty-seven years' duration ; 
and was attended with an immense expence, and 
an incredible effusion of blood. In the course of it, 
each party experienced the most cruel reverses (of 
fortune ; and displayed a courage that might have 
procured them, if united, the greatest advantages 
over their common enemies. Thucydides writes 
the history of the first twenty-one years of this war, 
and Xenophon continues it. 

It has already been observed, that the jealousy 
conceived by the other states of Greece, of the ex- 
orbitant power of the Athenians, was the more im- 
mediate occasion of this war. All the states within 
the Peloponnesus, except the Argives alone, joined 
the Lacedemonians, who were further supported by 
the Megarians, Locrians, Boeotians, and some others. 
The Athenians, on the other hand, were supported 
by the inhabitants of Chios and Lesbos, by the city 
of Platea, and all their tributary countries, such as 
Ionia, the Hellespont, the cities of Thrace, &c. 

Hostilities were begun by theThebans, who 
43 1. attacked Platea, a city of Bceotia, in alliance, as 
we have just mentioned, with Athens. All 
Greece was immediately in motion. The Lacede- 
monians march towards the isthmus of Corinth, 
a narrow neck of land about six miles broad, which 
joins the Peloponnesus to the country properly call- 
ed Greece. Archidamus, one of the Spartan kings, 
before advancing farther, dispatches an ambassador 
to the Athenians, to require of them to relinquish 
their pretensions. But the Athenians command 
the messenger to retire, without deigning even to 
give him an audience. The Lacedemonians thereup- 
on advance towards Attica with an army of 60,000 
men, while that of the Athenians amounted to no 
more than 18,000 ; but, to make up the odds, the 
latter had a fleet of 300 galleys. On the approach 
of the Lacedemonian army, the inhabitants of the 
country abandoned their habitations, and, carry- 
ing away every thing they could, took refuge in 
Athens. 



192 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

The plan of operations pursued at this time by the 
Athenians, on the suggestion of Pericles, was, to 
weary out the enemy, by protracting the war. The 
Lacedemonians entering Attica, laid siege to Enoe. 
But being obliged, after a few fruitless assaults, to 
relinquish that attempt, they advanced still nearer 
to Athens, and encamped within half a league of 
the city. Pericles, unwilling, while so much infe- 
rior in point of numbers, to hazard the fate of the 
republic in a general battle, found it difficult to pre- 
vent the Athenians, exasperated at the sight of the 
ravages committed on their country, from sallying 
forth upon the enemy. But by means of his admi- 
rable art in managing the multitude, he kept both 
the senate and the people from assembling to deli- 
berate, though at the expence of numberless insults 
from his enemies ; in spite of which he persisted in 
his plan, unmoved either by threats or intreaties. 
In the mean time he dispatched a fleet of 100 ships 
to ravage the coasts of the Peloponnesus ; which be- 
ing joined by that of the allies, made a descent upon 
Laconia, and laid waste the territory of Sparta. The 
Lacedemonians finding all their endeavours to draw 
the Athenians out of their city ineffectual, and re- 
ceiving intelligence of the ravages committed in 
Laconia by the Athenian fleet, found themselves 
under the necessity of withdrawing from Attica. 

On the setting out of the expedition against the 
coast of Laconia, an extraordinary eclipse of the sun 
happened just as Pericles was going on board of his 
galley. Pericles perceiving the Athenians to be 
terrified at this phenomenon, which they considered 
as an unlucky presage, threw his cloak over the face 
of the pilot, and asked him if he saw ? The pilot 
having answered in the negative, Pericles explained 
to the bystanders, that the body of the moon being 
in like manner interposed at that instant between 
their sight and the sun, prevented them from seeing 
his light. 

When the Lacedemonians retired out of Attica, 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 193 

the Athenians appropriated 100 talents of money, 
and 100 of their best ships, for the more immediate 
defence of their country in case of a fresh invasion, 
prohibiting any person, under pain of death, from 
proposing a different application of those resources. 
They then expelled from the island of Egina its pre- 
sent inhabitants, whom they regarded as the princi- 
pal cause of the war ; and they divided that island 
by lot among the citizens of Athens. They made 
an alliance with the kings of Macedon and Thrace ; 
subdued the island of Cephalonia : laid waste the 
territory of Megara; and took the harbour of Niseum. 
This concluded the first campaign. 

The Athenians next celebrated funeral rites to the 
memory of those who had fallen since the beginning 
of the war. For this purpose, a large tent was con- 
structed, wherein they exposed the bones of the 
slain, which were covered with flowers and perfumes 
thrown on them by those that went to see them. 
Then the bones were carried with much pomp and 
solemnity to a suburb of the city called Ceramicus, 
where they were deposited in a monument destined 
to be the tomb of those who fell in war. And lastly, 
one of the citizens pronounced a funeral oration in 
their praise ; a charge which on this occasion was 
undertaken by Pericles himself. Though always 
superlatively eloquent, he at this time seemed to 
out-do himself; and in pronouncing the eulogium 
of those who were no more, he omitted no argu- 
ment that might inflame the courage of those who 
remained. Thucydides has preserved this famous 
oration, of which the beautiful expressions and lofty 
sentiments are equally admired*. 

The army of the Lacedemonians, and their allies, 
returned into Attica, and laid every thing waste 
with fire and swerd. But the plague, which then 
raged among the Athenians, was still more perni- 
cious to them, depriving them of their best citizens 

* Meton and Euctemon begin the nineteen years' cycle of the 
moon on the 15th of July in the year 432 before Christ, 

N 



194 THE HISTORY OF BOOK 1U 

and bravest soldiers ; and Athens exhibited nothing 
but a melancholy scene of sickness and death. 

From remotest antiquity down to the present 
times, Egypt has been noted as the unlucky region 
where this fatal scourge of the human race has 
been generated : and the plague which now deso- 
lated the city of Athens is particularly mentioned 
as having proceeded from the banks of the Nile. 
Thucydides, who was himself seized by this plague^ 
has given a description of it. Some authors write* 
that Hippocrates, the famous father of the healing art* 
who was a native of Cos, having been sent for by the 
Athenians, employed every resource of physic to stop 
the infection. As the same plague was then raging 
in Persia, where Greek physicians were in high es- 
timation, Artaxerxes hoped to prevail on Hippo- 
crates, by the most splendid offers, to come to his 
court. But all his promises were ineffectual. For 
that celebrated physician, possessing a soul that 
looked on gold with contempt, answered the Per- 
sian monarch, That his skill and care were devoted 
to the relief of his fellow-citizens, not of the ene- 
mies of Greece ; and without regarding the re- 
sentment denounced against him and his country 
by that prince, continued in Athens till the plague 
had entirely ceased. The Athenians, as a reward 
for his useful care, presented him with the freedom 
of their city, assigned him a handsome maintenance 
for life in the Prytaneum, and gave him a crown of 
gold, of the value of about L.200 Sterling. 

Pericles, in the mean time, sent out a detachment 
of 4000 foot and 300 horse, on board a fleet of 100 
galleys, with orders to ravage the Peloponnesus. 
This diversion obliged the Peloponnesians to return 
home to the defence of their own country. But the 
Athenians, distressed by the waste committed on 
their territories by the enemy, murmured bitterly 
at the conduct of Pericles, and sent proposals of 
peace to Sparta, The Lacedemonians having re- 
fused to hearken to any accommodation, the com- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 195 

plaints were renewed against Pericles, who at last 
assembled the people, and endeavoured to justify 
his measures. But their present sufferings outweigh- 
ed his eloquence ; and they not only deprived him of 
all power, but likewise imposed on him a heavy fine. 

Nor were the distresses of that great man confined 
to his public station alone. They were heightened 
by others of a domestic nature. His own son Xan- 
tippus, a young man of an expensive turn, unable 
to bear the strict economy of his father, was the 
first to complain of his conduct ; as if it were not 
the duty of a son to submit with patience to the 
measures of his father, even although he should 
carry his frugality to an extreme. Pericles had the 
misfortune to lose this son, with several others of 
his relations and friends, by the plague. But amidst 
all his afflictions, his fortitude never forsook him. 

The Athenians beginning to be hardened by their 
sufferings, repent of their severe treatment of Peri- 
cles ; and finding by experience, that they had at 
present no other person capable of directing their af- 
fairs, they intreat him once more to step forth and 
undertake the administration.* 

Potidea, in the mean time, unable any longer to 
support the miseries of famine, which had produced 
the most dreadful calamities among its inhabitants, 
is obliged to surrender. Its few remaining citizens 
were forced to abandon it for ever ; and the place 
was re-peopled with Athenians. 

The Peloponnesians about this time invested 
Platea, a city in alliance with Athens. This siege 
is not only remarkable for the obstinate resistance 
of the besieged, but for being the first recorded in 
history which was conducted with any sort of regu- 
larity. Both parties here made use of mounds of 
earth, the one to attack, the other to defend. The 

* About this time the Athenians, to repair the devastations oc- 
casioned by the plague, passed a law, allowing all the male citi- 
zens to marry each two wives. Socrates is said to have been the 
first who took the benefit of this law. 

N 2 



196 THE HISTORY OF # BOOK II. 

Feloponnesians burnt a part of the town, by means 
of bundles of sticks, to which they set fire. On the 
other hand, the besieged neglected no expedient to 
frustrate the various attempts of the enemy. But 
the most surprising circumstance of all is, that so 
small a place as Platea, which contained no more than 
400 inhabitants, and 80 Athenians, was capable of 
making so vigorous a resistance against a powerful 
army. The enemy at last changed the siege into a 
blockade, and surrounded the town with two ditches. 
The Boeotians were left to guard these entrench- 
ments, and the bulk of the army marched away, 

About the same time the Athenians were beaten 
in an engagement by the Chalcidians, a people of 
Thrace, and pursued to the very gates of Athens, 
But their victory at Naupactus made amends for 
that disaster. Phormion attacked, near that place, a 
Peloponnesian fleet of forty-six vessels, took twelve 
of them, put the rest to flight, and entered Athens in 
triumph. Brasidas and Cnemus, two Spartan officers, 
having sailed against Salamis with a fleet of forty ves- 
els, made a descent upon that island, and laid it waste. 

This year was rendered remarkable by the 
429. death of Pericles. Plutarch says he died of 
the plague. Other authors write, that he was 
worn out by a languishing consumption. It is re- 
ported of him, that a little while before his death, 
on hearing some of his friends extolling his victories 
(for he had erected no fewer than nine trophies) he 
told them, that they overlooked a more glorious cir- 
cumstance still, namely, that he had never, on any 
private personal account, given cause to a single 
fellow-citizen to wear mourning. His death was 
universally regretted by the Athenians. He was 
unquestionably one of the greatest men that Athens 
ever produced; having displayed on all occasions 
uncommon magnanimity, and shown himself per- 
fectly qualified for every office that he undertook. 
The absolute power that he enjoyed in this repub- 
lic for the space of forty years was wholly attained 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 197 

by his admirable eloquence, which was so powerful 
as to triumph even over the prejudices and passions 
of his opposers, and to bring them over to his 
views,— the perfection of that admirable talent. A- 
thens flourished while Pericles held the helm of go- 
vernment. 

Although no oration of his own composing has 
reached to our times, yet, from the effects of his 
eloquence, and what is reported of it by historians, 
he may be justly placed at the head of the Grecian 
orators. By Cicero's account, it was he that intro- 
duced into Athens a taste for perfect eloquence. He 
had learned of Anaxagoras all the principles of per- 
suasion ; and his own genius directed him to employ 
those principles to the greatest advantage. On ac- 
count of the force and vehemence of his declama- 
tion, he was said to thunder and lighten ; and to de- 
note the beauty of his language, and his strength of 
argument, the goddess of persuasion, with all her 
graces, was said to dwell on his lips. 

It was this power of eloquence that enabled him 
boldly to oppose the unreasonable desires of the A- 
thenians ; preserved to him, for the space forty years, 
an absolute power among that most fickle and ca- 
pricious people ; and procured him such vast influ- 
ence over their minds, that he changed even their 
system of government at his pleasure, and erected 
Attica into a kind of monarchy, of which his own 
extraordinary merit rendered him in effect the king. 

But he used this extensive authority with such 
lenity and moderation, and conducted himself with 
such extreme caution and reserve, as to prevent his 
administration from wearing the appearance of ty- 
ranny. His talents for war were universally ac- 
knowledged ; but it was observable, that he cau- 
tiously avoided undertaking any expedition till he 
was almost sure of success. He depended more on 
stratagem than on desperate courage. His appli- 
cation of the large revenues of the state prove him 
to have been a man of the most refined laste, a 



198 THE HISTORY OF BOOK fl, 

lover of real glory, and far above any little sordid 
views of self-interest. He employed them in what 
he reckoned the good of the qpmmon wealth, in pro- 
moting the liberal arts, and in decorating and orna- 
menting the city. The Athenians became daily 
more and more sensible of the great loss they had 
sustained by his death ; for his successors in the go- 
vernment, at the same time that they wanted his 
experience, were much inferior to him in point of 
natural abilities, and appeared to be more concern- 
ed about their private interests than the good of the 
commonwealth.* 

* I thus dismiss with regret the character of this most illustrious 
Greek, the nature of my work having obliged me to speak of him 
much more concisely than his extraordinary merit appears to me 
to deserve. Every circumstance indeed of his life is deeply in- 
teresting, and claims the most minute and attentive investiga- 
tion. For I am inclined to regard him as the most accomplished 
character that occurs in the history of all antiquity. 

As a statesman, his conduct affords a most instructive pattern 
to all who apply to public business. His life was totally exempt- 
ed from the smallest tincture of dissipation. He studied with un- 
remitting assiduity the affairs of the commonwealth, and under- 
stood every branch of them with the utmost precision. He ma- 
naged the revenues with irreproachable disinterestedness so far 
as respected his private fortune : and his public expenditure, for 
which he has been so harshly censured by some rigid historians, 
furnishes incontrovertible proof of elevated sentiments, and an 
elegant taste. His decorations of the city displayed all that was 
beautiful and sublime in sculpture and in architecture ; and by 
the encouragement bestowed by him on men of distinguished 
genius, he rendered Athens the residence of all the fine arts. At 
the same time too, that, as an admirer of the drama, I entertain 
much gratitude to Pericles as its chief patron, I cannot severely 
blame, even in a political light, his partiality for theatrical repre- 
sentations. To divert his restless countrymen from disturbing 
his administration by their cabals, he found it necessary to fur- 
nish them with other amusements. For this he cannot be blam- 
ed : and if so, with what amusement could he have indulged 
them, at once so inoffensive, so elegant, so instructive ? 

It must however be admitted, that the state of the times, and 
the unreasonable desires of the Athenian mob ; or, in other words, 
that political necessity, sometimes forced Pericles to adopt mea- 
sures which his own superior good sense must have condemned, 
and which, without such compulsion, he never would have a- 
dopted. But it is truly admirable, that on such occasions, his 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 199 

Anaxagoras the philosopher died the same year, 
and before his scholar, in extreme poverty. It is 
reported, that when Pericles was informed of his 
situation, and of the resolution he had formed of 
starving himself to death, he went to see him, with 
an intention to dissuade him from his design. But 
Anaxagoras answered him in these words ; " Those 
who need the light of a lamp take care to feed it 
with oiL" Insinuating, that though Pericles had 
taken care of his fortune, while he had occasion for 
his instruction, yet when that purpose was served, 
he had suffered him to languish in poverty. 

The Peloponnesians ravage Attica for the third 
time. — All the inhabitants of Lesbos, those of Me- 
thymne alone excepted, resolve to break their al- 
liance with Athens. The Athenians, sensible how 
great a loss to their affairs the defection of this island 
must be, sent out a fleet of forty galleys to attack 
that of the Mitylenians, who finding themselves re- 
pulsed, proposed terms of accommodation, which 
were listened to by the Athenians. A suspension 
of hostilities being agreed on, the Mitylenians dis- 
patched -ambassadors both to Athens and to Lace- 
demon at the same time. The ambassadors were 
told by the Lacedemonians, that they should be 
fully heard at the approaching Olympic games, 
where the other allies would have an opportunity of 
assisting at the conference. Thucydides has trans- 
mitted to us the import of what was urged by those 
ambassadors; from which we see, that they admit- 
ted the treaty anciently concluded between the Les- 
bians and Athenians, and assigned the ambition of 
the latter, not their present misfortunes, as the rea- 
son that induced them now to relinquish that trea- 
ty. The allies were satisfied with their reasons, and 
admitted them into their confederacy. 

It was likewise resolved in this assembly to pro- 
comprehensive genius enabled him to make such measures the 
least pernicious, and the most subservient to public utility that 
their nature could possibly admit. 



200 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

secute the war more vigorously than ever against 
the Athenians ; who, receiving information of the 
great preparations making against them, fitted out 
a fleet of 100 sail, appeared unexpectedly off the 
promontory of the isthmus of Corinth, and made a 
descent upon the Peloponnesus, while another 
fleet protected the coasts of Attica. Never had 
they raised so formidable an armament before ; and 
it so overawed the Lacedemonians, that they hur- 
ried back to the defence of their own country. The 
Athenians, in the mean time, pushed on the siege 
of Mitylene, whither they sent a detachment of a 
1000 soldiers, and the town was blocked up both by 
sea and land. The inhabitants receiving no assis- 
tance from the Lacedemonians, and being pressed 
by famine, were obliged to surrender at discretion. 
The authors of the revolt, to the number of more 
than 1000, were conveyed to Athens, and there put 
to death. Orders were at the same time issued to 
massacre the rest of the inhabitants, by way of ex- 
ample. But the people, shocked at such horrible 
cruelty, caused the decree to be revoked, and dis- 
patched counter-orders ; which luckily arrived at the 
instant they were proceeding to put the first in ex- 
ecution. Then the town was dismantled, and the 
whole territory of the island, except Methymne 
alone, was divided by lot among the inhabitants of 
Athens. 

Let us now look back to the siege of Platea. 
The besieged having lost all hope of succour, re- 
solved to attempt to make their escape out of the 
town ; which about one half of them effected by a 
very daring stratagem, suggested and executed by 
despair. The remaining half, dismayed at the 
dangers attending the attempt, continued in the 
town. But finding themselves unable to defend it 
any longer, they were at last obliged to surrender at 
discretion. Eight Spartans were sent to decide 
their fate. The miserable Plateaus pled in vain, 
that they had been forced, through necessity, to 



CHAP III. ANCIENT GREECE. 201 

side with the Athenians, in order to obtain their 
protection against the Thebans, by whom they were 
grievously oppressed. They were all murdered in 
cold blood ; their wives were carried into slavery ; 
and their town was razed to the ground. Such was 
the melancholy fate of the Plateans, who, during 
the Persian war, had rendered the most important 
services to Greece. 

About this time, a dissension between the magis- 
trates and common people of Corcyra produced a 
shocking massacre in that place. The people had 
requested assistance of the Athenians ; and the ma- 
gistrates desired to retain them in the interests of 
Sparta. But the former, on seeing sixty Athenian 
ships arrive to their support, from being insolent, 
became furious, and falling upon the magistrates 
and their adherents, nothing was to be seen but an 
universal slaughter ; the inhabitants murdering one 
another even in the houses and temples. 

The plague breaks out afresh at Athens, and 

carries off multitudes. The Lacedemonians 
426. invade Attica, and the Athenians make a 

descent on the Peloponnesus. Each cam- 
paign was opened in that manner. The war pro- 
ceeds more vigorously than ever. Demosthenes, 
the Athenian general, being sent with thirty ships to 
make a descent on iEtolia, was engaged by the 
jEtolians, and defeated. In returning home, how- 
ever, he threw a reinforcement into Naupactus, and 
defeated the Ambraciotse. Then joining his fleet 
with that destined against the Peloponnesus, he 
took Pylus, a small town of Messenia, and there 
fortified himself. The Lacedemonians, desirous to 
recover this place, besieged it by sea and land, and 
it became the scene of extraordinary feats of brave- 
ry. But the Lacedemonians having thrown a de- 
tachment of 400 of their best troops into the little 
island of Sphacteria, the Athenians surrounded the 
island, and cut off all supplies of provisions. The 
Lacedemonians, anxious to save those troops, saw 



202 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

themselves reduced to the necessity of sending am- 
bassadors to Athens with proposals of peace. 

The ambassadors frankly owned the extreme ne- 
cessity that had obliged the Lacedemonians to sub- 
mit to so humiliating a step, put the Athenians in 
mind of the uncertain fate of arms, and exhorted 
them to embrace this opportunity of restoring tran- 
quillity to Greece. But the Athenians grown pre- 
sumptuous by their good fortune, as well as by the 
flattering orations of their favourite demagogue 
Cleon, required, as a preliminary condition, that 
the troops confined in the island should, lay down 
their arms, and be conducted to Athens, upon the 
promise of the Athenians to set them at liberty as 
soon as the Lacedemonians had delivered up the 
places conquered by them from the Athenians. The 
Lacedemonians refusing to comply with this con- . 
dition, both parties prepared themselves for war. 

The Athenians, in the mean time, were very vi- 
gilant to prevent any provisions from passing into 
the island of Sphacteria. The Lacedemonians, on 
the other hand, engaged the whole country round 
to contribute their utmost efforts to relieve the be- 
sieged troops, and promised to set free all the slaves 
who should succeed in carrying them provisions; 
which many did, at the extreme hazard of their 
lives. In the mean time, the Athenians in Pylus 
began on their part to be straitened for provisions. 
Cleon persuaded the people, that the slowness of 
the siege was owing to the inactivity of their com- 
manders ; and maintained, that a little vigour must 
very soon reduce the island, which he offered to ac- 
complish himself. Having been accordingly sent 
thither, and having joined Demosthenes, they land- 
ed together in Sphacteria, and beat the enemy to 
the extremity of the island. The Lacedemonians, 
however, took possession of a fortification, and de- 
fended, with the most desperate courage, the only 
passage by which they could be attacked. But the 
general of the Messenians having discovered a diffi- 







CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 203 

cult pass that led to the fortification, marched that 
way, and appearing unexpectedly on the rear of 
the Lacedemonians, called aloud to them to lay 
down their arms. The Lacedemonians, exhausted 
with heat and fatigue, obeyed the summons, by 
laying their shields on the ground ; and, after a 
short conference, they surrendered at discretion. 
The Athenians, after erecting a trophy, reimbarked 
on board of their fleet. This siege continued sixty- 
two days. Cleon is said to have caused 128 of 
those unhappy Spartans to be murdered. The rest 
were conveyed to Athens, and thrown into prison 
till peace should take place ; the Athenians threat- 
ening at the same time to put them all to death, 
if the Lacedemonians made any more incursions in- 
to their country. 

Upon the death of Artaxerxes king of Persia, his 
son Xerxes mounted the throne in his stead. But 
he had hardly enjoyed his dignity forty-five days, 
when he was assassinated by a son of one of the 
concubines of Artaxerxes, named Sogdianus, who 
succeeded him in the kingdom. > The bloody dis- 
position of Sogdianus soon rendered him the terror 
of the nation ; which revolted against him, put him 
to death, and raised his brother Ochus to the throne. 
Ochus, finding himself secure in the kingdom, in- 
stead of the name of Ochus, assumed that of Darius ; 
but historians, to distinguish him from other kings 
of Persia of that name, superadded the title of 
Nothus, signifying bastard. This prince commit- 
ted the whole power of the state to three eunuchs. 
His reign was disturbed with continual troubles. 
The Egyptians, in particular, revolted, and expelled 
the Persians from their country. 

Nicias, being chosen one of the Athenian com- 
manders, reduced the islands of Cythera and Thy- 
rea, and exterminated all the Eginetas who had 
taken refuge there. These Eginetae were the pro- 
fessed and inveterate enemies of the Athenians. 

The war of Sicily begins. It was occasioned by 



204 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

a dispute between the cities of Syracuse and Leon- 
tium ; the latter of which, having procured the 
support of the Athenians, prevailed with them to 
send out a fleet of 20 ships to their assistance. But, 
in the mean time, the Greeks of Sicily growing 
jealous of the Athenians, whom they suspected of 
a design to make themselves masters of the island 
under the pretence of assisting one of the parties, 
made peace with each other. 

The sedition of Megara happened next. The in- 
habitants of that town, after expelling their magis- 
trates, quarrelled among themselves, one party be- 
ing for recalling their magistrates, the other for de- 
livering their town into the hands of the Athenians. 
Brasidas, in the mean time, the best officer the 
Lacedemonians then had, having come before Me- 
gara, its gates are immediately thrown open to 
him. The exiled magistrates returning soon after, 
and resuming their authority, condemn to death 
100 inhabitants of the opposite faction. Brasidas 
advances into Thrace, subdues several cities, and 
lays siege to Amphipolis ; a place of much impor- 
tance to the Athenians, who from thence got the 
greatest part of their wood. They therefore dis- 
patched Thucydides, the famous historian, to its 
relief; but the place was taken before his arrival. 
His countrymen, however, imputed to him the loss 
of the place, and banished him at the instigation of 
Cleon. The Athenians having about the same 
time advanced into Boeotia, under the command of 
Demosthenes and Hippocrates, were defeated near 
Delium by the Thebans ; who, after their victory, 
besieged and took that town. 

No decisive advantage had been hitherto obtain- 
ed by either party. The Athenians and Lacede- 
monians, therefore, agreed on a truce for a year ; 
which Brasidas, who had been successful in all his 
enterprises, bore with great impatience. Cleon, on 
the other hand, who had acquired much authority 
in Athens, by means of his bold and vehement 



CHAP III. ANCIENT GREECE. 205 

eloquence, incited his countrymen to resume the 
war. Being more presumptuous than skilful in 
military operations, he resolved to attempt the re- 
taking of Amphipolis, hoping to be assisted by a 
body of troops from Perdiccas king of Macedon. 
But Brasidas got the start of him, and threw him- 
self into the town. To increase the presumption of 
Cleon, the Spartan general, who was well acquaint- 
ed with his character, affected to be afraid to en- 
counter him. But after making the proper dispo- 
sitions, Brasidas sallied forth unexpectedly, and at- 
tacked the left wing of the Athenians, which being 
the flower of their army, made a vigorous resist- 
ance. Brasidas, however, at last broke them, and 
killed 600 of them, with very little loss on his own 
side. This attack disconcerted and terrified Cleon, 
who was killed by a Spartan soldier as he was fly- 
ing from the battle. Brasidas was of the number 
of the slain on the side of the Lacedemonians. He 
was an excellent officer, equally brave and prudent, 
and deserves to be ranked among the Lacedemoni- 
an heroes. It was the mother of this general, who, 
on hearing the exploits of her son commended, 
answered, " It is true my son was a brave man, 
" but I doubt not that Sparta has many citi- 
" zens as brave as he." As for Cleon, he merited no 
regret, having been no more than an insolent boast- 
er^ of a cruel overbearing disposition, and very 
avaricious. 

The Lacedemonians, in the mean time, appre- 
hensive lest the Helots should take advantage of 
the present bad posture of their affairs, and revolt, 
used them with the most barbarous perfidy. Hav- 
ing decoyed the bravest of them to Sparta, under 
pretence of giving them their liberty, they are said 
to have murdered no fewer than 2000 of them ; a 
striking instance to what excess of barbarity a peo- 
ple that is guided by no other motive than a blind 
hard-hearted policy will proceed ! 

The Athenians, since their late disaster, began to 



206 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

think seriously of peace ; to which the Lacedemo- 
nians were likewise well disposed, being desirous to 
recover from captivity their brave citizens who had 
been taken at Sphacteria. After mutual conferences, 
a peace was agreed on for the space of fifty years, 
between the two republics and their respective 
allies. This work was greatly forwarded by 
421. Mcias, who was as worthy a citizen as he 
was a skilful general. 

The war was nothing less than concluded by this 
peace. Before the expiry of the first year, discord 
sprang up afresh between the Athenians and Lace- 
demonians, both sides breathing nothing but war. 
Alcibiades, who was now beginning to appear in 
the public assemblies of the Athenians, was princi- 
pally active in opposing the means of reconciliation 
proposed by Nicias. 

Alcibiades had been educated by his uncle 
Pericles, who discovered in him, while very young, 
extraordinary natural parts, and a singular mixture 
of good and bad qualities. Socrates, too, entertain- 
ed the most tender friendship for him, and took de- 
light in instilling into his mind the most valuable 
branches of every kind of knowledge. That best 
of philosophers laboured chiefly to inspire his scho- 
lar with the purest maxims of morality, to fortify 
him against the power of the passions, and to pre- 
serve him from the dangerous allurements to vice, 
to which his youth and wealth exposed him. Al- 
cibiades, sensible of the affection of Socrates, and 
charmed with the graces of his conversation, listen- 
ed attentively to the lessons of his master ; though 
his natural inclination for pleasure, and the seduc- 
tion of his companions, made him frequently forget 
them. 

At his first appearance in public, Alcibiades dis- 
played a daring factious genius, capable of the bold- 
est and most hazardous designs. Though addicted 
to pleasure, even to debauchery, he was so perfect- 
ly master of his passions, that he could accommodate 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 207 

himself with ease to the humour and way of life of 
every person with whom he had occasion to con- 
verse, however different from his own. He was a 
rake in Ionia, — temperate and austere in Sparta, — 
and in Persia he exceeded the natives in luxury and 
magnificence. Never did any man deserve so well 
the name of Proteus. Ambition, however, was his 
ruling passion ; and in every dispute he aspired at 
superiority with the utmost eagerness. He was in- 
deed in all respects entitled to pre-eminence in A- 
thens ; for he possessed every qualification requisite 
in a leading man. His ability in business ; his il- 
lustrious descent ; the beauty of his person, which 
was calculated to procure him the love and admi- 
ration of all who saw him ; his immense riches, 
which he spent with the most ostentatious profu- 
sion ; the public feasts furnished by him to the peo- 
ple ; and the high magnificence in which he lived, 
dazzled the eyes, and attracted the respect and con- 
fidence of his fellow-citizens. When, to all these 
advantages, are added his admirable eloquence, and 
his singular knowledge in the art of war, we clear- 
ly see that he must soon become the idol of the 
people. His faults were overlooked ; those airs of 
superiority, which, in this republic, would have 
been accounted criminal in any other person, were 
excused in him ; and his wild excesses were called 
by the softer name of youthful frolics. 

It has been already observed, that he exhibited 
the first proofs of his bravery at Potidea. Having 
been flattered on that occasion with predictions of 
his soon eclipsing the ablest generals of Greece, he 
conceived a desire for war ; and becoming jealous of 
the high reputation of Nicias, he exerted his utmost 
efforts to prevent the peace concluded by that wise 
Athenian, between his countrymen and the Lace- 
demonians, from taking effect. He laboured under- 
hand to detach the Argives from the Spartan in- 
terest, and to exasperate the Athenians against the 
Spartans, on account of the latter having delivered 



208 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

up the fort of Panactus in a ruinous condition, and 
not fortified as it ought to have been in terms of the 
treaty. He endeavoured at the same time to ren- 
der Nicias suspected. 

While these intrigues were going on, ambassadors 
from Sparta arrived at Athens. Alcibiades, by stra- 
tagem, or rather by a piece of unjustifiable roguery, 
provoked the people to such a degree against the 
ambassadors, that they dismissed them in a very 
contumelious manner. The ambassadors returned 
to Sparta, full of indignation at the insolent usage 
they had received at Athens ; and the war was im- 
mediately renewed. The Athenians conclude an 
alliance with the Mantineans and Eleans, name 
Al cibiades general, and send an army to ravage La- 
conia. 

Nicias and Alcibiades enjoyed between them all 
authority in Athens. The former had disgusted the 
people, by opposing their unreasonable desires ; the 
latter had provoked them by his haughty behaviour 
and dissolute life. Each of them however, was sup- 
ported by a faction, and they reciprocally ran the 
hazard of being banished by ostracism. For Hy- 
perbolus, a man of a profligate character, who pos- 
sessed some influence in the republic, used every art 
to irritate the people against them, flattering him- 
self with the hope of succeeding to the place and 
power of him that should be banished. But Nicias 
and Alcibiades uniting their interests, procured the 
banishment of Hyperbolus. As this punishment 
of ostracism had never before been employed except 
against persons of superior merit and distinction, it 
fell into disuse ever after this time, on account of its 
having been exercised upon so unworthy a subject. 

Alcibiades, in the mean time, indulged himself 
without reserve in his pleasures. The luxury and 
voluptuousness in which he lived, made every vir- 
tuous Athenian ashamed. He was engaged in a 
continual round of feasting and debauchery ; and 
the wiser sort became apprehensive, lest by means 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 209 

of his extravagant profusion to the people, and of 
the daily shows with which he entertained them, he 
should arrive at last at supreme and absolute power, 
and become their tyrant. 

Since the death of Pericles, the Athenians had 
maintained a strict alliance with the Leontines in 
Sicily, who, on being attacked by the Syracusans 
had sent an embassy to Athens, at the head of which 
was the celebrated orator Gorgias, who pleaded the 
cause of the Leontines in an oration so elegant and 
pathetic, that the request of the* ambassadors was 
complied with ; and the Athenians sent a fleet to 
Rhegium to assist the Leontines. Next year they 
sent thither a more numerous fleet still, under pre- 
tence of assisting the towns oppressed by the Syra- 
cusans, but in fact to open to themselves a way to 
the conquest of Sicily. Alcibiades, by his ha- 
rangues, instigated the Athenians still more and 
more to this undertaking, and talked of nothing less 
than extending the conquests of Athens over Africa 
and Italy. 

While the minds of the Athenians were full of 
those mighty projects, ambassadors arrived from the 
Egestians to implore their assistance against the Se- 
linontines, who were supported by the Syracusans ; 
offering at the same time to pay the troops that 
should be sent to their assistance. The Athenians, 
tempted by these promises, named Alcibiades, Ni- 
cias, and Lamachus, to command a fleet destined to 
succour the Egestians. Mcias remonstrated against 
this expedition in the strongest terms, and painted 
out, in the most lively colours, what ruinous conse- 
quences might thence result to the republic. He re- 
presented to the Athenians, that they had but too 
many enemies on their hands already, without going 
abroad to seek for more ; and that though they were 
hardly beginning to recover from the misfortunes 
occasioned by the late war and plague, they were 
wantonly exposing themselves to a greater danger 
still 

o 



210 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

Mcias, in this harangue, likewise reflected indi- 
rectly on the luxury of Alcibiades, who had now 
carried his extravagance to an incredible pitch. The 
expence of the furniture of his house, and of his re- 
tinue, was prodigious. His table was as sumptuous 
as that of any prince; and he contended at the 
Olympic games with seven different sets of horses. 
To support so expensive a life, it was absolutely ne- 
cessary for him to possess vast funds ; and Nicias, 
no doubt, meant to insinuate, that Alcibiades ex- 
pected to have an opportunity, by this expedition, 
to repair his private fortune, which must have been 
greatly dissipated by such enormous expences. Al- 
cibiades answered the harangue of Mcias, by telling 
the audience, that his magnificence was intended to 
reflect honour on his country. He put them in 
mind of his services to the commonwealth. He as- 
sured them that the cities of Sicily were so weary 
of the oppression of their petty sovereigns, that they 
would instantly open their gates to the first power 
which should appear to deliver them from their pre- 
sent slavery ; and he concluded with telling them, 
that to carry their arms abroad, was the surest way 
to damp the courage of their enemies, and that the 
Athenians must always continue masters at sea, in 
spite of the Lacedemonians. 

The Athenians, delighted with this flattering 
speech of Alcibiades, entirely disregarded that of 
Nicias, who w T as a man of a soft pusillanimous dis- 
position, and of an irresolute temper. They there- 
fore persisted in their resolution to undertake this 
expedition, and began to make the necessary pre- 
parations for it with the utmost dispatch. 

Just as the Athenian fleet was on the point of set- 
ting sail, several evil presages fell out that extremely 
perplexed the minds of the people. 1st, The feast 
of Adonis happened at this time, which was cele- 
brated by the women uttering piteous groans and 
lamentations ; and it was customary for all the in- 
habitants on that occasion to wear mourning. 2dfy 9 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 211 

The statutes of Mercury, one of which stood before 
the entry of every house, were all maimed in the same 
night, and the author of this piece of sacrilege could 
not be discovered. The wild libertine character of 
Alcibiades exposed him to suspicions of having been 
concerned in this mischief. But the affection en- 
tertained for him by the soldiers and sailors, who de- 
clared that they would not proceed on the expedi- 
tion, if the smallest violence were offered to his per- 
son, preserved him at present from any trouble on 
that head. 

Alcibiades demanded to be tried, that he might 
have an opportunity of justifying himself before his 
departure. But the people, impatient for the expe- 
dition proceeding, obliged him to set sail. The 
view of the fleet under sail attracted the admiration 
both of the citizens and of strangers ; for never had 
a single city in the western world displayed so grand 
and magnificent an armament. It consisted of 136 
vessels, carrying 6280 soildiers, of whom the greater 
part were heavy armed. Besides these, there were 
thirty vessels loaded with provisions; and the whole 
was attended by 100 barks, without including 
merchant ships, or the after augmentations of the 
fleet. Besides the sea forces, there was a body of 
troops for the land service, and among these a few 
cavalry. All the forces were equipped in the most 
complete manner : and, upon the whole, there could 
hardly be a grander or more beautiful exhibition. 

When the troops were embarked, the whole 
415. fleet, on a signal given by a trumpet, weighed 
anchor, attended with a general shout of the 
spectators, pouring out their most earnest vows for 
the success of their fellow citizens. The fleet di- 
rected its course towards Rhegium, whither they 
dispatched some ships before the rest, to see that 
the money promised by the Egestians was ready; 
of which, however, they found no more than thirty 
talents provided. Nicias availed himself of this 
circumstance, to enforce the reasons he had insisted 

o 2 



212 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

on against the expedition, and advised to terminate 
the dispute between the Egestians and Selinontines 
in an amicable manner ; to oblige the former to fulfil 
their engagements ; and then to return to Athens, 
Alcibiades, on the contrary, said it would be dis- 
graceful to return without performing some signal 
exploit with so powerful an armament ; that they 
ought to endeavour to detach the Greeks in Sicily 
from their connexion with Syracuse, to bring them 
over to their own party, and after obtaining from 
them reinforcements both of troops and provisions, 
to attack Syracuse. Lamachus advised to march im- 
mediately against Syracuse. But the opinion of Al- 
cibiades prevailed. They, therefore, continued their 
coursefor Sicily, where Alcibiades reduced Catanea * 
Let us now look back to Athens. The enemies of 
Alcibiades, intent alone on gratifying their resent- 
ment, without regarding the public interest, took 
advantage of his absence to renew against him an 
accusation of having in a debauch profaned the mys- 
teries of Proserpine and Ceres ; and they prosecuted 
the accusation with the most inveterate malice 
and animosity. Many persons were accused and 
thrown into prison, without being even permitted to 
be heard ; and a vessel was dispatched to bring Al- 
cibiades to stand trial before the people. To this he 
apparently consented and went on board of the gal- 
ley; but on arriving at Thurium he disappeared. 
Not having therefore obeyed the summons within 
the limited time, he was condemned to death for 
contumacy, and his effects were confiscated. 

Nicias finding himself, by the absence of Alcibiades, 
invested with the sole command, managed matters 
in that slow irresolute manner that was natural to 
him, wasting the ardour of the army in fatiguing 
insignificant marches along the coasts ; and at last 
he retired to Catanea, without performing any 
greater exploit than ruining a small village. 

* In the year 41 6 before Christ, the Agrarian law was first 
proposed at Rome. 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. c 2\3 

Alcibiades arriving at Argos, applied to the Spar- 
tans for permission to live in their city, and under 
their protection, making them in return an offer of 
his best services. The Spartans, overjoyed to have 
iti their power so able a general of their enemy, re- 
ceived him with the highest marks of good will and 
esteem. Here, by the singular faculty he possess- 
ed of accommodating himself to the way of life of 
every country in which he had occasion to live, he 
imitated with the greatest ease the Spartan temper- 
ance and austerity, and by that means quickly gain- 
ed their sincere affection. 

The Syracusans, in the mean time, made vigo- 
rous preparations for an obstinate defence, and be- 
gan to upbraid the Athenians for remaining shut up 
in Catanea. Nicias, stung with these reproaches, 
resolved at last to attack Syracuse by sea and land. 

As this siege of Syracuse is one of the most re- 
markable recorded in history, it is proper, in a very 
few words, to give some idek of the situation of 
that city. It was originally founded by Archias 
the Corinthian, on the eastern coast of Sicily. It 
had a greater and lesser harbour ; the circumference 
of the greater being about six miles. The town it- 
self was one of the most beautiful and powerful pos- 
sessed by the Greeks ; and consisted of three prin- 
cipal divisions ; first, The island called Ortygia, 
which was separated from the main land by a nar- 
row arm of the sea. This quarter was every where 
strongly fortified in the fashion of those times, and 
might therefore be regarded as the citadel of Sy- 
racuse. The second division, Acradina. stood on the 
main land nearest to the little strait that bounded 
Ortygia, with which it communicated by a bridge 
thrown over that strait. This formed the body of 
the city. Tyche, the third great division, adjoined to 
Acradina on the land side ; and a mass of building 
or fortification, named Hexapilus, commanded the 
access to Tyche. Beyond and contiguous to Hexa- 
pilus was the large suburb of Epipolus, situated for 



/ 



214 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

the greater part on a steep eminence. The whole 
united formed perhaps one of the most extensive 
cities at that time in the world. 

The news of the arri val of the Athenian fleet in 
Sicily, produced the greatest consternation among 
the Syracusans, who immediately applied them- 
selves, with the utmost diligence, to make the ne- 
cessary preparations for repelling the attack of the 
enemy. The backwardness of Mcias contributed 
not a little to revive the courage of the Syracusans ; 
a party of whose horse approached to the very skirts 
of the Athenian camp. Mcias, not daring to dis- 
embark his troops in the face of an enemy prepared 
to receive them, procured false intelligence to be 
conveyed to the Syracusans, who in consequence 
thereof hoping to surprise his camp, marched all 
their forces towards Catanea, But Mcias, in the 
mean time, reimbarked his men, and sailing towards 
the neighbourhood of Syracuse, effected a landing 
at Olympia, and there pitched his camp. 

The Syracusan troops finding themselves deceiv- 
ed, returned to Syracuse, and drew themselves up 
in battle order before the walls of the city. Mcias 
did not decline the combat, which proved long and 
obstinate. The Syracusans, however, were at last 
obliged to give ground, and under cover of their ca~- 
valry to retreat into the city. The Athenians being 
too weak to attack the city, sailed back to Catanea, 
where they took up their winter quarters, intending 
to return to Syracuse in the spring. But being in 
want both of money and provisions, they sent to 
Athens for both. The Syracusans, in the mean 
time, acquiring fresh courage, chose for their gen- 
eral Hermocrates, a man of distinguished bravery^ 
and very skilful in the art of war. By his advice 
they dispatched ambassadors to Corinth and Sparta 
to renew their former alliances, and to beg assis- 
tance ; which they accordingly obtained. Alcibia- 
des, who was then at Sparta, meditating vengeance 
against his ungrateful countrymen, supported the 



V 



€HAP, III. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



215 



request of the Syracusans, and persuaded the Lace- 
demonians to send Gylippus as general into Sicily, 
and at the same time to make a diversion to the A- 
thenian arms, by attacking them in Attica. 

The Syracusans, in the mean time, were diligent- 
ly fortifying their city. They raised a wall along 
one side of the suburb of Epipolis, and getting in- 
telligence that the Athenians were at Naxus, order- 
ed their army to march and burn the Athenian 
camp at Catanea. 

Nicias having received 300 talents, and a rein- 
forcement of some troops of horse, advanced to- 
wards Syracuse. Though this general was very 
slow in entering upon action, yet when once in mo- 
tion, he proceeded with much spirit and diligence. 
Sailing from Catanea, he arrived within less than a 
mile of Epipolis ; and having there landed his forces, 
he retired with the fleet towards Thapsus, a part of 
Syracuse that forms a peninsula, of which he shut 
up the entry. A body of Syracusans, to the num- 
ber of 700 men, having attacked the Athenians, 
were repulsed, after losing 300 of their number on 
the spot. The victors erected a trophy, and formed 
the design of throwing up a fortification on the 
highest part of the Epipolis. Nicias, at the same 
time, received a reinforcement of 300 horse from 
the Egestians, which, joined to 250 lately sent him 
from Athens, and the few he had before, formed 
altogether a body of 650 cavalry. 

Encouraged by this assistance, he raised a line of 
circumvallation on the Tyche side, to shut up the 
city all the way from Tyche to the sea on the north. 
This work advanced very briskly in spite of repeat- 
ed attacks made by the Syracusans, in one of which 
their cavalry was routed. The Syracusans, on the 
other hand, began to erect a fortification that might 
prevent the Athenians from carrying on their line 
of circumvallation. But the Athenians attacked 
those who guarded it, pursued them into the city, 
and then destroyed the fortification. Having com- 



216 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

pleted the line along the north side, the Athenians 
proceeded to construct another that might com- 
pletely shut up the city. The Syracusans, to pre- 
vent their extending this second wall to the sea-side, 
threw up a ditch across a marsh, and lined it with 
palisadoes ; but the Athenians descending suddenly 
from Epipolis, filled up the ditch. On this occasion 
they had an engagement with the Syracusans, in 
which they were at first successful ; but in attempt-^ 
ing to cut off the flight of the enemy, their right 
wing was charged by the Syracusan cavalry, and 
thrown into disorder ; and Lamachus advancing to 
its assistance with the Argive auxiliaries, was kill- 
ed. The Syracusans, animated by this advantage, 
determined to attack the A thenian fort on Epipolis. 
But Nicias, though then sick, saved it by a strata- 
gem ; giving orders to set the wood between the en- 
trenchments on fire ; the flames of which deterred 
the Syracusans from their enterprise. 

In the mean time the Athenian fleet, which lay 
at anchor at Thapsus, having received orders to 
come before the city, entered the large harbour, and 
obliged the Syracusans to shut themselves up with- 
in the walls. The Athenians, not satisfied with 
their fortifications on the top of Epipolus, threw up 
two walls at the bottom of it, one for a defence a- 
gainst the Syracusans within the city, and the other 
against their army, which was encamped without 
the walls. When all these works were completed, 
Nicias entertained the most sanguine hopes of tak- 
ing Syracuse ; and his expectations were confirmed 
on his being joined by several of the states of Sicily, 
and receiving a fresh supply of provisions. The Sy- 
racusans now looked upon themselves as lost ; and 
a rumour prevailed that the Athenians were become 
masters of the whole island. But the arrival of Gy- 
lippus with succours from Lacedemon, gave a new 
turn to their affairs. 

Nicias, from too great a confidence in his own 
strength, was not at all alarmed at his arrival, nor 



CHAP. Hi. ANCIENT GREECE. 217 

took any trouble to oppose his landing. The event, 
however, was decisive ; for Syracuse was capable of 
making no further resistance, and its citizens were 
consulting about the articles of capitulation, when 

they received notice, that Gylippus was come 
414. to their assistance with several galleys. They 

immediately sent out a body of troops to cov- 
er his landing ; which was no sooner effected, than 
they advanced in order of battle towards Epipolis, 
The Athenians, though taken unprepared, made 
dispositions for fighting; but, in their confusion, 
Gylippus attacked the fortification on the top of 
Epipolis, and carried it by assault. 

Nicias's whole hope being now confined to his 
naval force, he thought it necessary to fortify the 
promontory of Plemmyrus, which narrows the en- 
trance into the great harbour, and for that purpose 
erected on it three different forts. But a large de- 
tachment of his soldiers and sailors having gone in 
quest of wood and water, were intercepted by the 
enemy's horse. Gylippus, on his part, completed 
the fortification which had been begun by the Sy- 
racusans; and daily offered battle to the Athenians. 
He was beaten in the first engagement, chiefly on 
account of the narrowness of his ground. But hav- 
ing next day drawn up his men on a more exten- 
sive spot, he charged the left wing of the Athenian 
army, broke them and pursued them to their camp. 
This success raised the courage of the Syracusans, 
whose horse sallied out upon the enemy, and took 
several prisoners. After this victory they fitted out 
some galleys* and sent to Lacedemon and Corinth 
to implore fresh succours. 

Nicias finding his troops diminishing every day, 
wrote to Athens a very pressing letter, in which he 
pathetically described the ruinous condition of his 
galleys, and the alarming decrease both of his sail- 
ors and soldiers by mortality and by the usual oper- 
ations of war, the latter chiefly occasioned by the 
superiority of the enemy's cavalry. He likewise 



218 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

informed his countrymen, that Gylippus was em- 
ploying every artifice to unite against them all the 
states of the island ; and he concluded with entreat- 
ing them either to recal him, or to send out another 
armament as powerful as the first, with money and 
provisions in proportion ; and in any event, to look 
out for a successor to him in the command, his in- 
firmities incapacitating him to discharge that duty 
any longer. 

This letter spread an universal dejection over 
Athens, After several deliberations, they appoint- 
ed two officers, Menander and Euthydemus, as as- 
sistants only to Nicias, not to supersede him in the 
command ; and other two, Eurymedon and De- 
mosthenes, to supply the place of Lamachus. Eury- 
medon set out before the rest with ten galleys, and 
some money. 

Let us for a moment look back to the war of the 
Peloponnesus. The Lacedemonians, under their 
king Agis, made a fresh incursion into Attica, laid 
waste the country, and fortified Decelia, an impor- 
tant post, within eighteen miles of Athens, whence 
they commanded the whole country, and prevented 
the Athenians from working their silver mines, or 
deriving any advantage from their lands, which 
they durst not labour. To add still farther to the 
distress of the Athenians, they were obliged to 
watch day and night, being kept in a continual a- 
larm by the daily incursions of the enemy. Besides, 
as all provisions, before arriving at the city, were 
brought a great way about, they became very 
dear ; and many of their slaves deserted to the 
enemy for want of food. Money too was very scarce, 
neither their mines nor lands yielding them any 
thing. On the whole, the Athenians found them- 
selves in a most distressful situation. 

To return to Syracuse. Gylippus having raised 
in Sicily a great number of recruits for their army, 
persuaded the Syracusans to exert all their resources 
in the equipment of a powerful fleet, that they 



CHAP* III. ANCIENT GREECE. 219 

might be able to attack their enemies both by sea 
and land. In a very little time eighty Syracusan 
galleys appearing off Plemmyrus, the Athenians got 
on board of their fleet, and sailed against the enemy. 
A very obstinate engagement ensued, which, how- 
ever, was not decisive for either party. But Gylip- 
pus, in the mean time, attacked the forts on Plem- 
myrus, and carried them by assault, after killing 
many Athenian soldiers, and taking several prison- 
ers. In these forts Gylippus found a good deal of 
money and ammunition, with the furniture of a 
great number of galleys ; and by putting the Syra- 
cusans in possession of that important post, he ren- 
dered it difficult for Nicias to receive any convoys. 
The Athenians, therefore, were seized with great 
consternation. 

But this success of the Syracusans received about 
this time a considerable check. For their ships 
having fallen foul of one another at the entrance of 
the lesser harbour, the Athenians attacked them, 
sunk eleven of them, and dispersed the rest. In 
memory of this victory, the Athenians erected a 
trophy on a small island. 

Several other insignificant engagements, which it 
would be tedious to recount, happened between the 
two parties. The Syracusans, however, considering 
that it would be prudent for them to hazard an- 
other battle before the arrival of the reinforcements 
expected by the enemy from Athens, began to pre- 
pare themselves for it with all possible diligence. 
Nicias, on the contrary, sensible how dangerous it 
was to venture another engagement, his men being 
so much diminished in point of numbers, and ex- 
hausted with fatigue, resolved to decline fighting 
till the expected assistance should arrive. But 
Menander and Euthydemus, actuated by jealousy 
against Nicias, maintained, that the honour and re- 
putation of Athens would suffer by their declining 
the combat; and they insisted with such obstinacy 

on his giving battle, that Nicias was forced to com- 
ply. 



220 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

The fleets at first only engaged in small skir- 
mishes. But towards the end of the third day, the 
Syracusans, after making a feint of retiring, as they 
had done the two preceding days, turned suddenly 
upon the Athenians, who being thus taken una- 
wares, and not having time to form, were obliged 
to fly, after losing seven galleys, and a great num- 
ber of soldiers. The miserable situation to which 
Nicias saw his affairs now reduced, by suffering 
himself to be over-ruled by his colleagues, threw 
him into despair. 

The day after the battle, the expected Athenian 
fleet, consisting of seventy-three galleys, command- 
ed by Demosthenes, all richly ornamented,^nd carry- 
ing about 8000 soldiers, came in sight, and advanced 
with an air of triumph. The Syracusans were con- 
founded at their appearance, believing the resources 
of the Athenians to be inexhaustible, and that they 
were to be exposed to greater calamities than ever. 

Demosthenes resolved to avail himself of the con- 
sternation into which his arrival had thrown the 
Syracusans, flattering himself with the persuasion 
of taking the city at once. But his design was rash. 
Mcias represented to him in vain, that the Syra- 
cusans, being reduced to the last extremity for want 
of money and provisions, would very soon surren- 
der ; which he knew certainly by the information 
of some persons within the town, who advised him to 
wait patiently a little longer. But as he did not choose 
to mention those from whom he received this intelli- 
gence, his remonstrances were disregarded ; for not 
only Demosthenes and the other commanders, but 
even the inferior officers, believed this opinion of 
Nicias to be entirely suggested by fear. Demos- 
thenes even proceeded to upbraid his backwardness ; 
his reproaches were applauded by the rest, and all 
discovered the utmost impatience for fighting. 

Demosthenes immediately resolved to attack E- 
pipolis. Having led thither all his forces at 
night, he himself began the attack of the entrench- 



CHAP. Hi. ANCIENT GREECE. 221 

ments, killed those who guarded them, and at the 
same time repulsed the troops that had sallied out 
upon him from the city. The Athenians, animated 
by their success, hurry forward in disorder, and bear 
down every thing that opposes them. But the 
Boeotian troops unexpectedly stop their career, 
and, attacking them with levelled spears, put them 
to flight, and make a great slaughter. The whole 
army is seized with a panic, which is increased by 
the darkness of the night. Some in their flight fall 
from the tops of the rocks, and are dashed in pieces ; 
others wander into the country, and are either kill- 
ed or taken by the Syracusan horse. Upon this 
occasion the Athenians are said to have lost upwards 
of 2000 men. 

This grievous disaster entirely discouraged the 
Athenians ; whose number too was continually di- 
minishing by the diseases that prevailed in the army, 
occasioned by the unwholesome vapours of a morass 
near to which the army was encamped. Demos- 
thenes therefore advised to raise the siege imme- 
diately. But Nicias, though of the same opinion, 
thought an abrupt departure would but expose their 
weakness too much ; and that, at any rate, they 
ought to wait for orders from Athens. On this 
point Demosthenes was obliged to submit to his 
colleague. But Gylippus having, in the mean time, 
brought a fresh supply of troops to the aid of the 
Syracusans, the apprehensions of the Athenians 
were so much increased, that they resolved to de- 
part immediately. 

The Syracusans getting notice of this resolution, 
prepared to attack them by sea and land. They fell 
first upon their entrenchments, which they carried ; 
and then their galleys sailed against those of the 
Athenians. Eurymedon having separated himself 
from the rest of the fleet, with an intention to sur- 
round the Syracusans, was pursued by them to the 
bottom of the gulf, defeated and killed, and the 
galleys under his command were driven on shore. 



222 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

But Gylippus having attacked the Athenian soldiers 
as they were making their escape out of the galleys 
to the land, was repulsed with loss. In the mean 
time, however, the Syracusans took possession of 
eighteen of those galley s, after cutting off their crews. 

This blow threw the Athenians into the deepest 
dejection. The Syracusans, on the other hand, 
promised themselves a complete conquest over their 
enemies, and began to devise new obstacles to their 
departure ; for which purpose, they shut up the 
mouth of the great harbour with iron chains. The 
Athenians finding themselves thus hemmed in, and 
straitened for provisions, resolved to hazard another 
sea-fight. With this view, Mcias embarked the 
flower of his foot soldiers on board of 110 galleys, 
and drew up the rest of his troops along the shore. 

The generals on both sides, after using the most 
powerful arguments to encourage their men, led 
them on to the engagement, which proved extreme- 
ly bloody. The Athenians advancing to the mouth 
of the harbour to break the chains, and the Syracu- 
sans likewise hurrying thither to prevent them, the 
galleys were so crowded together, that they could 
neither move backwards nor forwards, nor fight in 
any sort of order, and the battle grew extremely fu- 
rious. Nothing was to be seen but the ruins of 
ships, and numbers of dead bodies. The uproar 
and confusion was so great, that the orders of the 
commanders could no more be heard. The Athe- 
nians still endeavoured to break the chain, and their 
enemies to defend it. At last, however, after a very 
long and obstinate contest, the Athenian fleet was 
driven on shore by the enemy, and victory declared 
in favour of the Syracusans. 

The unfortunate Athenians, not daring to attempt 
the passage a second time, had now no other resource 
left, than to retreat in the night by land, and to 
abandon their fleet to the enemy. Harmocrates 
guessed their design, and procured false intelligence 
to be conveyed to Nicias, of the enemy having seiz- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 223 

ed the passes. The Athenians, therefore, instead of 
setting out in the night, delayed their march till 
the second day after ; so that in the interval the Sy- 
racusans had time really to possess themselves of the 
most difficult passes, to break down the bridges, and 
to post their cavalry along the plain. 

The departure of the Athenians, exhibited one of 
the most melancholy scenes that can well be ima- 
gined; being obliged to leave behind them their 
sick and wounded, who conjured them by every ten- 
der name to carry them with them, and called on 
the gods to witness the cruelty of their fellow-sol- 
diers. Terror appeared in every countenance. Ni- 
cias, though worn out with sickness, and deprived 
of common necessaries, exerted his utmost efforts to 
keep up their drooping spirits ; telling them, that 
they were still formidable by their numbers, and 
that fortune must at last cease to persecute them. 

The army was disposed in two different columns ; 
and the retreat was at first conducted with pretty 
good order. But being able to discover no free pas- 
sage, the troops were continually galled by the Sy- 
racusan cavalry. Their provision failing in the 
mean time, they altered their plan, and resolved to 
march in the night. This expedient proved fatal 
to them. For one half of the rear guard, with De- 
mosthenes at their head, having lost their way in 
the dark, were next day overtaken by the Syracu- 
sans, who surrounded and attacked them in a narrow 
defile. The Athenians, however, defended them- 
selves with the most desperate bravery, till exhausted 
with hunger and fatigue, they were at length com- 
pelled to surrender at discretion, together with De- 
mosthenes their commander, though amounting still 
to about 6000 men. 

Nicias, after passing a river, and encamping on a 
rising ground, was likewise overtaken by the ene- 
my, who ordered him to lay down his arms. In 
this situation, he offered to deliver them hostages, 
as a security for his repaying them all the expences 



224 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IH. 

they had incurred by war, provided they would per- 
mit him and. his men to depart from Sicily. The Sy- 
racusans rejected his proposals, and immediately at- 
tacked his troops, who still defended themselves with 
great bravery. Arriving at last at the river Assinar us, 
his soldiers, half dead with thirst, greedily plunged 
into it to drink. But the Syracusans immediate- 
ly renewing the attack, entered the river along with 
the Athenians, and cut them off while quenching 
their thirst. Nicias seeing the slaughter, agreed to 

surrender himself to Gylippus, if he would 
413, spare the rest of his men. They were accord- 

ly all taken prisoners, and conducted into the 
city in triumph. 

Next day the Syracusans deliberated about the fate 
of the prisoners, and their two commanders. Diocles 
advised to confine the other prisoners in the public 

{>risons, and to put the two generals to death. This 
ast article shocked the wiser part of the citizens ex- 
tremely ; and one of them, named Nicholaus, a ve- 
nerable old man, mounting the speaker's place, pro- 
nounced a most pathetic and sensible speech, telling 
his countrymen, that such a gross act of inhumanity 
must make them abhorred and detested by all na- 
tions, more especially as the gods had already suf- 
ficiently punished the Athenians, This speech, 
which was enforced by many other powerful argu- 
ments, made a great impression upon the citizens, 
who seemed to be mercifully disposed, till some of 
them who were more exasperated than the rest a- 
gainst the Athenians, by the loss of children and re- 
lations, stood up, and represented in the strongest 
colours the numberless miseries brought upon their 
country by the Athenians. The recital of those 
miseries so inflamed the resentment of the people, 
that they instantly followed the advice of Diocles, 
and condemned to death the two Athenian com- 
manders, who were executed accordingly. The tra- 
gical fate of those two unhappy generals was com- 
miserated by every moderate person, particularly 
that of Nicias, who had always opposed this fatal 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 225 

expedition. The rest of the prisoners were confined 
in the public prisons, where they underwent the 
cruellest hardships, receiving every day a very small 
allowance of only meal and water for sustenance. 
At the end of eight months, they were taken out 
of those dungeons, and sold for slaves ; but in the 
mean time many of them had died. 

We may easily conceive the consternation of the 
Athenians, when they heard of the miserable event 
of their Sicilian expedition, and the entire ruin both 
of their army and fleet. This unfortunate enter- 
prise gave a fatal blow to their power. Never be- 
fore had they been reduced to so distressful a situa- 
tion, without money, without any army, without a 
fleet. However, after having vented their resent- 
ment against those who had been principally instru- 
mental in engaging them in that expedition, they 
resumed their courage, used every means to procure 
money, and applied themselves with all possible dili- 
gence to equip a new fleet. 

But their difficulties and misfortunes continued 
to multiply upon them. The Greek allies, particu- 
larly those of Eubcea, Chios, and Lesbos, 
412. weary of furnishing contributions to carry on 
the war, thought this disaster presented them 
with a favourable opportunity for asserting their 
independency, and throwing off the Athenian yoke. 
They applied therefore to the Lacedemonians to 
take them under their protection. 

But this was not all. Tissaphernes, the Persian 
governor of Lydia and Ionia, provoked at the op- 
position made by the Athenians to his levying the 
usual contributions on his province, promised to fur- 
nish the Lacedemonians with the necessary expen- 
ces of their warlike preparations, to incite them to 
proceed against the Athenians with more diligence 
and alacrity ; and Pharnabazus, the Persian gover- 
nor of the Hellespont, made them a like offer. Al- 
cibiades, however, persuaded the Lacedemonians to 
reject the proposals of Tissaphernes. That famous 



226 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II, 

Athenian had been long uniformly employed in 
plotting mischief against his countrymen, in revenge 
of their unjust treatment of him ; and with that view 
he had made a journey to Chios, and had prevailed 
on several cities of Ionia to revolt. Nothing was 
done in Sparta but by the interposition of Alci- 
biades. But his exorbitant power in that city at last 
drew upon him the jealousy of its king Agis, and 
the principal Spartans, who devised a plan for the 
destruction of so active an adversary. 

Alcibiades, informed of his danger, fled to Sar- 
dis, and put himself under the protection of Tis- 
saphernes. His engaging manners, and the charms 
of his conversation, soon procured him the friend- 
ship of that satrap, who, though of a haughty fierce 
disposition, and a barbarian, freely communicated 
all his secrets to Alcibiades. But of what value are 
wit, bravery, and the finest exterior accomplish- 
ments, when they cover a bad heart ? Alcibiades, on 
this occasion, showed himself to be a man of no prin- 
ciple, and void of all affection for his country. He 
advised Tissaphernes to keep up the animosity be- 
tween Athens and Sparta, and to assist them against 
each other, that they might exhaust their resources 
in their mutual destruction, and so become in the 
end an easy prey to the Persian monarch. Tissa- 
phernes adopted his plan ; and from that time for- 
ward, the Persians, who durst not now attack the 
Greeks with open force, employed their money and 
influence to foment quarrels among the different 
states ; sending considerable sums sometimes to 
Athens, sometimes to Sparta, as the necessities of 
each required, to keep the balance even between 
the two, and to enable them to ruin each other. 

The Athenians hearing of the great credit of Al- 
cibiades at the court of Tissaphernes; repented 
heartily of their harsh usage of him. For though 
by means of their fleet they had lately been able to 
reduce the revolted islands to obedience, yet they 
entertained strong apprehensions of Tissaphernes^ 
who was soon to receive 150 vessels from Phoenicia 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 227 

Alcibiades being no stranger to their sentiments 
with respect to himself, had it privately hinted to 
them, that he was desirous to return to Athens, and 
would procure them the friendship and assistance of 
Tissaphernes, provided they would abolish the po- 
pular form of government, and establish aristocracy. 
This met with great opposition at first, particularly 
from the enemies of Alcibiades. But as there ap- 
peared no other means of saving the republic from 
utter ruin, the people at last consented, though 
much against their inclination. 

Pisander, accordingly, with ten other deputies, 
w£re appointed to treat with Alcibiades and Tissa- 
phernes. But the latter, apprehensive of rendering 
the Athenians too powerful, and choosing rather to 
adhere to the plan laid down by Alcibiades of fo- 
menting the war between the two republics, insisted 
upon it as a preliminary condition, that the Athe- 
nians should relinquish all their possessions in Ionia ; 
and made other demands of such an extravagant na- 
ture, that the deputies broke off the treaty in dis- 
gust, convinced that Alcibiades had only meant to 
make them ridiculous. Tissaphernes at the same 
time concluded an alliance with the Peloponne- 
sians, by which he agreed on their ceding all their 
provinces in Asia in favour of his master the king of 
Persia, to defray the expence of the Lacedemonian 
fleet, till the arrival of that of the Persians. These 
transactions happened in the eleventh year of the 
reign of Darius Nothus. 

At Athens, but too much deference was paid to 
the opinion of Alcibiades. In consequence of his 
advice, the popular government was abolished, and 
aristocracy set up in its place. The whole magistra- 
cy was thrown into the hands of 400 persons, who 
were invested with absolute power. These new 
rulers soon discovered their tyrannical disposition. 
Entering the senate armed with poniards, and sur- 
rounded with guards, they dissolved it, after paying 
the 500 members of it the salaries due to them. 

p 2 



C 2 C 28 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

Their administration was ushered in with sentences 
of banishment, proscriptions, and poisonings of those 
from whom they expected opposition. But this vio- 
lent behaviour quickly exasperated all the citizens 
against them ; and the army which was then lying 
at Samos, hearing of their proceedings, was so high- 
ly enraged, that they reduced such of their officers 
as they suspected to be connected with the aristo- 
cracy, appointed Thrasylus and Thrasybulus in 
their stead, and anxiously in treated Alcibiades to 
take the chief command. 

Alcibiades obeyed ; and putting himself at the 
head of the Athenian forces, proceeded to Miletus, 
to present himself in his new dignity before Tissa- 
phernes, and to shew the satrap, that the power of 
his countrymen was still formidable. Returning to 
Samos, lie found there messengers from the 400 wait- 
ing for him. But the soldiers would not even 
deign to hear them, insisting to be instantly led a- 
gainst the tyrants. Alcibiades, however, consider- 
ing that, by departing with the army from Samos, he 
should leave Ionia exposed in a defenceless situation 
to the attempts of the enemy, and fearing, besides, 
lest his appearance at Athens might be productive 
of a civil war, in which his countrymen would ex- 
haust their strength against each other, refused to 
comply with the request of the soldiers ; but at the 
same time he declared it to be his opinion, that it 
was necessary to abolish aristocracy, and to restore 
the senate. 

The fleet which Tissaphernes had promised to 
send to the assistance of the Peloponnesians, arriving 
in the mean time at Aspendos in Pamphylia, Alcibia- 
des sailed to oppose its proceeding any further. But 
the Lacedemonians having defeated the fleet sent by 
the 400 to the relief of Euboea, ?.ud having taken 
possession of that island, the Athenians were thrown 
into the greatest consternation, as Euboea furnished 
them with the greater part of their provisions. Had 
the Lacedemonians profitted, as they ought to have 
done, by the confusion produced by this event at 



CHAP. HI. ANCIENT GREECE. 229 

Athens, and advanced with their victorious fleet a- 
gainst that city, the fate of the Athenian republic 
might in all probability have been determined. 
But the slowness with which the Lacedemonians 
conducted all their enterprises, gave time to the 
Athenians to put themselves in a proper posture of 
defence. They immediately recalled Alcibiades, 
deprived the 400 of their authority, and fitted out 
another fleet, of which they gave the command to 
Thrasylus and Thrasybulus. These commanders 
accordingly set sail, and falling in with the enemy's 
fleet on the coast of the Hellespont, totally defeat- 
ed it. 

Alcibiades, naturally fond of glory, and desirous 
of performing some exploit, before returning to A- 
thens, that might render his arrival more welcome 
to his countrymen, cruised with his fleet about the 
islands of Cos and Cnidus ; and getting intelligence 
that the other Athenian fleet was on the point of 
coming to a second engagement with that of the Pe- 
loponnesians near Abydos, he hurried to the assist- 
ance of the former, and arrived just as they were 
beginning the battle. He immediately falls on the 
enemy with eighteen ships, takes thirty of theirs, 
destrovs manv of the remainder, makes a great 
slaughter of their soldiers while endeavouring to 
save themselves by swimming, and erects a trophy. 
Proud of his success, he resolves to appear once 
more before Tissaphernes in all the glory of a con- 
queror. But the satrap, apprehensive lest the La- 
cedemonians should complain of his conduct to the 
Persian monarch, ordered Alcibiades to be appre- 
hended and conveyed to Sardis, informing him at 
the same time that he had received orders from his 
master to make war on the Athenians. Alcibiades, 
however, found means to escape from his confine- 
ment, and to get on board the Athenian fleet, where 
he was quickly joined by Theramenes with twenty 
ships ; and soon after by Thrasybulus with twenty 
more. Finding himself now at the head of a pow- 



230 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II* 

erful fleet, of no fewer than eight vessels, he resol- 
ved to proceed to Cizicus to attack Mindarus, com- 
mander of the Peloponnesian fleet, and Pharnaba- 
zus, who had joined him there. A heavy shower 
of rain, attended with thunder concealed his approach 
from the enemy. As soon as it was fair, he sudden- 
ly advanced to the attack with forty ships. The 
enemy, despising the small number of his vessels, 
began the engagement with great bravery ; but on 
seeing the rest of his fleet come up, they were 
seized with a panic and fled. Alcibiades, availing 
himself of their confusion, landed his troops, char- 
ged those of Pharnabazus, put them to flight, and 
killed Mindarus with his own hand. 

In Attica, Thrasylus fell upon the rear guard of 
the Spartan army, which had been led up to the 
walls of Athens by their king Agis, and defeated 
them. Then he sailed to Samos with fifty ships ; 
and having taken Colophon advanced to Ephesus. 
But being repulsed by Tissaphernes, he returned 
on board of his fleet, and intercepted four Syracu 
san vessels. About the same time a battle happen- 
ed between Tissaphernes and Alcibiades, in which 
the former was defeated. 

By these exploits Alcibiades rendered the Athen- 
ians masters of the Hellespont. The Lacedemoni- 
ans, informed of this, sent ambassadors to Athens 
with proposals of peace. The wiser part of the ci- 
tizens advised their countrymen to embrace this 
opportunity of making peace ; which, in the present 
posture of their affairs, must be greatly to their ad- 
vantage. But this was keenly opposed by those 
whose interest it was to continue the war. 

In the next campaign, Alcibiades, whom success 
constantly attended, resolved to add Chalcedon to 
his conquests. He accordingly laid siege to that 
town, and obliged the Bythinians to deliver to him 
the provisions they intended for the Chalcedonians. 
The inhabitants attempted a sally, but were repul- 
sed* and obliged, in spite of the approach of Phar- 



€HAP. III. ANCIL'NT GREECE. . 231 

nabazus to their relief, to surrender the town. The 
Athenians afterwards took several other places. 

After so many exploits, Alcibiades desired to ex- 
perience the gratitude of his country ; and for that 
purpose set sail for Pyreus. The day of his arrival 
there was the most glorious of his life. All the 
people of Athens went out to meet him, and con- 
ducted him in triumph to the city. His fleet was 
loaded and ornamented with the spoils of the ene- 
my ; was attended by a great number of the ships 
they had taken ; and displayed, in triumph, the co- 
lours of those they had sunk and destroyed. 
407. He landed amidst repeated shouts of his fel- 
low-citizens, who thronged about him to wel- 
come him home, regarding him as a sort of tutelar 
deity, who had brought them back victory in his 
train. They gazed upon him therefore with admi- 
ration, reflecting on the miserable situation of the 
republic when he undertook its defence, and the 
many important services performed by him, by 
which he had rendered her triumphant both at sea 
land. 

Then Alcibiades assembling the people, proceed- 
ed to justify himself from the crime laid to his 
charge, and imputed all his misfortunes to his bad 
fortune. The Athenians, charmed with his elo- 
quence, decreed him a crown of gold ; and by way 
of reparation of the ill usage formerly received by 
him, they restored to him his estate, and named 
him chief commander by sea and land. The popu- 
lace too, always prone to fall into extremes, began 
to talk of bestowing on him sovereign authority. 
But the principal citizens, to prevent the effects of 
their folly, caused a fleet to be equipped with all 
possible diligence, and urged his departure. Alci- 
biades, before setting out, resolved to celebrate the 
Eleusinian mysteries. 

The Athenians had been long obliged to conduct 
this procession b}' sea, because the Lacedemonians 
had possession of the roads leading to Eleusis. But 



282 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II, 

Alcibiades resolved to have it performed in the usu- 
al manner; and for that purpose posted troops along 
both sides of the way, ready to repulse any attack 
of the enemy. Thus protecting the priests and the 
initiated with his soldiers, he conducted the proces- 
sion in great order and solemnity all the way to E- 
leusis, and back again, without any accident. By 
this he intended to wipe out the suspicions of irre- 
ligion formerly entertained against him. The affec- 
tion entertained for him by the Athenians was so 
much increased by this action, that they would have 
cheerfully made him king. But the principal citizens, 
not choosing to give Alcibiades time to explain him- 
self on that head, hastened his departure, granting 
him every thing he desired. Accordingly, he at last 
set sail towards Andros with a fleet of 100 ships. 

The Lacedemonians, alarmed at the late successes 
of the Athenians, thought it necessary to oppose 
one of their best generals to Alcibiades, and there- 
fore elected Lysander chief commander of their fleet. 
Lysander, although of noble birth, being lineally 
descended from the Heraclidas, was nevertheless 
educated with all the rigour and severity of the 
Spartan discipline. He was brave, artful, and insinu- 
ating; and to his ruling passion, ambition, could sacri- 
fice every other pleasure or consideration whatever. 

About this time Darius, the Persian monarch, 
had appointed the youngest of his sons, Cyrus, to 
be governor of Sardis ; and advised him, on setting 
out for his government, to support the Lacedemo- 
nians in all events, in opposition to the Athenians. 
This was very different from the policy of Tissa- 
ph ernes and the other Persian governors ; who, as 
we have seen before, made it an invariable rule to 
hold the balance even between those two states, 
and, by assisting them alternately as their respective 
necessities required, to enable them to work out 
their mutual destruction. 

Lysander soon put to sea, and directed his course 
to Sardis ; where by means of his supple insinuating 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 233 

behaviour, he soon pushed himself into favour with 
Cyrus, to whom he complained of the partiality of 
Tissaphernes to the Athenians. Cyrus told him, 
that he had orders from the king his father to assist 
the Lacedemonians ; and, for that purpose, had re- 
ceived from him 500 talents of silver. Lysander 
then persuaded him to augment the pay of the sail- 
ors to four oboli a- day, and to order all the arrears 
due them to be immediately paid up. This aug- 
mentation of pay greatly contributed to weaken 
the Athenian fleet. For their sailors, tempted by 
the high pay, deserted to the Lacedemonians. Af- 
ter having obtained these advantages from Cyrus, 
and fixed him in the interests of his country, Ly- 
sander returned to his fleet, in the neighbourhood 
of Ephesus. That city was at this time plunged in 
indolence and luxury ; the Persian satraps usually 
making it their winter residence. Lysander, there- 
fore, laboured to revive industry among the inha- 
bitants ; and by a skilful application of rewards, suc- 
ceeded in making the arts to flourish among them, 
and established in their city an arsenal for building 
galleys. This was one of the principal causes of the 
subsequent aggrandizement of Ephesus. 

Lysander, however, awed by Alcibiades, declined 
coming to an engagement. But the Athenian gen- 
eral having departed into Ionia to raise money, and 
having committed the charge of his fleet to Antio- 
chus, with positive orders to avoid a battle, his 
substitute, desirous to display his courage, sailed 
with two galleys into the harbour of Ephesus to 
brave the enemy. Lysander immediately went in 
pursuit of him ; and the Athenians at the same time 
advancing to protect their commander, the fleets on 
both sides fell in with each other insensibly, and 
came to a general action. Lysander gained a com- 
plete victory, and took fifteen Athenian galleys. 

When Alcibiades heard of this disaster, he resolv- 
ed to repair it ; and assembling the remains of his 
fleet before Samos, offered battle to Lysander; 



234 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

which the latter, satisfied with his late advantage, 
thought proper to decline. Thrasybulus, in the 
mean time, the declared enemy of Alcibiades, avail- 
ed himself of the late misfortune to ruin his credit 
with the people with whom he accused him of ne- 
glecting the public business, that he might have 
leisure to indulge himself in his debaucheries. Ob- 
serve this inconstancy of this most ungrateful and 
capricious people ! Believing those insinuations, they 
accounted the loss of the battle under Antiochus 
criminal in Alcibiades, though fought in contradic- 
tion to his express directions. Such indeed was the 
opinion entertained of his parts by the Athenians, 
that they imagined no enterprise in which he was 
anywise concerned could fail, unless by his own 
treachery. They therefore suspected his fidelity ; 
jpid Alcibiades, lately the idol of his countrymen, 
was obliged to secure himself from their resentment 
by a voluntary banishment into a district of the 
Chersonesus. 

Lysander, in the mean time, was employed in es- 
tablishing aristocracy in all the towns he had sub- 
dued. With a view to the accomplishment of this 
ambitious project he was now meditating, he sing- 
led out from the chief men of each city those whom 
he discovered to be of the most daring and resolute 
spirit, put the whole power into their hands, enrich- 
ed them by presents, and by these means rendered 
them entirely devoted to his interests. His com- 
mand being expired, Callicratidas was appointed 
his successor ; and the Athenians chose Conon to 
supply the place of Alcibiades. 

Callicratidas equalled Lysander in his military ca- 
pacity, and was greatly his superior in probity and 
magnanimity. He possessed all the ancient 1 Spar- 
tan virtue without its extravagances, and was a de- 
clared enemy of every species of low cunning or 
falsehood. Lysander, unable to disguise his jealousy 
on seeing him arrive, behaved in the meanest man- 
ner imaginable, sending back to Sardis all the mo- 



CHAP* HI. ANCIENT GREECE. 235 

ney that remained for the pay of the troops, and 
telling Callicratidas that he must apply for more to 
the great king. To Callicratidas, a man of a noble 
soul, and of the most elevated independent spirit, it 
was the greatest hardship in the world to be obliged 
to fawn and cringe to the deputies of the Persian 
monarch for a supply of money. Compelled how- 
ever by necessity, he at last condescended to go all 
the way to Lydia to apply to Cyrus. But being 
constantlyprevented, under one pretence or another, 
from obtaining an audience, he at last departed, full 
of indignation against those who were at first mean- 
spirited enough to pay court to the barbarians ; and 
vowing to use his utmost endeavours to effect a re- 
conciliation among the Greeks, that so they might 
be no longer under the necessity of submitting to 
such baseness. 

It was now the twenty- sixth year of the Pelopon- 
nesian war. Conon having been pursued into the 
harbour of Mitylene by Callicratidas, who there 
kept him blocked up, gave notice of his danger to 
the Athenians, who dispatched to his assistance a 
fleet of 110 galleys, which was reinforced at Samos 
by forty more, furnished by their allies. Callicra- 
tidas falling in with this fleet before Arginusae, off 
the promontory of Lesbos, made a vigorous attack 
upon them notwithstanding their superior number, 
and sunk several of their ships. But being himself 
opposed by the galley of Pericles, son of the famous 
Athenian of the same name, which he had pierced 
with the beak of his, and being unable to disengage 
himself from his antagonist, he was soon surrounded 
by several other Athenian galleys, and in spite of the 
most heroic bravery with which he defended him- 
self, fell at last, overpowered by numbers, though 
not without great slaughter of the enemy. The 
Lacedemonians, discouraged by the loss of their 
commander, gave way on the right wing ; and their 
left, after fighting some time longer with great va- 
lour, fled likewise. The Athenians after their vie- 



236 THE HISTORY OF BOOK 11. 

tory retired into the island, and there erected a tro- 
phy. Their loss in this engagement amounted to 
twenty-five galleys ; but that of their enemies to no 
fewer than seventy. 

Plutarch, after bestowing the highest encomiums 
upon the virtues of Callicratidas, blames him for 
having so imprudently hazarded an engagement ; 
and on that occasion observes, how highly dan- 
gerous it is for a general to give way to the impe- 
tuosity of his courage, as he thereby not only en- 
dangers his own single life, but likewise that of all 
under his command. The same sentiment is adopt- 
ed by Cicero, who talking of those that, from a 
false opinion of glory, choose to hazard the fate of 
their country, rather than in any degree to sully 
their own reputation, cites this very example of Cal- 
licratidas, who, when exhorted to decline the engage- 
ment in which he fell, answered, "That Sparta 
might get a new fleet in ease this were destroyed, 
but that his flying would overwhelm him with ever- 
lasting disgrace." 

The Athenian generals in the mean time gave or- 
ders to Theramenes and Thrasybulus to carry home 
the slain in fifty galleys, that they might be buried 
with the accustomed ceremonies. But a violent 
tempest supervening, prevented them from execut- 
ing their orders. The rest of the fleet proceeded 
towards Mitylene to disengage Conon. 

The Athenians, among whom the rites of burial 
were so strictly observed, that they regarded the 
omission of them as an inexpiable crime, grew fu- 
rious, on hearing that the citizens who had fallen in 
the late action were- deprived of that necessary so- 
lemnity ; and though the omission df it in the 
present case was unavoidable, they nevertheless 
treated it as a capital offence. Theramenes became 
the accuser of the generals, though it is inconceiv- 
able how he could take the charge, and more espe- 
cially how he pushed it with such cruel obstinacy. 
When the generals arrived at Athens, they related 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. , 237 

all the circumstances of the case, and called upon 
every man who had been present to vouch the truth 
of what they asserted. But the matter having been 
carried before the senate, it was there determined, 
that it should be referred to the decision of the 
people, who were ordered to report the opinion of 
each tribe distinctly ; and if, upon the whole, the 
generals were found guilty, they were to suffer 
death. The famous Socrates opposed this unjust 
sentence with all his might. He himself undertook 
the defence of the accused, and maintained, with in- 
vincible force of argument, that as, by giving orders 
to carry off the dead bodies in order to burial, they 
had discharged the duty incumbent on them ; and 
as the supervening tempest had rendered it impos- 
sible for those who had received those orders to put 
them in execution, neither party was guilty of any 
fault ; and that, therefore, it would be the most 
gross and cruel injustice, to put to death men who 
had so gloriously and successfully exerted them- 
selves in the defence of their country. 

The accusers, however, had inflamed the resent- 
ment of the people to such a pitch, that in spite of 
these remonstrances, they condemned six of the ten 
generals to death ; and they suffered accordingly. 
What an unreasonable ungrateful people ! And how 
surprising that any man could be persuaded to com- 
mand their fleets and armies ! Plato takes occasion 
from this event to maintain, that the populace is an 
inconstant, ungrateful, cruel, jealous monster, utter- 
ly incapable of being guided by reason, — a senti- 
ment confirmed by the universal experience of all 
nations. 

The Peloponnesians, overwhelmed by their grie- 
vous loss at Arginusas, sent to Sparta, to require the 
chief command to be conferred on Lysander, which 
was immediately granted. This choice gave great 
joy to those who possessed the chief authority in the 
respective cities, who being, as before observed, the 
creatures of Lysander, nothing could correspond 
better with their ambitious views. 



238 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IL 

1 It was about this time that the younger Cyrus 
(so called to distinguish him from Cyrus the Great, 
the founder of the Persian empire) now grown pre- 
sumptuous and vain by his great power and the 
mean adulation of his courtiers, wantonly put to 
death two noble Persians, his own eousins-german, 
for no greater crime than their omitting to cover 
their hands in his presence ; an action calculated to 
give us but an unfavourable opinion of that prince's 
heart and understandings But it shows us at the 
same time, that prosperity can confound the judg- 
ment even of some of the wisest of men, and render 
them capable of the most extravagant excesses. 
Darius, when informed of the tragical fate of his 
two nephews, was much grieved ; and considering 
this action of his son, as an attack upon his own au- 
thority, he sent for him under the pretence of a de- 
sire to see him, as he was then sick. Cyrus, before 
his departure, transmitted to Lysander large sums 
of money to maintain his fleet, and assured him 
that rather than let him want money, he would sup- 
ply him out of his own pocket. He empowered 
him at the same time to levy the revenues of the 
towns under his government, and promised to bring 
a numerous naval reinforcement. Lysander was 
too wise not to avail himself fully of these favour- 
able dispositions of Cyrus. 

Lysander, full of the most sanguine expec- 
408. tations, sets sail towards the Hellespont, lays 
siege to Lampsacus, takes it by assault, and 
abandons it to pillage. The Athenians, on hearing 
this, advance with a fleet of 180 sail against the ene- 
my, halt at a place called iEgos Potamos, opposite 
to Lampsacus, and make dispositions for attacking 
the enemy next day. On this occasion Lysander 
made use of stratagem, pretending to decline the en- 
gagement, and contenting himself with drawing 
up his galleys in battle array, in such a situation 
that they could not be attacked except at a disad- 
vantage. The Athenians, persuaded that, through 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 239 

fear, he seriously avoided coming to action, careless- 
ly landed from their ships in the evening, and em- 
barking again in the morning, offered battle afresh. 
In this manner they passed four days. 

Alcibiades, who was then in exile, happening to 
be in that part of the country, came up to the A- 
thenian commanders, and after representing to 
them the danger of their situation on an inhospita- 
ble coast, without either harbours or cities to which 
they might retire in case of necessity, offered to 
co-operate with them, by falling upon the enemy 
at land, with some Thracian troops under his com- 
mand. But the generals despised his advice, and 
refused, out of jealousy, to accept of his service. 

Lysander, in the mean while, was making pre- 
parations for attacking the Athenians, as soon as 
the soldiers and mariners should, in their usual care- 
less manner, leave their ships. When the expected 
moment arrived, he commanded his fleet to ad- 
vance in great pomp. Conon, one of the Atheni- 
an commanders, perceiving the enemy approaching, 
cried aloud to his men to come on board. But the 
soldiers, being dispersed among the tents, could not 
obey. In this critical moment, he resolved to save 
himself by flight ; and taking along with him nine 
galleys, set sail for Cyprus. Lysander arriving in 
the mean time, falls upon the ships that remained, 
cuts in pieces those who were on board, as well as 
those w r ho attempted to come to their assistance ; 
and then landing his men, completes the destruc- 
tion of those on shore. In fine, Lysander took 
possession of the greatest part of the fleet, made 
3000 prisoners, took three of their commanders, 
and plundered their camp. This terrible defeat re- 
duced the Athenians to the most miserable situa- 
tion they had ever experienced, and determined 
the fate of the Peloponnesian war, after twenty- 
seven years' continuance. 

This had been a very bloody war from the begin- 
ning, and it continued so to the end. It was their 



240 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

superiority at sea that enabled the Athenians to 
support it for so long a time, and constantly to re- 
cover from their losses at land ; and the Lacede- 
monians prevailed at last, merely by means of the 
immense sums furnished them by the Persian i 
monarch. The 3000 prisoners taken in the last 
battle were, by the Peloponnesian council, con- 
demned to death, and were accordingly all mur- 
dered in cold blood. Lysander visited the maritime 
towns, and changed their form of government from 
democracy to aristocracy, bestowing the whole 
power in them on creatures of his own. Wherever 
he found any Athenians, he commanded them, un- 
der pain of death, to retire to Athens ; his plan be- 
ing to reduce that city by famine. 

We may easily conceive the terror and conster- 
nation occasioned by the news of the last defeat at 
Athens, which now found itself, without either ar- 
my or fleet, on the brink of being exposed to a 
siege, and of suffering all the miseries of famine. 
The dread of those misfortunes overwhelmed them 
with despair. In the mean time, however, they 
made the best preparations in their power against 
the siege, of which they had so certain a prospect. 
In effect, they soon found themselves besieged both 
by sea and land. The kings of Sparta, Agis and 
Pausanias, surrounded them with their army by 
land ; and Lysander blocked up Pyreus with his 
fleet. 

The Athenians, deprived of all further resources, 
and labouring under the miseries of famine, sent 
deputies to treat with Agis, requesting only to be 
left in possession of their city and harbour, and re- 
signing every thing else. Agis sends the deputies 
to Sparta, where the ephori insist on demolishing all 
the fortifications of their city. In this melancholy situ- 
ation, Theramenes offers to go and employ his in- 
fluence with Lysander. Being sent accordingly, 
he was industriously detained, for the space of three 
months, by that crafty Spartan, who was resolved 



CHAP. in. ANCIENT GREECE. 241 

to oblige the Athenians by famine to agree to 
every particular that might be demanded. At last, 
Theramenes, and the other ambassadors, are again 
referred to the ephori by Lysander, and make an- 
other journey to Sparta, where a council is called to 
deliberate on the fate of Athens. No less than the 
utter destruction of that city is there talked of. The 
Thebans particularly were of that opinion. But 
Lysander opposed it ; and the wiser part of the as- 
sembly declared, that they would not incur the in- 
famy of extinguishing one of the eyes of Greece, by 
destroying a city which had rendered such signal 
services to the common cause. 

After deliberating for three months, it was at last 
resolved to demolish the fortifications of Pyreus, 
and the long walls that communicated between that 
harbour and the city ; to leave the Athenians only 
twelve galleys ; to deprive them of all the cities of 
which they had taken possession ; to oblige them 
to engage in an offensive and defensive alliance with 
the Lacedemonians ; and to serve under them by 
sea and land. On these terms peace was granted 
them. The deputies having returned to Athens, 
and reported these resolutions, the Athenians, of 
whom great numbers were daily perishing by fa- 
mine, found themselves under the hard necessity of 
agreeing to them without hesitation. In conse- 
quence of these conditions, Lysander entering 
404. Pyreus, saw the fortifications demolished, a 
midst the sound of a variety of musical instru- 
ments. Thus ended the Peloponnesian war. 

The Athenians, by accepting the conditions dic- 
tated to them by the Lacedemonians, had in a man- 
ner resigned themselves to the discretion of their 
enemies. Of this they soon became very sensible. 
Lysander entered their city, managed every thing 
according to his pleasure, obliged the people to abo 
lish democracy, and establish thirty archons, who 
have been justly distinguished in history by the 
name of " the thirty tyrants." 



242 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

From Athens Lysander proceeded to Samos, 
which he soon reduced : and the other cities, on be- 
ing informed of the fate of Athens, voluntarily 
opened their gates to the victors. In each of those 
cities, Lysander put the government into the hands 
of a decemvirate, composed, for the greater part, of 
creatures of his own, entirely devoted to his inter- 
est; and by that means he acquired a sort of so- 
vereignty in the cities. 

Resolved, at last, to return to Sparta, there to en- 
joy the fruits of his success, he dispatched Gylippus 
before him, with all the money amassed by him in 
the course of his last command, which is said to have 
amounted to 1500 talents. Of this money Gylip- 
pus is reported to have stolen about a fifth part, by 
opening in the night the bottoms of the bags in 
which it was contained. But his dishonesty being 
discovered, he fled to avoid his merited punishment, 
and became a voluntary exile from his native coun- 
try. On this occasion it was debated in Sparta, 
whether it were not an infringement of the laws, to 
admit this silver into the city. The wiser sort highly 
blamed Lysander for introducing among them that 
pernicious metal, which had always proved the bane 
and corruption of mankind ; and they presented very 
strong remonstrances on the subject to the ephori, 
who ordered the silver to be carried out of the city, 
and of new enjoined the use of the ancient iron coin. 
But this sentence was opposed by the friends of Ly- 
sander, who proposed, as a conciliating expedient, 
that the silver should not be used in ordinary 
currencv, but be deposited in the public treasu- 
ry, to be applied solely to the service of the state, 
Plutarch, however, ridicules this expedient. It was 
not, says he, gold and silver of which Lycurgus was 
apprehensive; but avarice, the consequence of gold 
and silver. The event showed, that the prohibition 
of using them commonly had the effect of making 
them to be more passionately desired ; and the La- 
cedemonians, becoming soon as sensible of the value 



CHAP. Ill* ANCIENT GREECE* 243 

of them as any of their neighbours, employed the 
most tyrannical means to extort them from those 
under their subjection, imposing a tribute on all the 
states that were dependent on their authority. 

Lysander, now in the zenith of his glory, eclipsed 
all mankind in the eyes of the Greeks, who carried 
their flattery so far as to erect altars to him : and the 
man himself being naturally vain, ordered his own 
statue to be cast in brass. Even the poets, en- 
couraged by his bounty, employed their talents to 
celebrate his praise. 

Eminent Writers, Philosophers, Artists, &c. 

Meton was a famous astronomer, and the inven- 
tor of the cycle made use of by the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, for calculating the times of new and full moon. 

Anaocagoras was a native of Clazomene, and one 
of the most distinguished philosophers of antiquity. 
The study of natural philosophy was his passion ; to 
which, that he might apply with the greater freedom, 
he renounced the large possessions transmitted him by 
his ancestors, declined all public honours or employ- 
ments, and refused himself the conveniency of mar- 
riage. He instructed the great Pericles in his phi- 
losophy, and assisted him likewise in public affairs 
with his advice. The scholar is reproached for hav- 
ing neglected his master, when oppressed by want 
in his old age. His principal residence was at A- 
thens, where he taught for a long while; but he end- 
ed his days at Lampsacus. When on his death-bed, 
the chief persons of that town having asked him, 
whether he desired any thing to be done by them, 
in honour of his memory, after his death ? he an- 
swered, that he had no other request to make, ex- 
cept that the anniversary of his death might be es- 
tablished as a holiday for the boys. 

^ Empedocles, a Pythagorean philosopher, applied 
himself to reform the morals of his fellow citizens, 
the inhabitants of Agrigentum, who were remark- 



244 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

able for their luxury and effeminacy. Having ac- 
quired great authority among them, he made no 
other use of it than to establish good order. He was 
universally holden in high esteem ; and a poem of 
his upon the moral duties of mankind, had the ho- 
nour to be rehearsed at the Olympic games. It is 
reported of him, that, desiring to pass for a god, he 
suddenly disappeared, by jumping into the gulf 
of mount iEtna. But this is a fable ; for, according 
to the most credible authors, and Aristotle among 
the rest, he died in the Peloponnesus, in the year of 
the world 3576. 

Anacreon, the lyric poet, was born at Teos, a 
town of Ionia. He was much esteemed by Poly- 
crates tyrant of Samos, in whose court he passed a 
considerable part of his life. His poems contain an 
exact representation of his life, where ease and jolli ty 
shone throughout. He spent his whole time, either 
over his bottle and in his amours, or in composing 
his verses, of which the tender passions were the 
only theme. 

Pindar was another famous lyric poet. His dis- 
tinguishing characteristics are, grandeur, sublimity, 
and enthusiasm. When he has once taken his flight, 
he disdains all subjection to ordinary rules, neglects 
the connexion and transition of common discourse, 
and soars, like an eagle, into the regions of thunder 
and tempest. It is no longer the language of men 
that he speaks, but that which we imagine of the 
gods. But this disorder constitutes the chief beauty 
of the ode; the aim of which is not to form our 
judgment, but to warm our imagination. Pindar 
may be said to occupy a distinct place among the 
poets, and to be entirely without a rival ; for, ac- 
cording to Horace, it is temerity to attempt to emu- 
late him. His odes display the utmost sublimity 
and enthusiasm of which poetry is capable. His 
sentiments are strong and striking, his language 
pompous, and his versification rapid. 

Eschylus was a famous tragic poet. Before dis- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 245 

covering his talents for tragedy, he had given proofs 
of his bravery in the engagements of Marathon and 
Salamis. He is considered as the father of tragedy, 
of which he had imbibed a just idea from the poems 
of Homer. Under his hands it received an entire 
new form. He confined the representation to a par- 
ticular place, instead of being ambulatory as before. 
He dressed his actors in long robes, buskins, and 
masks ; which last disguise must however have 
greatly diminished the force of the action. He 
made choice of grand and enteresting subjects ; in- 
fused life and spirit into the dialogue ; dictated the 
language of passion ; and excited terror and com- 
passion. By introducing a chorus between the acts, 
he procured a sort of relaxation to the audience. 
His language is pompous and sublime, but some- 
times obscure, and bordering on bombast. 

Sophocles was born at Colonna, a considerable 
village in Attica, and was a tragic poet likewise. 
While yet but young, he was so sensible of his own 
merit, as to attempt to rival Eschylus, and to share 
with him the applause of the public. He carried 
his point on his first essay, and came off the con- 
queror of his master. Eschylus survived his defeat 
but a short while ; for having retired to Sicily, he 
died soon after. Sophocles retained his genius in 
all its vigour to a very old age; in the course of which 
he received the crown of victory no fewer than 
twenty times. Of all his works, seven tragedies 
have only reached us. He was more eloquent and 
clear than Eschylus, and managed the passions with 
greater art. In his pieces, terror and pity were more 
skilfully produced, and affected the audience with 
more lively impressions. The sweetness of his num- 
bers procured him the appellation of The Bee. His 
excess of joy, on account of the success of his last 
piece, occasioned his death. 

Euripides, another tragic poet, was born at Sala- 
mis, flourished much about the same time with the 
former, and was equally successful in the same pur- 



246 THE HISTORY OF v BOOK II. 

suit. He is more laboured and more sententious 
than Sophocles. The beautiful predominates in his 
pieces; which were not admired in Attica only. 
At Syracuse, after the defeat of the Athenians, some 
prisoners received their liberty as a reward for hav- 
ing recited a few of his verses. The admirable 
moral maxims with which his pieces abound, dis- 
cover a great deal of the philosophical spirit, to the 
study of which he had given much application. 

Father Brumoy has been at great pains to point 
out the characteristical distinctions of these three 
celebrated poets. Eschylus, says he, carried the 
language of tragedy to a grandeur bordering on 
bombast. His style is more pompous than even 
that of the Iliad. — -Sophocles hit upon the just 
theatrical grandeur. He unites dignity and precision 
to his diction. His style is noble and majestic. — 
Tenderness and elegance distinguish the produc- 
tions of Euripides ; but they are less nervous and 
sublime than those of Sophocles. The first is a tor- 
rent that precipitates over rocks and through forests : 
The second is a pompous rapid river, whose waves 
roll along with majesty and force : The third is a 
gentle stream, not always flowing in an even course, 
but constantly meandering through beautiful flow- 
ery meadows. Shakespeare possesses a great deal 
of the spirit of Eschylus and Sophocles. The best 
of the other English tragic writers bear a nearer re- 
semblance to Euripides. 

Aristophanes, the comic poet, was cotemporary 
with Socrates and Euripides. We have yet pre- 
served to us eleven of his comedies, in which he 
stands forth as a censor of government. His ele- 
gance and delicacy of expression, arid particularly 
that Attic salt, of which the ancients were so fond, 
are most valued. He excelled in the ridiculous, 
and amused the Athenians with his satirical jokes ; 
but his buffoonry is often extremely gross, and his 
obscenity still more so. 

Herodotus is called the father of histpry, because 



€HAP, III. ANCIENT GREECE. 247 

he is the most ancient author whose writings of 
that kind have been handed down to posterity. 
He was a native of Halicarnassus, a city of Caria ; 
but having retired to Samos, he there composed, in 
the Ionic dialect, his history of the Greeks and Per- 
sians. He takes it up at Cyrus, and carries it on to 
the battle of Mycale under Xerxes, comprehending 
altogether a space of 120 years. But he has inter- 
mingled with it that of several other nations, par- 
ticularly the Egyptians. His style is so flowing and 
so pure, that his books, on being publicly read at the 
Olympic games, obtained the names of the Nine 
Muses, It is true that he is full of digressions, and 
is reproached for his credulity, and the pleasure he 
takes in relating fables.* But it does not at all ap- 
pear to have been his intention to confine himself 

* Here I cannot avoid taking notice of a very curious circum- 
stance mentioned by Herodotus, which, whatever other inference 
some readers may deduce from it, furnishes a strong proof of the 
fidelity with which Herodotus reported what he heard. The, pass- 
age to which I allude occurs in his Euterpe, p. 104, of the second 
folio edition of his history by Stephanus. He is there rela- 
ting the accounts received by him from the Egyptian priests con- 
cerning the duration of their country. Of this passage the mean- 
ing is in English this : f* That during the period assigned by the 
Egyptians for the duration of their country, they assured Hero- 
dotus that four remarkable alterations had happened in the course 
of the sun, which had risen twice in the same point where he 
was then setting, and had set twice in the same point where he 
was then rising." Herodotus reports this tradition, without in- 
timating his own opinion either as to the possibility or impossi- 
bility of what the Egyptians asserted. It is apparent that the 
Egyptians themselves derived this notion merely from tradition, 
without understanding the reason of the phenomenon of which they 
spoke, for if they had comprehended the cause of the phenomenon, 
they must have clearly understood that it furnished incontroverti- 
ble evidence of the duration of their country from a period more 
amazingly remote than what they assigned to it. In fact, it is now 
well known, and universally admitted, that in a very long period 
of time, no less indeed than 25,920 years, the phenomenon here 
ascribed to the sun actually takes place, in consequence of a mo- 
tion called by astronomers the procession of the equinoxes. Thus, 
at the distance of 12,960 years from the present time, the sun 
will appear to rise in the same point of the heavens where he 
now sets, and to set where he now rises; and in 12,960 years 
more, or in the whole period of 25,920 years, he will complete 



248 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

to undoubted certain facts. He had formed him- 
self on the model of the first poets, and thought it 
sufficient if he kept within the bounds of probabili- 
ty. It must be confessed, however, that he always 
carefully distinguished between certainty, probabi- 
lity, and fable. In his time flourished the most fa- 
mous poets ; and the praises of Sophocles and Euri- 
pides were everywhere resounded. Herodotus, on 
his side, pursued a new path to the temple of fame ; 
and proposed to charm his countrymen with the 
beauty of his prose. It is reported of Thucydides, 
that on hearing the works of Herodotus read, he 
was so struck with admiration, that he shed tears of 
joy, and was seized with a noble emulation to acquire 
reputation by the same means. 

Thucydides was likewise a celebrated historian. 
He was a native of Athens. We have already seen, 
that he was bred to the military life, and served as 
a soldier in the Athenian armies. It was about the 
commencement of the Peloponnesian war that he 
conceived the design of writing his history. Of the 
events of that war he had been an eye-witness till 
the eighth year of its continuance ; when, upon an 
accusation of having failed to relieve Amphipolis, 
he was sent into banishment. During the period 
of his disgrace, which lasted twenty years, he com- 
posed his history. He is said to have spared no 
pains to obtain faithful and exact accounts of the 
most minute circumstances that occurred in each 
campaign. He carried on his history to the twenty- 

his revolution, and rise and set exactly where he rises and sets at 
present. 

Hipparchus, on comparing an astronomical observation made 
by him 146 years before Christ, with an observation made 147 
years before his, by Timocharis and Aristillus, found so striking 
a discrepancy, that he was led to suspect a peculiarity in the sun's 
apparent course, which had not before been adverted to. Hip- 
parchus's opinion, however, went no farther than suspicion. Pto- 
lemy of Pelusium, having repeated the same observation about 
300 years after Hipparchus, discovered from the result of his ob- 
servations, compared with the two preceding observations, that 
Hipparchus's suspicion was well founded : and posterior astrono- 
mical observations ascertained the fact even to demonstration. 



CHAP III. ANCIENT GREECE. 249 

first year of that war ; but we are indebted for that 
of the remaining six years of it to Theopompus and 
Xenophon. He made use of his native Attic dia- 
lect, not only as the most pure, but likewise as the 
most nervous and expressive. He distributed his 
history into years. The subject of this war is not 
indeed so interesting as that of Herodotus, which 
describes the united efforts of all Greece against 
the formidable power of the Persians, while that of 
Thucydides is confined to the quarrels of the Gre- 
cian states among themselves, in which they exert- 
ed their utmost efforts to ruin one another. But 
it was not the fault of the historian, that he was 
witness only to such melancholy events. It is like- 
wise true, that this historian has not imitated Her- 
odotus, by interweaving episodes and digressions in 
his history ; for truth being his sole object, he did 
not think himself at liberty to mix it with fable. 
With respect to his style, it is elevated, manly, and 
correct. His diction is so close and nervous, that 
every word almost is a sentence. 

As the style of Herodotus is sweet and flowing, 
so that of Thucydides has a great deal of precision 
and vehemence. The former, according to Cicero, 
is like a smooth river, rolling its waters along with 
ease and majesty ; the latter, like an impetuous tor- 
rent, hurrying on with rapidity and force. His rea- 
soning is strong and profound ; his reflections are 
just, and always seasonable. Unprejudiced in favour 
of his native country, one would imagine him to be 
of neither of the countries whose actions he de- 
scribes ; for never did historian write less from pre- 
judice or passion. His precision, it is said, renders 
him often obscure ; but this fault is overlooked in 
favour of his veracity, there being no Greek histo- 
rian more exact or more impartial. 

He is further found fault with, for having put 
into the mouths of his heroes, orations too finished 
and regular to have been produced in the hurry and 
heat of action. But they are so eloquent and char- 



250 THE HISTORY OF BOOK "II. 

acteristical, that we are at little pains in examining 
minutely whether they were spoken precisely in 
that form or not. 

Of Xenophon we shall have occasion to speak at 
great length in the body of our history. He was 
born at Athens. Having engaged, when very 
young, in the army of the younger Cyrus, the bro- 
ther of Artaxerxes, he had the honour of being the 
chief conductor of the famous retreat of the 10,000 
Greeks back to their native country. After his re- 
turn he served as a soldier till the time of Agesilaus, 
when he was banished by the Athenians on an un- 
just suspicion of favouring the Lacedemonians, be- 5 
cause he always expressed a high opinion of the 
Spartan laws. Xenophon having thereupon retir- 
ed to Scyltonte, there composed his works ; namely, 
The Cyropedeia, or, history of Cyrus the Great ; 
The Expedition, or, Retreat of the 10,000 Greeks ; 
and, The Continuation of the History of Thucy- 
dides, from the return of Alcibiades into Attica to 
the battle of Mantinea, comprehending a space of 
forty-eight years. These works display a vast ex- 
tent of genius and learning ; and clearly evince the 
writer to have been a skilful commander, a judicious 
philosopher, and an elegant historian. His style is 
so pure, so harmonious, and so sweet, that he merit- 
ed the appellation of the Athenian Bee : it is, at 
the same time, wonderfully simple. But notwith- 
standing this simplicity, he has maintained all the 
historical dignity. Cicero pronounces the eulogium 
of this admirable writer in these five words : " Xeno- 
phontis voce musas quasi locutas so many graces 
did that great orator discover in the style of this au- 
thor ! It is a question among the learned, whether 
his Cyropedeia ought to be looked upon as a real 
history, or only as a philosophical romance. The lat- 
ter opinion is maintained by the ablest critics ; and, 
indeed, the arguments adduced by them appear so 
solid and convincing, that we are surprised the mat- 



/ 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE, 251 

ter should continue longer doubtful. He died at 
the age of ninety years. 

Isocr cites, the celebrated orator, was a native of 
Athens, and received his education under the great- 
est masters. The weakness of his voice, and his na- 
tural bashfulness, not permitting him to speak in 
public, he applied himself at first to private compo- 
sition, choosing for his subjects questions of polity 
and government. He likewise composed pleadings 
for the use of others. Afterwards he opened a school 
of eloquence, in which the greatest orators of Greece 
were formed. The success of this establishment 
procured him both a high reputation and a great 
fortune ; for he was attended by a number of scho- 
lars, who rewarded his pains with very handsome 
gratuities. He likewise received large presents. 
Nicocles king of Cyprus, for one oration that bears 
his name, gave him twenty talents. The character 
of his style has been excellently pointed out by Ci- 
cero. " Isocrates's eloquence," says he, " is sweet 
and agreeable, replete with ingenious arguments, 
and harmonious periods ;" but, in his opinion, it is 
more proper for imaginary composition than for 
real practice. He was the first that introduced into 
the Greek language, numbers, cadence, and har- 
mony. He was extremely careful, perhaps too 
much so, about the arrangement of his words. It 
must be confessed, however, that the love of probi- 
ty and virtue distinguishes his orations, which are 
uniformly calculated to inspire both princes and 
subjects with truth, honour, and a love for the pub- 
lic happiness. The grief which the loss of the bat- 
tle of Cheronea gave him, put a period to his life 
in an extreme old age. His connection with Philip 
may be justified from his ignorance of his real char- 
acter. Plutarch blames Isocrates for having con- 
sumed that time which he ought to have dedicated 
to the service of the commonwealth, in arranging 
words and sentences. But this criticism is rather 
too severe. Isocrates had by no means received 



252 THE HISTORY OF BOOK II. 

from nature talents proper for public business. He 
was indeed the best rhetorician of his time ; but 
he was rather qualified for the college than for the 
camp. 

Of the orator Eschines we shall have occasion to 
speak more fully in the sequel. 

Lysias, another famous orator, shone at Athens 
in the time of Socrates; and was so much interest- 
ed in the fate of that wise man, that, upon his 
being brought to trial, he insisted with him to make 
use of an oration that he had composed for him 
with the utmost care and ingenuity. He was al- 
ways considered as one of the finest orators of 
Greece. Lysias, says Cicero, wrote with extreme 
elegance and precision ; and Athens might boast of 
possessing in him a perfect orator. 

Iseus, another orator, was a scholar of Lysias, and 
imitated his master's style very exactly. His merit 
did not appear till after the Peloponnesian war ; and, 
indeed, his chief glory seems to arise from his hav- 
ing taught the famous Demosthenes. 

Phidias, the celebrated Athenian sculptor, was 
the first that inspired the Greeks with a taste for 
beautiful nature and statuary, and taught them to 
imitate it. By the strength of his genius he had 
formed, in his imagination, a model of ideal beauty, 
at which he constantly aimed. His chief merit lay 
in the propriety and dignity with which he repre- 
sented the gods. His master-pieces were, 1st, A 
statue of Minerva, of gold and ivory, thirty-nine 
feet high, which was placed in the temple of that 
goddess. 2d, Another of Olympian Jove, account- 
ed one of the seven wonders of the world, and of 
which he is said to have taken the idea from Hom- 
er. This work procured him an immortal fame : It 
struck the spectators with astonishment. He ex- 
celled likewise in painting, and drew at Athens the 
portrait of the famous Pericles. 

Myron was another renowned Athenian sculptor. 
His copper cow is looked upon as his master-piece. 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 253 

Zeuxis, the famous painter, was a native of He- 
raclea. He excelled in colouring. It was he who 
painted some grapes so naturally, that upon the 
picture's being exposed in public, the birds came 
and pecked at them. Transported with joy, he 
immediately challenged Parrhasius, another cele- 
brated painter, to produce any of his works that 
was comparable to this. Parrhasius painted a piece, 
apparently covered with a kind of stuff* by way of 
curtain. ** Come, draw that curtain," cried Zeuxis, 
" that we may see that master-piece." The piece was 
no other than the curtain itself. Zeuxis acknow- 
ledged himself surpassed ; for, says he, " I only de- 
ceived the birds; Parrhasius has deceived even me." 

Parrhasius was by birth an Ephesian, and the 
cotemporary and rival of Zeuxis, and has just been 
mentioned. They two passed for the most skilful 
painters of their time. Parrhasius excelled in de- 
sign, in the justness of his proportions, in the airs 
of his heads, both lively and languishing, and in the 
dignity of his faces. His picture of the people of 
Athens, expressive of their good and bad qualities, 
acquired him great reputation. 

Timanthus of Sicyon was another cotemporary of 
Parrhasius. His distinguishing talent was inven- 
tion, and his master-piece the sacrifice of Iphigenia. 
In this picture, after exhibiting, in the face of the 
assistants, the different degrees of affliction felt by 
each, being unable to express that of Agamemnon, 
the father of Iphigenia, he covers his face with a 
veil, leaving to the imagination of the spectators to 
figure his distress. He is said to have borrowed 
this idea from the Iphigenia of Euripides ; where 
the poet makes Agamemnon, on seeing his daugh- 
ter led on to be sacrificed, throw his robe over his 
eyes. 



THE 



HISTORY 

OF 

ANCIENT GREECE. 



BOOK III. 

CONTAINING THE HISTORY OF THE THIRD AGE 

OF GREECE. 

From the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war to the death of 
Alexander the Great, a period of eighty-one years. 

In the beginning of this third age of Greece, we 
once more see the Spartans become, by the event of 
the Peloponnesian war, the leading people in Greece. 
This advantage they maintained for about thirty 
years, from the time of Lysander to that of Conon, 
who enabled his own countrymen, as well as the 
other Greeks, to shake off the domineering yoke of 
Sparta. 

It is in this third age that we must fix the point 
of declension of the Grecian glory. We shall per- 
ceive, that the ambition of extending their con- 
quests beyond the limits of their own country, was 
the first cause of the change of the national spirit of 
the Greeks. The plunder of the wealthy Asiatic 
cities that fell into their hands, produced the pas- 
sion of avarice ; and their frequent intercourse with 
the Persians, whose magnificence excited their ad- 
miration, inspired them with the love of luxury. 
By these means the Greeks degenerated from their 
former virtue ; and the arts, promoted by the su- 
perfluous calls of luxury and wealth, alone profited 
by the change. 



CHAP. I, THE HISTORY, &C. 255 

The mutual dissensions of the states of Greece 
was another cause of their ruin. The Persians, 
finding it impossible to subdue them by open force, 
attempted their destruction by fomenting among 
them discord and division; and for that purpose, 
effectually employed their gold and silver, which, 
in all ages, and in all nations, have been the bane 
of human virtue and felicity. By loading with 
presents those who possessed the chief influence in 
the different governments, they succeeded in arm- 
ing against each other the two bravest states of 
Greece, who thus exhausted their strength in do- 
mestic quarrels. The Persians, however, were not 
destined to reap the fruit of their pernicious politics 
and corruption, which eventually turned to the ad- 
vantage of a power with which Greece was more 
nearly connected. Philip king of Macedon made 
great progress in subduing that country ; but its 
final subjection was reserved to swell the triumph 
of his son, the illustrious Alexander. 



CHAP. I. 

Affairs of Greece, from the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war 

to the peace of Antalcides. 

The thirty archons, established by Lysan- 
404. der in Athens, quickly gave way to their ty- 
rannical inclinations ; and, to inforce their de- 
crees, obtained of Lysander an armed guard. This 
was the signal of their approaching tyranny. The 
richer citizens, and those whose virtue and influ- 
ence might be a bar to their ^violent proceedings, 
were the first victims of their cruelty. 

Still more to overawe the people, and to prevent 
a revolt, they armed 3000 of the citizens who were 
the best affected to their party. These availing 
themselves of their power to ruin and destroy their 
private enemies, Athens immediately became one 
general scene of blood and rapine. None durst op- . 



256 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

pose the pleasure of those wicked men. Critias, of 
all the thirty the most cruel and the most wick- 
ed, carried his oppression and injustice to such an 
extreme, that Theramenes, the only one of their 
number who was actuated with any regard for the 
welfare of his country, was provoked to oppose the 
despotism of him and of his other colleagues. This 
drew upon Theramenes the resentment of the ty- 
rants ; and Critias accused him, before the senate, 
of disturbing the public quiet. Theramenes man- 
aged his defence with such force of argument, that 
Critias, suspecting he might be acquitted, intro- 
duced into the senate some of his most devoted 
creatures, who from time to time industriously ex- 
posed to the eyes of the judges the points of the 
daggers, wherewith they were privately armed. 
The judges, thus intimidated, condemned Thera- 
menes to death. Socrates alone, whose scholar he 
had been, ventured to oppose this sentence, and 
went so far as to attempt to hinder the guards from 
dragging Theramenes from the altar ; but he was 
obliged to yield to superior force. He then exhort- 
ed the senators and people to avenge themselves on 
their presumptuous oppressors. Nothing but the 
merit of Socrates could have screened him from the 
resentment of the tyrants, who discovered no high- 
er marks of their displeasure, than by prohibiting 
him from instructing the youth. 

The fate of Theramenes was bewailed by every 
honest Athenian. Xenophon has immortalised the 
intrepidity with which that celebrated Athenian 
met death. He tells us, that when he had received 
and drunk the poison with the most striking calm- 
ness and fortitude, he poured out the remains of it 
on the ground, in the manner of the libations in 
sacrifices, with these words, " This for the virtuous 
Critias." Theramenes was well acquainted with 
the science of government. But his zeal in procu- 
ring the condemnation of the commanders who 
gained the battle of Arginusae, remains an indelible 
blot on his memory. 



CHAP. 1. ANCIENT GREECE. 257 

Let us for a moment cast our eyes on the affairs 
of Persia. Darius Nothus died soon after the arri- 
val of his son Cyrus at court. Pary satis, that young 
prince's mother, who was extremely fond of him, 
had exerted all her influence with the late king, to 
persuade him to declare Cyrus his successor in the 
kingdom, to the exclusion of his eldest son Arsames. 
But Darius obstinately refused to commit an act 
of such injustice. The new king, on his accession, 
assumed the name of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Cyrus, 
grown desperate at seeing his brother on the throne, 
vowed his destruction. — Of what crimes is not the 
heart capable which is actuated by ambition alone ! 

Artaxerxes getting notice of the design entertain- 
ed against his life by his brother, ordered him to be 
apprehended. His life, however, was spared at the 
intercession of his mother ; and Artaxerxes, instead 
of disabling Cyrus from creating further disturb- 
ance, was simple (or perhaps generous) enough to 
restore him to the government of the provinces for- 
merly in his possession. 

That ambitious prince immediately resolved to at- 
tempt the dethronement of his brother. With that 
view he employed Clearchus to raise an army of 
Greeks, under thepretence of assisting the Lacedemo- 
nians in a war they were meditating against Thrace: 
and to bind Lysander still more closely to his inter- 
ests, he is said to have made him a present of a galley 
200 cubits long, built of ivory, ornamented with 
gold. Alcibiades, who was at that time living in 
retirement in a remote corner of Phrygia, easily con- 
jectured the real destination of Cyrus's warlike pre- 
parations. As Artaxerxes migtyt be of great use to 
his affairs, Alcibiades formed the resolution of giv- 
ing him intelligence of what was plotting against 
him ; and for that purpose travelled into the pro- 
vince of Pharnabazus. We shall by and by see the 
consequences of this unnatural project of Cyras, 

In the mean time the unhappy Athenians, over- 
whelmed by their miseries, began to cast their eyes 



258 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

upon Alcibiades for deliverance, and to concert mea- 
sures for bringing him home. But the tyrants get- 
ting notice of their intentions, and dreading the 
embarrassment that might be thrown in the way of 
their projects by a man of such distinguished parts 
and activity, signified to Lysander, that it was ne- 
cessary for the quiet and security of the govern- 
ment, so to dispose of Alcibiades, that he might 
not have the power of creating them any disturb- 
ance. In consequence of their remonstrances, Ly- 
sander required Pharnabazus to deliver him up dead 
or alive ; and pressed his demand with the utmost 
eagerness, seeming to insist upon it as an essential 
condition of the alliance between the Lacedemoni- 
ans and Persians. , Pharnabazus was mean-spirited 
enough to gratify Lysander, and gave the necessary 
orders for the apprehension of Alcibiades. The 
guards sent to seize him stood in such awe of him, 
that they had not courage to break into his house, 
to which therefore they set fire. Alcibiades, after 
endeavouring in vain to extinguish the flames, rush- 
ed through them sword in hand. The barbarians 
not daring even then to wait his approach, retired 
before him, but at the same time discharged at him 
a shower of darts, which killed him on the spot. 

Thus perished, at the age of forty years, this ex- 
traordinary man, at the very season that his coun- 
trymen stood most in need of his assistance. His 
character exhibits a very singular assemblage of 
good and bad qualities. He was, by turns, the 
dread and the scourge of his own country, and of 
the other states of Greece; and experienced, through 
the whole course of his life, the most extraordinary 
revolutions and caprices of fortune. It is, on the 
whole, difficult to determine whether his best appa- 
rent dispositions deserve the names of virtues. For 
his conduct discovers more art and address than ho- 
nour and integrity ; more vafiity and ambition than 
real patriotism ; his constant aim being to live in a 
distinguished sphere. It was fiom private motives 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 259 

of ambition that he persuaded his countrymen to 
engage in the Sicilian expedition, of which the mi- 
serable conclusion is justly regarded as the com- 
mencement of their ruim 

The Athenian tyrants no longer kept any mea- 
sures. Every day was marked with murders and 
imprisonments ; and universal dejection prevailed ; 
and no citizen appeared hardy enough to attempt 
the deliverance of his oppressed countrymen, Socra- 
tes alone laboured, both by his discourses and exam- 
ple, to support the drooping spirits of the Athenians, 
and to prevent their giving way entirely to despair ; 
behaving on all occasions with wonderful constan- 
cy and resolution, and plainly showing that he stood 
in no fear of the tyrants. — What a misfortune for 
those who occupy the foremost stations in life, to 
be insensible to honour, and regardless of the opin- 
ion entertained of them by the rest of mankind, and 
of the judgment that shall be formed of them by 
posterity ; a disregard of reputation naturally pro- 
ducing a disregard of virtue. — This is the reflec- 
tion of Diodorus Siculus upon the conduct of the 
thirty tyrants. 

The most considerable citizens of Athens, to a- 
void the cruelty and oppression of those wicked 
men, abandoned their native city, and settled in 
great numbers in different parts of Greece. It will 
hardly be believed that the Lacedemonians, whose 
resentment might have been fully gratified by the 
miseries already brought upon the Athenians, pro- 
hibited on this occasion the other Greek cities from 
giving refuge to those unfortunate exiles. This 
mean, cruel jealousy of the Lacedemonians shocks 
us; and, instead of discovering any trace of the 
ancient Spartan magnanimity, throws an indelible 
stain on the character of their nation. Such is the 
power of conquest and ambition to corrupt the most 
virtuous hearts. Two cities only, Megara and Thebes, 
disregarded this ungenerous and inhuman injunc- 
tion, and granted an asylum to such of the Athen- 
ians as implored their protection. 
H / . R 2 



260 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

We at present contemplate the Athenians almost 
overwhelmed by their numberless sufferings ; but 
we shall by and by see them rising above their mis- 
fortunes, and in a manner returning to a new life. 
Thrasybulus will immediately attract all the atten- 
tion of the reader ; being destined to restore Athens 
to her former splendour, and to display, in the sight 
of all Greece, how much even one man of virtue 
and magnanimity is able to perform. In a meeting 
of many of his fellow-citizens, assembled by Thra- 
sybulus at Thebes, it was unanimously resolved to 
make one great effort to assert the liberty of their 
native country. Lysias the celebrated orator, who 
had been banished by the tyrants, levied 500 sol- 
diers at his own expence. With this slender force 
Thrasybulus boldly marches into Attica, and seizes 
Phile, a strong fortress in the neighbourhood of A- 
thens. The tyrants hasten to oppose him at the head 
of 3000 men, and give him battle ; but their troops, 
unable to sustain the impetuosity of Thrasybulus's 
little army, are repulsed, and retreat to Athens. 
Thrasybulus having received a reinforcement of 700 
men, falls upon the Spartan guard posted before 
Phile by the tyrants, and cuts off the greatest part 
of them. 

The tyrants, alarmed, gave orders to massacre all 
the suspected Athenians w r ho were able to bear 
arms, and made proposals of accommodation to 
Thrasybulus. He rejects their proposals ; and hav- 
ing at last mustered up a small army of about 1000 
men, advances to Pyreus, engages the tyrants who 
had marched against him, and obtains the victory. 
In this battle fell the wicked Critias. Thrasybulus 
calls aloud to the vanquished Athenians who were 
flying, that it is against the tyrants alone he is fight- 
ing, not against his fellow-citizens ; and mildly up- 
braids them for opposing those who were come to 
restore them to their former liberty and independ- 
ence. They are so much affected by this harangue, 
that, entering the city, they immediately depose the 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 261 

tyrants, and confer the administration on ten of the 
principal citizens. 

But this decemvirate proved no better than their 
former masters ; and considering themselves as in- 
secure while Thrasybulus held possession of Py reus, 
they sent to Sparta to crave fresh assistance. Ly- 
sander is dispatched to their relief, who advances 
towards Pyreus with an army of Peloponnesians, 
and blocks up the harbour. Thrasybulus is soon 
reduced to great extremity for want of provisions. 
But Pausanias, enraged at the long prosperity of 
so wicked a man as Lysander, arrives with a fresh 
body of troops, intending rather to favour the A- 
thenians than to reinforce Lysander. As there was 
a great number of Athenians in Pyreus, Pausanias 
commands them to retire home to the city ; and, 
on their refusing to comply, attacks them. A sharp 
conflict ensues, in which the Athenians are worsted, 
and obliged to return to the city. 

The Athenians, on being again upbraided by 
Thrasybulus, once more take courage, and re-esta- 
blish the popular government. The remains of the 
faction of the tyrants withdrew to Eleusis ; and at- 
tempt to renew the public disturbance. The tyrants 
endeavoured in vain to recover their authority. Be- 
ing decoyed to an interview, they are all sacrificed 
to the public resentment ; and Athens begins at last 
to enjoy peace and tranquillity. But in this civil 
war, raised and fomented by the wicked policy of 
Lysander, more Athenian citizens lost their lives 
than in any ten years of the Peloponnesian war. 

The government of Athens is restored to its for- 
mer footing ; the ordinary magistrates are created ; 
and Thrasybulus, still more effectually to establish 
the quiet of his country, engages the citizens so- 
lemnly to bind themselves by oath to bury all past 
injuries in oblivion. This was an action of the high- 
est prudence ; for as every citizen was entitled by 
law to prosecute those who had occasioned the 



.1 



262 THE HISTORY OF * BOOK m. 

slaughter of his relations in the late bloody dissen- 
sions, the seeds of discord and hatred, must have 
subsisted without end. This mutual amnesty, 
therefore, brought about by Thrasybulus, was the 
best and readiest method of establishing the public 
tranquillity. 

The authority of Lysander had long ago arrived 
at its height ; and insolence and haughtiness, the 
usual concomitants of superior power, were by him 
carried to the most excessive pitch. Whoever in- 
curred his displeasure was sacrificed to his resent- 
ment ; and to accomplish his designs, he spared 
neither fraud nor cruelty. Eight hundred of the 
principal inhabitants of Miletus had been by his or- 
der put to death ; and the Lacedemonians were now 
degenerated to such a degree, that they basely per- 
mitted one of their citizen? to commit such a mon- 
strous act of cruelty and injustice with impunity. 
But every thing has an end. 

Pharnabazus, harassed by the continual pillage 
committed in his provinces by Lysander, sent de- 
puties to complain of him at Sparta. This procured 
a letter to be sent him by the ephori, commanding 
his return. He was confounded at the order; but 
obeyed, and pleaded his defence before the senate. 
But not enduring to live at Sparta in the undistin- 
guished station of a private citizen, he soon left the 
city, under the pretence of making a journey to the 
temple of Jupiter Ammon, to discharge a vow. As 
he held in dependence the cities of Greece, by 
means of the government he had set up in them, 
and of his partizans, to whom he had committed all 
power, the kings of Sparta thought it expedient 
everywhere to re-establish democracy, and to banish 
the creatures of Lysander. Getting notice of these 
resolutions, and hearing at the same time of the en- 
deavours of Thrasybulus to restore Athens to liber- 
ty, he suddenly returned to Sparta, to persuade the 
Lacedemonians to maintain the aristocratical go- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 263 

vernment in Athens. But his attempts were frus- 
trated by the wisdom of Pausanias. 

Let us turn our eyes for a moment from 
401. the affairs of Greece to the operations of the 
younger Cyrus, in prosecution of the enter- 
prise he had formed of depriving his brother of his 
crown and life. A remarkable example of the power 
of ambition over the human heart ! This unna- 
tural attempt had for a long time employed the em- 
v inent abilities received by Cyrus from nature. He 
gave a most welcome reception to all those who 
came from his brother's court, and put in practice 
every art to detach them from his interests. He 
even prevailed with the barbarians to submit to a 
regular warlike discipline. But his chief dependence 
being on the valour of the Greeks, with whom the 
maritime situation of his provinces rendered him 
more particularly connected, he spared no pains to 
gain their affection. He recruited his garrisons with 
the best soldiers of the Peloponnesus, and levied an 
army of no fewer than 10,000 Greeks. In this he 
was much assisted by Clearchus, an exiled Spartan, 
to whom he had granted an asylum at his court. 

About the same time several cities revolted from 
the government of Tissaphernes, and transferred 
their allegiance to Cyrus ; who, the better to dis- 
guise his intentions, sent bitter complaints to his 
brother against that governor. This behaviour had 
the desired effect, and persuaded Artaxerxes that 
Cyrus's preparations were solely against Tissapher- 
nes. For that monarch was naturally of a mild, 
humane, generous disposition ; qualities incompati- 
ble with a suspicious temper, and apt to lull the 
man that possesses them into a state of too great 
security. 

Cyrus, besides, had at his brother's court parti- 
zans devoted to his interest, who, by extolling con- 
tinually the admirable qualifications of Cyrus, and 
hinting the necessity of a powerful empire having 



264 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

at its head a man of distinguished courage and abi- 
lities, were artfully sowing the seeds of sedition and 
revolt. As Cyrus lay under the greatest obligations 
to Clearchus, and entertained a high opinion of his 
fidelity and understanding, he communicated to 
him his whole design. He possessed at the same 
time such influence with the Greeks, that the La- 
cedemonians commanded their fleet immediately to 
join the forces of Cyrus, and implicitly to obey his 
orders. 

Besides the 10,000 Greeks, Cyrus had already 
levied among the barbarians an army of 100,000 
men. Clearchus commanded the Grecian forces, 
composed of Lacedemonians, Acheans, Boeotians, 
and Thessalians ; and the fleet, consisting of sixty 
vessels, was ordered to sail along the coast, and to 
attend the army. The famous Xenophon, then a 
very young man, accompanied Cyrus in this expe- 
dition. 

» • 

With these forces Cyrus quitted Sardis, and ad- 
vanced by hasty marches towards the upper provin- 
ces of Asia. Tissaphernes, at length acquainted with 
the real destination of Cyrus's expedition, posted to 
the court of Artaxerxes, and informed him of the 
danger wherewith he was threatened. In conse- 
quence of this intelligence, that monarch quickly 
assembled a numerous army. Cyrus, in the mean 
time, ran a great hazard of being stopped at the pass 
of Cilicia ; out of which, however, he was extricated 
by a singular piece of good fortune. The Greek 
troops upon their arrival at Tarsus, beginning to 
suspect that they were to be led against the Persian 
monarch, refused to advance any farther ; and it was 
with great difficulty, and by means of an augmenta- 
tion to their pay, that Clearchus appeased them, 
and prevailed with them to proceed. Here like- 
wise Cyrus explained to his other troops the real 
destination of his expedition. 

Cyrus having entered the province of Babylon* 
assembled the Greek officers, and told them that it 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 265 

was not want of other troops that had induced him 
to employ them, but a consciousness of their super- 
ior merit, which rendered a small number of them 
of much greater importance than a multitude of bar- 
barians. He exhorted them therefore to approve 
themselves worthy the high opinion entertained of 
their conduct and bravery. 

Artaxerxes, in the mean time, advanced at 
401. the head of an immense army, amounting, as 
is alleged, to 1,200,000 men, commanded by 
Tissaphernes, Gobrias, and Arbaces. Besides these, 
there were in the army of Artaxerxes 158 chariots ; 
while Cyrus, on the other hand, had no more than 
twenty. The two armies met at a place called 
Cunaxa. Cyrus himself drew up his army in battle 
order, and took his own post in the centre. On be- 
ing entreated by Clearchus to avoid the dangerous 
part of the engagement ; " What dost thou advise ?" 
replied the prince : " while 1 aim at a throne, 
wouldst thou desire me to show myself unworthy 
of it ?" 

A thick cloud of dust, about three o'clock after- 
noon, announced the approach of the army of the 
king. His foot were disposed in square columns ; 
and in the front were ranged the chariots armed 
with scythes. The king himself was in the centre, 
surrounded by 6000 chosen horse. Cyrus discovered 
the utmost eagerness and joy. He had ordered 
Clearchus with the Greek forces to advance to the 
centre. But as soon as they perceived the army of 
the king marching on in good order, they struck 
their javelins against their shields, and instantly 
rushed forward to charge the barbarians, who, una- 
ble to sustain their attack, gave ground and fled. 

While Cyrus beheld with pleasure the troops of 
his brother flying before his Greeks, the person of 
the king struck his view. Immediately, therefore, 
crying out in a transport, " I see him !" he obeys 
the dictates of his fury ; gallops up to him, follow- 
ed by no more than 600 horse ; kills with his own 



266 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III, 

hand the commander of the king's guard; pierces 
through those that were posted before him ; at last 
reaches his brother, wounds the horse on which he 
rode with a dart, and throws him to the ground. 
Artaxerxes having mounted another horse, Cyrus- 
aims a second blow at him ; but is in his turn struck 
with a javelin discharged at him by the king, and 
is at the same time overwhelmed by a shower of 
darts from the king's attendants, which laid him 
dead on the spot. Several of the principal noble- 
men who fought by his side were slain : and Meza- 
bates, by the king's orders, cut off the head and 
right hand of Cyrus. 

A part of the king's army hearing of his death, 
betake themselves to flight, and Tissaphernes leads 
on the rest of the king's army against that part of 
Cyrus's which still kept its ground. The Greeks 
open their ranks and let him pass. Artaxerxes 
hearing that the Greeks had defeated his left wing, 
rallies his troops, and advances to attack them, who 
were as yet ignorant of Cyrus's death. The Greeks, 
apprehensive of being surrounded, place themselves 
in such a situation as to have their rear secured by 
a river; and seeing the king approaching against 
them, boldly march up to charge him. But the 
barbarians gave ground as before, and dispersed on 
all sides. 

Thus fell the younger Cyrus, a victim to his ex- 
travagant and criminal ambition. Xenophon has 
given a finished picture of this prince. By his ac- 
count, Cyrus surpassed all those of his years in 
bodily exercises. He fulfilled his engagements with 
the utmost punctuality and honour. He rewarded 
good offices with uncommon generosity and with 
singular prudence, always in proportion to real me- 
; rit, never by the influence of real favour : and he 
' 'conferred an obligation with the best grace in the 
world. He appeared to be only so far delighted 
with sovereignty as it enabled him to do good ; and 
no otherwise exerted his great power than to ac- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 267 

complish that end. By this behaviour he gained 
the love and esteem both of the Greeks and of the 
barbarians. But it is remarkable, that Xenophon 
takes notice only of the virtues of this prince, and is 
entirely silent with respect to his faults and vices ; 
his unbounded ambition particularly, which prompt- 
ed him to rise in arms against his brother, whom, if 
the event had corresponded with his intentions, he 
would have deprived both of his crown and of his 
life. 

When the Greeks heard of the death of Cy- 
401. rus, they were struck with consternation ; and, 
instead of pursuing the enemy, turned all their 
thoughts to their own safety. But Artaxerxes hav- 
ing summoned them to lay down their arms, re- 
ceived for answer, That they would sooner die ; that 
they were ready, however, to serve him as allies ; 
but that they preferred liberty to life. 

In the mean time, Arieus, general of the barba- 
rians in Cyrus's army, to whom the Greeks had 
offered the crown of Persia, sent them word, that 
he was on the point of retiring to Ionia ; and that 
if they had a mind to accompany him, they must 
join him that night. They accepted his invitation, 
and were all, except 300, conducted that night into 
his camp by Clearchus. At their first setting out 
they made forced marches ; but could not by all 
their diligence avoid the pursuit of the king, who at 
last came up with them. The Greeks, as soon as 
they perceived him, formed themselves in battle or- 
der ; and by their excellent disposition and intrepid 
appearance, so intimidated the king, that he dis- 
patched messengers to them with friendly profes- 
sions, and to acquaint them, that they had orders to 
conduct them to certain villages, where they would 
be supplied with plenty of provisions. The Greeks 
accepted the offer, and passed three days in those 
villages. 

Tissaphernes, in the mean time, paid a visit to 
the Greek commanders, by order of the king ; and 



I 

268 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

in a long harangue told them, that, pitying the 
hardships and dangers to which they were about to 
expose themselves, he had obtained permission from * 
the Persian monarch to conduct them back to their 
own country. Clearchus answered, that the Greeks 
had been led into Persia by Cyrus, without being 
informed of his intentions : that by his death their 
engagements with him were at an end : that they 
had by no means undertaken this expedition with 
a view of making war on the Persian monarch, or 
of creating him any disturbance ; and that all they 
requested was a free passage to their native country. 
Tissaphernes having departed to report their answer 
to the king, returned the second day after, and told 
them, that the king did not intend to oppose their 
return ; that he, Tissaphernes, would supply them 
with provisions : and as he was to set out immedi- 
ately for his own province, would accompany them 
in their journey ; and for that purpose would quickly 
join them. 

The Greeks, after waiting for him twenty days, were 
at length joined by him, and set out under his con- 
duct. But after this Arieus and his forces pitched 
their camp at some distance from that of the Greeks. 
This produced some suspicions in the latter, who 
nevertheless continued their march. After passing 
the Tigris by a bridge of twenty-seven boats, they v 
traversed the deserts of Media, leaving the Tigris 
on their left. But in the mean time the suspicions 
of the Greeks were daily increasing. Clearchus 
therefore having desired a conference with Tissa- 
phernes, in order to come to an explanation, took 
occasion to remind him of the solemnity of the en- 
gagements he had come under to the Greeks, The 
satrap, by the strongest professions of sincerity, and 
the warmest appearances of friendship, effaced all 
his suspicions. But these professions were intended 
to disguise the most villanous perfidy. 

As Clearchus no longer entertained any doubt of 
the satrap's integrity and honour, he was prevailed 



C^AP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 269 

upon, together with the rest of the chief officers of 
the Greeks, being four generals and twenty captains, 
to pay him a visit. As soon as the four generals, 
Menon, Proxenes, Agias, and Socrates, had entered 
the tent of Tissaphernes, with Clearchus at their 
head, they were instantly seized ; and at the same 
time the twenty captains, who had remained with- 
out, were attacked and cut to pieces by 200 Persian 
soldiers, privately posted there for that special pur- 
pose. The five commanders were carried before the 
king, and by his orders beheaded. A shocking in- 
stance of cruel perfidy ! Xenophon has given us the 
characters of those unfortunate commanders ; of 
whom Clearchus and Proxenes were the most dis- 
tinguished. 

We may easily imagine the surprise of the Greeks 
at the long absence of their commanders ; and the 
consternation occasioned among them by the news 
of their fate. They no longer entertained any doubt 
that their total destruction was resolved on. They 
found themselves at the distance of 500 or 600 
leagues from Greece ; hemmed in by a royal army ; 
surrounded by mountains and deserts ; and with no 
guide to lead them through the multitude of ene- 
mies that lay in their way. 

In this general dejection, Xenophon, who had 
hitherto served only in the station of a cadet, dis- 
played an extraordinary firmness of soul. Assem- 
bling the remaining officers, he told them that their 
courage was now their only resource. He advised 
them to appoint new officers to supply the places of 
those they had lost ; to burn their tents and bag- 
gage ; to begin their retreat immediately ; and to 
march in the form of a hollow square, that so they 
might always be prepared to oppose the enemy from 
whatever quarter they were attacked : A surprising 
instance of what one man of genius and resolution 
is capable of performing. The Greeks, when on the 
point of dispersing, and falling into the hands of 
their enemies, are saved by the wisdom and activity 
of Xenophon. Perceiving that the expedient pro- 



- / 



270 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

posed by him was the most eligible and safe they 
could follow, they immediately embrace it, and name 
new commanders. 

Next morning, by the dawn, the troops being as- 
sembled, Xenophon, to confirm their courage, made 
them an harangue, wherein he intreated them to re- 
cal to remembrance the famous days of Marathon, 
Thermopylae, and Platea, when their ancestors, with 
armies greatly more inferior to their enemies than 
they were to these by whom they were at present 
opposed, had nevertheless remained victorious ; and 
to rest persuaded, that the gods, the avengers of per- 
fidy, would support their defence. The words of 
Xenophon were applauded by the whole army, who 
unanimously approved of his advice, and instantly 
put it in execution. 

After continuing their journey for some days, con- 
stantly directing their march towards the heads of 
the great rivers till they found them fordable ; they 
were at last overtaken and harassed by the army of 
Tissaphernes, who had pursued them with all his for- 
ces. But the Greeks, changing their order of march, 
repulsed his attacks with very little loss on their own 
side ; and it should seem that Tissaphernes very 
soon grew weary of pursuing them, for after this time 
there is no further mention n^de of him in the re- 
lation of Xenophon. 

On their arrival at the river Tigris, finding it un- 
fordable on account of its depth, they were obliged 
to traverse the mountains of the Carducse, and forced 
to dispute their passage with the inhabitants of those 
hills, who had posted themselves on the higher 
grounds. It cost them seven days to make good 
their passage, which they at last effected with much 
labour and fatigue, after being obliged to abandon 
their beasts of burden, and the prisoners they had 
taken in their march ; and after suffering a great 
deal from repeated attacks of the inhabitants of the 
country. 

After crossing those mountains, they were stop- 



CHAP. 1. ANCIENT GREECE. 271 

ped by a very large river that ran along the foot of 
them, but passed it at last with much difficulty. 
Then entering the western quarter of Armenia, they 
forded the Tigris at its source. Teribazus, the king 
of Persia's governor in that province, permitted the 
Greeks to take what provisions they thought pro- 
per ; but at the same time privately resolved to lay 
an ambuscade for them in a narrow defile, between 
some mountains through which their road lay. The 
Greeks, getting notice of this design, prevented him, 
by taking possession of the pass before him, and beat 
off the soldiers sent against them. 

After this, having crossed the Euphrates, they 
were obliged to march through snow from five to six 
feet deep. This part of their journey was attended 
with great hardships, and many of the soldiers pe- 
rished by the severity of the cold and the great fa- 
tigue. After passing the snow, they came to cer- 
tain villages, consisting of huts dug under ground, 
where they rested several days. Recommencing 
their journey, they soon arrived at the river Araxes 
or Phases. This river being here unfordable, they 
were obliged to march about through the moun- 
tains, where they were opposed by the Phasians 
and Chalybes, whom they forced at last to retire. 

After passing through the country of the Cha- 
lybes, they came to a very high mountain ; whence 
getting a sight of the sea, they were seized with an 
excess of joy. They had still, however, the moun- 
tains of Colchis to traverse, and to defend themselves 
against the barbarous inhabitants. But by the skil- 
ful disposition of the army by Xenophon, they op- 
posed and dispersed those barbarians. Then falling 
down into the plain, they arrived at certain villages, 
where they found great plenty of provisions, and 
rested some days. In a few days more they reached 
Trebizond, a Greek colony, where they halted a 
month. Here they celebrated divers sorts of games 
with much joy, and paid the vows they had made 
to the gods in case of their safe return. 



1 



272 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

After deliberating whether they should proceed 
from this place to Greece by sea, they came to a re- 
solution to transport only their old and sickly men 
in that way, because they could not find shipping 
sufficient to carry the whole army. The rest con- 
tinued their route over land. On arriving at Cera- 
sus they reviewed their forces, and found them to 
amount to 8600 infantry, out of 10,000 that had un- 
dertaken the retreat ; but of their horse only 40 re- 
mained. Coming to Cotyora, and being informed by 
theinhabitants,that if they proceeded farther by land, 
they should meet with several rivers and defiles very 
difficult to be passed, they accepted of the ships offer- 
ed them by the Cotyoreans, which landed them 
nextdayat Sinope,a Milesian colonyin Paphlagonia. 

The soldiers, seeing themselves now so near their 
native country, became desirous of obtaining some 
plunder before their arrival. With this view, they 
informed Xenophon of their intentions of creating 
a commander-in-chief ; all their measures having 
been hitherto determined by the plurality of votes 
in a general council. At the same time, they inti- 
mated their intention of conferring that honour on 
him. On this occasion, Xenophon, sensible of their 
intention, and desirous to keep himself disengaged 
from their scheme, represented to them, that if they 
were resolved to create a commander-in-chief, it was 
highly proper that a Lacedemonian should fill that 
station, as that state at present occupied the fore- 
most rank in Greece. But perceiving them to be 
by no means satisfied with this reason, but on the 
contrary obstinate in their choice of him, he was 
forced at last to tell them, that he had consulted 
the gods on the subject, and found them averse to 
his undertaking the command. This effectually 
freed him from further solicitation for the present ; 
and the choice of the Greeks next fell upon Chryso- 
phorus, a Lacedemonian. 

The soldiers beginning to indulge their desire of 
plunder, their new general interposed, and prohibit- 





CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 273 

ed them from plundering the Greek colonies. This 
produced mutinies and discord in the army, and 
laid them under the necessity of dividing into three 
bodies ; the first of which, consisting of the Pelo- 
ponnesians, to the number of 440 men, was com- 
manded by Licon and Callimachus ; the second, 
consisting of 2100 men, by Chrysophorus ; and the 
third, of the same number, by Xenophon. Having 
procured shipping from the inhabitants of Heraclea, 
they embarked at different times, and landed at 
Chrysopolis. This being a very rich town, the sol- 
diers resolved to pillage it : But upon Xenophon's 
representing to them, that by so doing they should 
draw upon themselves the resentment of the Lace- 
demonians, many of whom were settled there, they 
relinquished that design. 

From Chrysopolis, therefore, they marched, un- 
der the conduct of Xenophon, to Salmydessa in 
Thrace, upon a pressing invitation from Seuthes, the 
sovereign of that country, who entreated their assis- 
tance to recover his dominions ; and the more ef- 
fectually to prevail with them to comply with his 
desire, promised them a great reward. But after 
they had performed the service for which he want- 
ed them, he broke his word, and refused to give 
them any thing; and though Xenophon complained 
grievously of his injustice, he obtained no redress. 
This Seuthes was an avaricious prince, entirely in- 
fluenced by a minister void of all faith and honesty, 
whose only aim was to increase his own private for- 
tune. 

In the mean time, ambassadors from Sparta wait- 
ed on Xenophon, to inform him, that at the earnest 
entreaty of the towns of Ionia, which had embraced 
the cause of the younger Cyrus, and on that account 
dreaded the resentment of Tissaphernes, they had 
declared war against Tissaphernes and Pharna- 
bazus, and had already dispatched an army into 
Ionia, under the command of Thymbron, to protect 
that country front being ravaged by the enemy. 

. s 



274 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

The Greeks, under the command of Xenophon, 
hearing that the troops in that expedition received 
very large pay, engaged themselves in the same ser- 
vice, with the consent of their commander, who con- 
ducted them to Lampsacus by sea, their number 
then amounting altogether to no more than 6000 
men. From Lampsacus he proceeded to Pergamus, 
and from thence to Parthenia, which is accounted 
the period of this celebrated retreat. Thymbron 
having there joined him with his troops, led all his 
army from that place against Tissaphernes. 

Thus ended the famous expedition of the 
10,000 ; who, in spite of the numberless difficulties 
they had to encounter at almost every step, per- 
formed in the space of little more than four months, 
counting from the period of the battle of Cuxana to 
their arrival at Pergamus, a march of about 1900 
miles. This retreat, the most extraordinary record- 
ed in any history, is extremely admired by the 
masters in the art of war, for the boldness of the un- 
dertaking, for the skill with which it was conducted, 
and for the successful event. For in spite of the 
difficulties of every kind that seemed to oppose their 
return, they were so lucky as to reach their native 
country victorious. 

To return to the progress of our history.— The 
Lacedemonians were now meditating the extension 
of their conquests beyond the bounds of Greece. 
But before entering upon that subject, the order of 
time requires us to mention the death of Socrates ; 
an event famous in history on several accounts. It 
happened two years after the expulsion of the ty- 
rants, upon an accusation of not acknowledging the 
gods received and worshipped by the state ; of in- 
troducing a new religion ; and of corrupting the 
minds of the youth. It were improper hastily to slur 
over the fate of this celebrated philosopher, and not 
to take particular notice of his very remarkable cha- 
racter, and of the principal circumstances of his life. 

Socrates was born at Athens in the year before 



CHAP. tJ ANCIENT GREECE. 275 

Christ 469. His father was a statuary ; a business to 
which Socrates at first applied with success. But the 
philosopher Criton having discovered his fine genius, 
called him off from that employment, and engaged 
him in the study of philosophy : a name then con- 
fined to the particular branch of it that treated of 
the heavenly bodies. But Socrates being soon dis- 
gusted with this study, as well on account of the 
difficulties attending it, and the uncertainty of its 
conclusions, as of its small utility in human life, ap- 
plied himself to another sort of philosophy, namely, 
the knowledge of man. For this purpose, he care- 
fully studied the passions, and laboured to ascertain, 
on solid principles, the notions of good and evil. 
Hence he is justly regarded as the father of moral 
philosophy. That science was by him stripped of 
the mystery and austerity in which it had been till 
then involved ; and he inculcated its precepts with 
candour, simplicity, and precision. 

His exterior accomplishments were very un- 
favourable, and promised nothing less than genius 
or superior sensibility. — His method of arguing was 
very particular. He began with interrogating his 
adversary like one that desired to be instructed ; 
from his answers he deduced conclusions, the ab- 
surdity of which his adversary was obliged to ac- 
knowledge ; and in that manner he drew him on 
from one absurdity to another, till he brought him 
to acquiesce in the truth of the proposition he 
wanted to establish. His school gave birth to se- 
veral sects ; of which the most celebrated was that 
of the Academicians. Xenophon, Aristippus, and 
Plato, were the most famous of his scholars, parti- 
cularly the last. 

The business of philosophy by no means inter- 
fered with his civil duties. He gave proof, on va- 
rious occasions, of his patriotism and courage, and 
served in several campaigns during the Pelopon- 
nesian war with distinguished bravery. The virtues 
that principally distinguished his private character 

s 2 



276 THE HISTORY OF . BOOK III, 

were, temperance, integrity, and a contempt of 
riches. On seeing any extraordinary display of the 
means of luxury and magnificence, he used to feli- 
citate himself that he had no occasion for such arti- 
cles, and would exclaim, Of how many things stand 
I in no need ! He inherited from his father but a 
very slender patrimony ; which he soon lost, by 
lending it to one of his friends, who was unable to 
repay it. But his poverty was accounted by him 
rather an honour than a disgrace ; and he obstinately 
refused to accept of presents of money frequently 
offered him by his friends. Archelaus, king of Ma- 
cedonia, to induce him to go and live with him, 
made him very magnificent offers ; which, however, 
Socrates rejected without hesitation. His virtue 
was attended with no tincture of austerity : on the 
contrary, he was remarkably cheerful, and in his con- 
versation displayed all that sweetness and affability 
that constitute the principal charm of society. 

Xenophon and Plato, both his scholars, are those 
who furnish us with most of the particulars relating 
to his person and disposition. His distinguishing 
characteristic was a perfect tranquillity of mind, 
which enabled him to support with patience the 
most troublesome accidents of life. He used to beg 
of those with whom he usually conversed, to put 
him on his guard the moment they perceived in him 
the first emotions of anger ; and when they did so, 
he instantly resumed perfect composure and com- 
placency. His wife Xantippe, a woman of the most 
whimsical and provoking temper, afforded him suf- 
ficient opportunity of exercising his patience, by the 
revilings and abuse with which she was constantly 
loading him. 

He pretended to be accompanied by a genius or 
familiar spirit, that counselled and directed him in 
all his matters, and prevented him from undertak- 
ing any affair that might turn to his disadvantage. 
But this genius was certainly nothing else than the 
accurate discernment and prudent foresight bestow- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 277 

ed on him by nature, and improved by unremitting 
observation, which enabled him to judge of the con- 
sequences of actions ; and which he ascribed to the 
suggestions of his superintending genius, with a 
view, no doubt, to induce his friends to hearken to 
his advice more readily and implicitly. It was his 
intimateknowledge of the human heart and passions, 
aided by much experience in life, that gave him 
this seeming spirit of prophecy ; and as he delivered 
his pretended oracles with a mysterious air, and all 
the positiveness and enthusiasm of a man inspired, 
it was generally believed that his knowledge of fu- 
turity was certainly suggested to him by a familiar 
spirit. — By the same means, it were no very difficult 
matter for every wise and prudent man to play the 
prophet. Several other great men of antiquity, 
from the same motive, affected the same character. 

In the mean time, the fame of the extraordinary 
wisdom and virtue of Socrates quickly spread 
abroad, and he was by the Delphic oracle declared 
the wisest of men. This response was obtained by 
his scholar Ctesiphon. Socrates possessed, in a su- 
preme degree, the talent of reasoning. His princi- 
pal employment was the instruction of the youth ; 
an object to which he dedicated all his care and at- 
tention. He kept, however, no fixed public school ; 
but took every opportunity, without regarding 
times or places, of conveying to them his precepts, 
and that in the most enticing and agreeable man- 
ner. His lessons were so universally relished, that 
the moment he appeared, whether in the public as- 
semblies, walks, or feasts, he was surrounded with 
a throng of the most illustrious scholars and hear- 
ers. The young Athenians quitted even their plea- 
sures to listen to the discourses of Socrates ; of 
which what we have mentioned above of Alcibiades 
is a signal proof. 

His lessons were of the most important use to his 
countrymen, to such of them particularly as aspired 
at public employments. He laboured chiefly to in- 
culcate temperance, continency, and the other vir- 



278 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

tues of private life, to inspire them with the princi- 
ples of integrity and justice, with love for their 
country, and with a high idea of the power and 
goodness of God. His discourse with Euthydemus 
upon Providence, transmitted to us by Xenophoii, 
is, on several accounts, a piece of inestimable value ; 
and clearly shows that Socrates acknowledged the 
universe to be the work of one sole Being, whose 
attributes were infinitely superior to those com- 
monly ascribed to the heathen deities. From his 
other discourses, too, it is sufficiently apparent, that , 
he secretly entertained a thorough contempt for 
all the pagan divinities, which he looked upon as 
the production of the poets ; and that he had ar- 
rived at the knowledge of one true God. 

It was a principal object of Soerates's attention, to 
put theyouth on their guard against a set of presump- 
tuous men known by the appellation of .sophists, who 
assumed the name of philosophers, and, in the eye 
of the world, gave themselves airs of great impor- 
tance, appearing always attended with a great num- 
ber of scholars, to whom they sold their instructions 
at a very dear rate. They pretended to be adepts 
in every science, and boasted of being able to argue 
immediately, and without hesitation, on any sub- 
ject. Socrates laboured to discredit those boasters 
in the opinion of his countrymen. He induced 
them, by an appearance of extraordinary candour, 
to answer his questions, which seemed to be very 
simple ; and then, by his admirable skill in dialec- 
tics, he very soon confounded their reasoning. He 
likewise industriously exposed the vices of those 
quacks in science. By these means he so exaspe- 
rated them, that they united their endeavours to 
destroy him, and were very active in procuring his 
condemnation. 

Long before his death, they had prevailed with 
Aristophanes the comic poet, to revile him 
424. on the stage, in his play of " The Clouds 
wherein he introduced him talking impiously 



CHAP, I. ANCIENT GREECE. 279 

and impertinently of the gods. This was no doubt 
done with a view, both to try the disposition of the 
people with respect to Socrates, and at the same 
time to render him ridiculous and hateful in their 
opinion, that they might afterwards be the more 
easily persuaded to promote the malicious attempts 
of his enemies. But the war against Syracuse, and 
the subsequent misfortunes that came upon the 
Athenians, suspended the execution of their great- 
est design. 

The city, however, had no' sooner recovered its 
tranquillity, than Melitus exhibited a formal accu- 
sation against Socrates, consisting of the following 
heads : lmo, That Socrates rejected the established 
divinities of his country, and laboured to introduce 
new deities in their place ; 2do, That he corrupted 
the youth, teaching them to despise the settled laws 
and order of the commonwealth ; to be disobedient 
to their parents ; and to censure the government. 

Such were the principal branches of the accusa- 
tion brought by Melitus against Socrates ; confess- 
edly sufficient, if proved, to infer a capital punish- 
ment. But it was easy for Socrates to refute them. 
For he had now employed himself, for the space of 
forty years, in instructing the youth in the sight of 
all his countrymen ; during which time no person 
had ever observed any circumstance in his lessons, 
that could afford a handle to such an accusation. 
His friends, however, exerted themselves in his 
favour. The orator Lysias bestowed great labour, 
and employed all his art in composing a pleading 
for him. But Socrates, thinking it unsuitable to 
his character, declined to make use of it. Nor 
would his magnanimity permit him to descend to 
act the part of a suppliant, or to employ the means 
commonly practised in those days, to incline the 
judges to pity ; such as parties coming before them 
with their wives and children. He appeared before 
his judges with the modest confidence inspired by 
innocence, and behaved in every particular with the 
most striking magnanimity. 



/ 



280 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

Plato has preserved to us, under the title of 
" The Apology of Socrates," the chief arguments 
adduced by him, in answer to the accusation of 
Melitus ; of which we shall endeavour here to de- 
liver the substance, lmo, He affirmed, that he had 
been often seen offering sacrifices to the gods, both 
privately in his own family, and publicly in the 
temple. 2do 9 That in listening to the suggestions 
of a particular spirit, or divinity, he introduced no 
novelty into religion : since all other men who con- 
sult the flight of birds, and the appearance of the 
entrails of beasts, thereby shew their belief in divi- 
nation, and a firm persuasion that the gods do, in 
different ways, discover their will and pleasure. 
3tio, That so far from employing himself about im- 
pious researches into natural causes, the sole object 
of his study and instructions had been to fix the 
proper standard of manners, and of the conduct of 
human life. Mo, That so far from teaching danger- 
ous doctrines to the youth, he called upon such of 
his scholars as happened to be present, to bear tes- 
timony, that he had uniformly and zealously en- 
forced the practice of virtue, endeavouring on all 
occasions to persuade them, that it was of infinitely 
more importance to apply their care and attention 
about their minds, and what passed within their 
breasts, than about their bodies, or any temporal ac- 
quirements ; that wealth did not bestow virtue ; but 
that virtue was the surest road to wealth, as w r ell as to 
every other valuable enjoyment in life. 5to, That if 
his having seldom assisted at the public assemblies of 
the people, when deliberating on the affairs of the 
republic, were imputed to him as a fault he referred 
to his behaviour in the different campaigns in which 
he had served, as sufficient demonstration of his 
zeal for the welfare of his country ; having bravely 
and faithfully maintained the posts committed to 
him at Potidea, Amphipolis, and Delium : and he 
put them in mind, that in the senate, he has opposed 
to his utmost the sentence pronounced against the 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 281 

ten commanders^ after the engagement of Arginusse. 
But he acknowledged, that the familiar spirit which 
had attended him from his infancy, had always re- 
strained him from meddling with the political busi- 
ness of the republic ; and he expressed his belief, 
that if he had despised its suggestions on that head, 
he should long ago have forfeited his life ; having 
observed, that whoever is imprudent enough to op- 
pose the will of a whole people, when bent on com- 
mitting injustice, seldom does so with impunity. 
Lastly, That his neglecting the arts commonly 
practised to move the compassion of the judges, 
was by no means an effect of presumption, but pro- 
ceeded from a persuasion of its being improper to at- 
tempt to procure an acquittal by such expedients ; 
because it is the duty of judges to do justice by obey- 
ing the law, not to violate the law from motives of 
favour or compassion. That he had uniformly taught, 
that not to account death an evil, was an effect of vir- 
tue ; and, at his age, it were highly improper to be- 
lie the lessons he had so often given on the contempt 
of death. That he entertained a more thorough 
persuasion of the existence of a Deity than his ac- 
cusers ; and, on the whole, that he referred his cause 
to the gods and to his judges. 

Socrates pronounced this discourse with a firmness 
and intrepidity worthy his greatness of soul ; ap- 
pearing rather to dictate to his judges than to plead 
before them. But his undaunted behaviour irri- 
tated the judges, who would have been better pleas- 
ed to see him do homage to their power by timorous 
and submissive behaviour. By a plurality of voices, 
therefore, they declared him guilty ; but did not, by 
their first sentence, determine the punishment. In 
such a case, the criminal had a privilege of choosing 
any one of the different punishments enacted for his 
offence, and was entitled to require an alleviation even 
of that. But Socrates thought it unworthy his cha- 
racter to take advantage of this indulgence, though 
he had it in his power to insist on being punished 



282 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

either by imprisonment or a fine. But to avail 
himself of this privilege might, he said, be interpret- 
ed to be an acknowledgement of guilt ; and he add- 
ed, that if he were to choose the requital he thought 
he merited, he should insist on being maintained, 
for the remaining part of his life, in the Pry taneum, 
at the public expence, since he had constantly em- 
ployed himself in the service of his country, by in- 
spiring his fellow-citizens with the love of virtue. 

The judges, provoked at his indifference, con- 
demned him to die by drinking the juice of the 
hemlock. This sentence did not at all shake the 
fortitude of Socrates, firmly persuaded that guilt is 
the only evil of which a wise man has reason to be 
afraid ; and choosing rather, says Quintilian, quietly 
to resign the few years of life he had yet a probabi- 
lity of enjoying, than by a mean submission, or pu- 
sillanimous conduct, to throw a blemish on the glo- 
ry of his past life. " I am going," said he to the 
judges, " by your sentence, to suffer death, a punish- 
ment denounced against me by nature at that in- 
stant of my coming into the world ; but my accu- 
sers are, by the sentence of truth, condemned to the 
stings and remorses of a guilty conscience." 

Socrates spent the thirty days that intervened 
betwixt his sentence and death, in conversation with 
his friends ; and in spite of the painful expectation 
of the fatal moment, uniformly behaved with the 
same calmness and fortitude. The evening before 
his death, he gave a stronger proof still of his mag- 
nanimity ; for upon being informed by Crito, the 
most intimate of his friends, that he had an op- 
portunity of escaping from prison, with the con- 
nivance of the jailor, who had been gained over for 
the purpose, he absolutely refused to avail himself 
of that expedient; telling him, that he esteemed 
himself happy to be deprived of a life which was be- 
ginning to be a burthen to him* 

Plato relates, at great length, the various motives 

* He was then sixty-nine years old. 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 283 

urged by Crito to persuade him to make use of the 
means of preserving his life, which the endeavours 
of his friends had procured for him. He set before 
his eyes the injustice of the sentence ; and argued, 
that it was his duty to preserve his countrymen 
from the guilt of putting to death an innocent man ; 
that his children stood in need of his protection, &c. 
&c— Socrates, in answer, proved to him, that a man 
condemned to die, though unjustly, is guilty of a 
crime, if he withdraw himself from the punishment 
inflicted on him by the laws and judges of his coun- 
try. A doctrine, however, that will find few par- 
tizans ; for, in such a situation, the love of life, 
strengthened by the idea of injustice, generally out- 
weighs such refined considerations. He further de- 
monstrated to him, that every unlawful act, be its 
motives or consequences ever so laudable, is criminal 
in him that commits it, even though directed against 
those who have injured him ; in other words, that 
it is a crime to return evil for evil ; but, with re- 
spect to his own particular case, he demanded what 
answer he could make to the laws of his country, 
for flying from the punishment now by them im- 
posed on him ; against which, even the plea of re- 
turning evil for evil would not apply. This is hero- 
ism in all its purity. Crito, unable to refute the 
arguments of Socrates, was obliged to yield to in- 
flexibility. 

The day he was to suffer arriving at last, was 
spent by him, as usual, in conversation with his 
friends. The immortality of the soul was that day 
the subject upon which they discoursed. The sub- 
stance of their reasoning on this point is contained 
in the dialogue of Plato entitled Phedo. Socrates 
there adduces all the arguments that, in his opinion, 
establish the immortality of the soul, and refutes 
those insisted on to maintain the contrary doctrine. 
He shows, that the desire of death entertained by a 
wise man, must principally arise from his wishing 
to enjoy the happiness awaiting him in another life. 



284 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

But he argues, that as man is entirely dependent 
on the will of that Supreme Being who has created 
him, and placed him in the station he here occu- 
pies, he must not therefore quit it without the per- 
mission and command of that Supreme Being. He 
concludes his reasoning on the immortality of the 
soul with this argument, that, supposing the reasons 
urged in support of each side of this question to ap- 
pear of equal weight, a wise man will embrace that 
conclusion which seems to be attended with least 
hazard and most advantage. 

Socrates next proceeds to deduce several conse- 
quences, on the supposition of the certainty of the 
immortality of the soul. He thinks there must be 
a final judgment of the virtuous and the wicked ; — 
that punishments must be inflicted on the latter ; — 
an eternal residence, full of happiness, appointed for 
the former ; — -and a state of purification between the 
two, where those who have been guilty of more 
heinous transgressions, shall, for a time proportioned 
to their iniquities, suffer condign punishment, and 
afterwards enter into happiness. 

Cicero has described, with great elegance, the lof- 
ty sentiments and magnanimous behaviour of So- 
crates at his death. While he held the fatal cup in 
his hand, he declared, that he considered death not 
as a punishment inflicted on him, but as a help fur- 
nished him of arriving so much sooner at heaven. 
He gives it as his opinion, that on the departure of 
our souls from our bodies, there are two passages 
for conducting them to the places of their destina- 
tion ; one leading to that state of purgatory before 
mentioned, which receives those souls that, during 
their residence on earth, have contaminated them- 
selves with many great crimes ; the other leading to 
the happy abodes of the gods, which receives the souls 
of those who have lived virtuously in this world. 

When Socrates had finished his discourse, he 
bathed himself. His children being then brought 
to him, he spoke with them a little, and then desir- 



CHAP h ANCIENT GREECE. 285 

ed them to be taken away. The hour appointed for 
drinking the hemlock being come, they brought 
him the cup, which he received without the small- 
est emotion, and then addressed a prayer to the 
gods. It is highly reasonable, said he, to offer my 
prayers to the gods on this occasion, and to beseech 
them to render my departure from earth, and my 
last journey, happy. Then he drank off the poison 
with amazing tranquillity. Observing his friends, 
in this fatal moment, weeping, and dissolved in 
tears, he reproved them with great mildness ; asking 
them, whether their virtue had deserted them ? 
" for (added he) I have always heard, that it is our 
duty calmly to resign our breath, giving thanks to 
the gods." After walking about a little while, per- 
ceiving the poison beginning to work, he lay 
400. down on his couch, and a few moments after 
breathed his last. Cicero declares, that he 
could never read the account of the death of Socra- 
tes without shedding tears. 

Soon after his death, the Athenians were convinc- 
ed of his innocence, and considered all the misfor- 
tunes that afterwards befel the republic as a punish- 
ment for the injustice of his condemnation. When 
the academy, and the other places of the city where 
he had usually taught, presented themselves to the 
view of his countrymen, they could not refrain 
from reflecting on the ingratitude and cruelty of 
their treatment of the man who had done them such 
important services. They cancelled the decree that 
had condemned him ; put Melitus to death ; banish- 
ed his other accusers ; and erected to his memory 
a statue of brass, executed by the famous Lysippus. 

Evagoras, king of Salamis, the capital of Cyprus, 
deserves a place in the history of Greece. He was 
descended of the ancient kings of that island ; but 
a tyrant had usurped their throne, and made it de- 
pendent on the Persian power. Evagoras was born 
under the reign of that tyrant. He had received 
from nature a very graceful person ; and, from his 



286 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

infancy, gave signs of the best and most valuable 
talents of the mind. When grown up, he was in 
great danger of beitig murdered by the tyrant ; and 
was obliged for safety to retire from Salamis. But 
returning soon after, at the head of no more than 
fifty men, he dethroned the tyrant, and mounted 
the throne himself, with the approbation of his fel- 
low-citizens. He immediately applied himself to 
raise his small kingdom to a flourishing condition; 
and made it his chief study to rule with justice. He 
had already acquired great reputation, when Conon, 
after the unfortunate engagement at Egos Potamos, 
chose his court for an asylum, where he contracted 
a most intimate friendship with Evagoras. 

On that occasion Conon, commiserating the mis- 
fortunes of his country, had the address to prevail 
with Evagoras to second his endeavours for her re- 
lief; and they applied themselves to concert the 
most proper means for weakening the power that 
then aspired to the sovereignty of Greece. Evago- 
ras perceiving, from his strict correspondence with 
the satrap of Asia, how troublesome and disagree- 
able the daily exactions of the Lacedemonians were 
become to the Persians, advised them to make Con- 
on commander of their fleet, and to attack the La- 
cedemonians by sea. 

Soon after, however, the affairs of Evagoras as- 
sumed a very different appearance. For, having 
attempted to reduce the whole island of Cyprus 
under his power, the Cyprians implored assistance 
of the king of Persia, whose interest it was to sup- 
port their independency. The war was at first car- 
ried on solely between Evagoras and the islanders. 
But as soon as Artaxerxes Mnemon was freed of his 
war with the Greeks, he turned his whole force a- 
gainst Evagoras, 

The Persian army consisted of 300,000 men, and 
their fleet of 300 galleys; while Evagoras could 
hardly muster up 20,000 soldiers and ninety galleys. 
But notwithstanding this vast inferiority in the 



CHAP, I. ANCIENT GREECE. 287 

number of his troops, he made shift to defend him- 
self against his enemies. He availed himself of 
every resource of military skill ; and having, by 
means of his light frigates, sunk and destroyed the 
victualling transports of the Persian army, he re- 
duced them to great straits for want of provisions. 
Receiving from Achoris, king of Egypt, a reinforce- 
ment of 60 galleys, with some money and corn, he 
defeated a detachment of the Persian land forces, 
and soon after obtained another victory at sea. But 
the Persian forces being still extremely more nu- 
merous than his, soon ruined his power, and laid 
siege to Salamis by- sea and land. Evagoras, seeing 
no prospect of any further resource, found himself 
under the necessity of suing for peace ; which was 
granted him on the condition of his confining his 
government to the city of Salamis alone, and of 
paying an annual tribute. 

His son Nicocles succeeded him. It was for this 
young prince that the famous Isocrates composed 
the oration, entitled Evagoras, from its being the 
eulogium of that king. In this piece the Athenian 
orator proposes Evagoras as the perfect model of a 
good king ; and labours to prove, that fine parts and 
magnanimity are essential requisites to form a 
prince of that character. He represents Evagoras 
as a man of an excellent understanding ; and he tells 
us, that, after arriving at the throne, that prince de- 
dicated much of his time to reading, particularly 
to the reading of history : That he applied himself 
carefully to study the characters of men, that he 
might know how to employ them according to their 
talents : That he never resolved on any undertaking, 
without the advice of those who were most skilful 
in the particular business in agitation : That he at- 
tentively examined the nature of every form of go- 
vernment to discover its peculiar excellency : That 
he was a skilful politician, a brave commander, and 
though of distinguished personal dignity, yet of a 
mild and affable disposition ; an affectionate parent, 



288 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

a sincere and steady friend, and faithful to his en- 
gagements : That, by means of these excellent qua- 
lities, he gave a new form to the city of Salamis, and 
made it the residence of the arts and sciences. The 
orator concludes with exhorting Nicocles to imitate 
the example of his father. 

History describes the reign of Nicocles as one of 
the most happy reigns; justice and the public advan- 
tage having been the objects of all his undertakings. 
Though at his accession to the throne, he found the 
funds of the state entirely exhausted, he would not 
impose any severe tax ; but by economy, and by 
retrenching unnecessary expences, he fully discharg- 
ed all the public debts. He valued himself most 
on his virtue in private life, and studied, above all 
things, to keep his passions in subjection. He used 
to express his surprise at the small regard shown 
to the connexion by marriage, whose rights, though 
the most sacred of all, are wantonly and frequently 
violated, while the other engagements of society 
are scrupulously maintained. Isocrates makes M- 
cocles to express these sentiments in an harangue 
addressed to his people, wherein he explains to them 
the duty of subjects towards their sovereign. Iso- 
crates afterwards composed another oration for "Ni- 
cocles, in which he lays down excellent maxims on 
the art of government. This oration is most wor- 
thy of being read. One should be tempted to think 
that the ingenious author of Telemachus had thence 
borrowed his observations on the duty of a king. 
What is chiefly to be admired in this oration, is, 
that it contains none of the mean, fulsome, insipid 
flattery, with which works of that kind are com- 
monly stuffed. His opinions are delivered with 
precision ; and the truth is nowhere obscured by 
artificial turns of expression. We learn from Plu- 
tarch, that Nicocles was so well pleased with the 
zeal, sincerity and eloquence of Isocrates, that he 
made him a present of twenty talents * 

* In the year 390, the Gauls defeated the Romans in the battle 
of Allia, and, pursuing their advantage, sacked and burnt Rome. 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 289 

About the time that Artaxerxes Mnemon con- 
eluded the war against Evagoras, and another war 
against the Cadusians, appeared Datames, the most 
celebrated commander of his time. Cornelius Ne- 
pos, the writer of his life, prefers to him, in his 
military capacity, of all the barbarians, only Ham- 
ilcar and Hannibal. He was the son of Camizares, 
a Carian by birth, and governor of the province of 
Leucosyria, which lies between Cilicia and Cappa- 
docia. Datames succeeded his father in that go- 
vernment From the account of Datames, trans- 
mitted to us by the historian just cited, it appears, 
that he was hardly ever surpassed in the art of war. 
He seems to have been master of every branch of 
it; brave and intrepid, — skilful in stratagems, — 
fruitful in expedients on the most embarrassing 
occasions, — artful and quick in forming his plan of o- 
perations, — and active in carrying it into execution. 

Having been commissioned to subdue Thius go- 
vernor of Paphlagonia, who had revolted against the 
king of Persia, he not only avoided all the snares 
laid for him by Thius, but even found means to take 
him alive, together with his wife and children. 

As Artaxerxes was very anxious to have Thius 
in his power, Datames resolved to surprise him a- 
greeably with his prisoner. For this purpose he 
repaired privately to court; and having dressed 
Thius (who was of a long gigantic stature, and had 
an ugly face, with a long beard) very magnificent- 
ly, and attired himself as a hunter, armed with a 
club, he conducted his prisoner along like some wild 
beast that he had caught, and in that manner pre- 
sented him to the king of Persia. The whole city 
flocked to see so extraordinary a sight. Artaxerx- 
es, delighted with the behaviour of Datames, and 
discovering his singular merit, appointed him gen- 
eral of a great army destined against Egypt. But 
before his departure on the Egyptian expedition., 
the king commanded him to endeavour to seize the 
person of Aspis, the commander of an army on the 

T 



290 THE HISTORY OF BOOK 11L 

frontiers of Cappadocia, who had revolted. In this 
commission, dangerous as it was, he succeeded, made 
Aspis prisoner by surprise, and carried him to Susa. 

His extraordinary genius and valour created a- 
gainst Datames several enemies, who calumniated 
him to Artaxerxes, and rendered him suspected, 
Datames receiving intelligence of the danger that 
threatened him, quits abruptly the service of the 
king, retires with a few troops, seizes on Paphla- 
gonia, joins Ariobarzanes, defeats the Pisidians, who 
had risen against him, and takes their camp. Ar- 
taxerxes, terrified at these exploits of Datames, sent 
against him into Gappadocia an army of near 
200,000 men, under the command of Autophradates. 
Datames had hardly the twentieth part of that 
number ; but as he excelled in the art of ranging 
an army, he disposed his men so skilfully, as to pre- 
vent their being surrounded, and at the same time 
to render the far greater number of the enemy of no 
use. By these means he put the royal army to flight, 
with prodigious slaughter. 

The Persian general was equally unsuccessful in 
several lesser engagements that ensued ; and at last 
he was forced to make advances for an accommoda- 
tion. Datames, desirous of recovering the favour 
of Artaxerxes, for whom he had always retained an 
affection, listened to his proposals. But Artaxerxes, 
provoked at being unable, with all his mighty for- 
ces, to reduce a petty governor of a province, was 
base enough to employ treachery to destroy him. 
Datames at first was so lucky as to escape several 
ambushes that were laid for him. But Mithridates 
the son of Ariobarzanes, having been corrupted by 
extravagant offers made him by Artaxerxes, to free 
him of a man who had incurred his inveterate ha- 
tred by being able to resist him, took advantage of 
a moment when Datames was alone and unarmed 
in his company, to st^b him with a sword. 

Datames, to have arrived at as high a reputation 
as any hero of antiquity, wanted nothing but a 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 291 

more conspicuous stage to act upon, and a poet or 
historian to record his exploits. It is indeed sur- 
prising, that the historians of those times have ta- 
ken so little notice of a man of such distinguished 
abilities. But in all probability this has been owing 
rather to ignorance than design. His merit and ex- 
ploits deserved to have been celebrated by a more 
copious historian than Cornelius Nepos. It is now 
time to resume the affairs of Greece. 

We have already mentioned, that Thymbron was 
dispatched by the Lacedemonians into Ionia, to 
protect the cities of that country from the resent- 
ment of Tissaphernes. But Thymbron being soon 
recalled, on account of some misunderstanding, 
Dercillidas was sent thither in his place ; who taking 
the command of the army at Ephesus, marched in- 
to the province of Pharnabazus, where the greater 
part of the cities of JEtolia opened their gates to 
him. He then concluded a truce with Persia. 

The histories of that time are full of the praises 
of the prudence and heroism displayed by a lady of 
the name of Mania, the widow of Zenis, who had 
governed iEtolia as deputy under Pharnabazus, to 
whom he rendered signal services. Having lost her 
husband, Mania waited on the satrap, and begged, 
with the greatest shew of resolution, that he would 
entrust her with the power enjoyed by her husband, 
promising to serve him with the same zeal and fide- 
lity. Her desire was granted ; and she fulfilled her 
engagements most effectually ; acting on all occa- 
sions with consummate prudence and resolution. 
She not only defended the places committed to her 
charge, but conquered others ; and not content with 
making punctual payment of the customary tribute 
to Pharnabazus, sent him magnificent presents be- 
sides. She commanded her troops in person, and 
maintained the most strict discipline in her army. 
By these means she was of the greatest service to 
Pharnabazus, who on that account held her in the 

T 2 



292 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 



highest esteem. This heroine perished by the das- 
tardly treachery of her son-in-law Midias. That 
villain, stung with the reproaches thrown out against 
him for suffering a woman to command in his place, 
privately gained admittance into her apartment, and 
murdered both her and her son. But he did not 
long enjoy the fruits of his cruelty ; for the cities of 
JEtolia were soon after subdued by Dercillidas, and 
Midias, falling into the hands of the conqueror, was 
stripped of the wealth and power which he had so 
unjustly usurped. 

In the following campaign Dercillidas marched 
into the Chersonesus, and bestowed much pains 
on shutting up the isthmus, a neck of land about 
three miles broad. For that purpose he employed 
all his soldiers in building a strong wall, which se- 
cured the neighbouring cities from the sudden in- 
cursions of the barbarians. The Lacedemonians, re- 
garding themselves now as the protectors and sover- 
eigns of Greece, industriously laid hold of every 
opportunity of displaying their superior power and 
influence. Taking umbrage at the Eleans for en- 
tering into an alliance with the Athenians and Ar- 
gives, they commanded them to relinquish the au- 
thority they had assumed over certain towns ori- 
ginally independent ; and on their refusing to com- 
ply with this requisition, Agis marched against 
them, with an intention of laying waste their terri- 
tory. The Eleans, apprehensive of his making him- 
self master of their city, agreed to the conditions 
prescribed. 

In the mean time, the famous Conon, who since 
the engagement at jEgos Potamos had lived a vo- 
luntary exile in the island of Cyprus, in the hopes* 
of restoring the glory of his native country, which 
he was continually meditating, determined at last 
to apply to the Persian power for that purpose ; and 
accordingly imparted his design to Artaxerxes by 
letter. That monarch immediately ordered 500 ta- 
lents to be furnished to Conon for fitting out a fleet* 



t 



CHAP. I; ANCIENT GREECE. $93 

of which he at the same time appointed him com- 
mander. 

About this time Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, 
in spite of the secret jealousy and hatred with which 
they were animated against each other, united their 
forces against Dercillidas, and were on the point of 
giving him a total defeat in Caria, when Tissapher- 
nes, who stood in the greatest awe of the Greeks, 
proposed terms of accommodation. 

At Sparta, upon the death of king Agis, Agesi- 
laus laid claim to the royal dignity, in preference to 
Leotychides, the son of Agis's queen, whom he af- 
firmed not to have been begotten by Agis ; and who, 
notwithstanding the dying acknowledgement of him 
by that king, was generally reputed a bastard, On 
this account, Agesilaus, supported by Lysander, and 
other principal Spartans, found little difficulty in 
obtaining himself to be declared king, in preference 
to Leoty chides. 

Agesilaus, educated in all the strictness of the 
Spartan discipline, where he had learned obedience 
before he came to exercise command, was by that 
means temperate, mild, and popular, and soon ac- 
quired the affection of his countrymen. His dimin- 
utive stature and lameness were amply compensated 
by a fine face, extraordinary vivacity, a bravery su- 
perior to all danger, and singular knowledge in the 
art of war. Naturally an enemy of flattery, he 
would not permit his picture to be drawn : saying, 
that his exploits, if ever he should perform any, 
would afford the best and most lasting monuments 
to his memory. Being of a very complaisant and 
obliging disposition, even to his enemies, he thereby 
obtained so high esteem and credit at Sparta, that 
the ephori thought it necessary to impose a fine up- 
on him for having, as they said, acquired too great 
favour with his fellow-citizens ; A sentence that 
bore a strong resemblance to the strange law of os- 
tracism among the Athenians. Though on becom- 
ing king he succeeded of course to the estate and -ef- 



294 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

fects of Agis, Leoty chides being declared a bastard* 
yet he shared them all with him and his relations, 
who were very poor ; an action that rendered him 
still more highly esteemed by the citizens. Never 
did a king possess such absolute power at Sparta as 
Agesilaus possessed. This was in a great measure 
the effect of the deference and respect paid by him 
to the ephori, contrary to the custom of his prede- 
cessors in the regal dignity ; who, regarding the e- 
phori as their rivals in authority, took every oppor- 
tunity to treat them with disrespects 

The Lacedemonians hearing that the king 
396. of Persia was equipping a fleet against them, 
ordered Agesilaus to carry the war into Asia ; 
giving him, by way of assistance, thirty Spartan 
officers, of whom Lysander was one, together with 
an army of 2000 chosen Helots, and 6000 soldiers 
furnished by their allies. The fame of the retreat 
of the 10,000 Greeks had every where inspired a 
high opinion of the Grecian valour, and gave the 
Greeks themselves additional confidence in their 
own strength. The Lacedemonians therefore 
thought it incumbent upon them to deliver their 
countrymen from theirdependenceonthe barbarians. 

Tissaphernes not having completed his prepara- 
tions when he received information of the arrival of 
Agesilaus at Ephesus, had recourse to stratagem, 
and proposed to Agesilaus, that if he would abstain 
from committing hostilities, the Persian monarch 
would permit all the Greek cities in Asia to remain 
in the enjoyment of their liberty. Agesilaus hav- 
ing agreed to this proposal, a truce was concluded, 
and confirmed by the oaths of both parties. But 
the satrap nevertheless proceeded with his warlike 
preparations. 

Agesilaus in the interval made a tour through 
the principal cities, with a view to redress grievan- 
ces, and so put the government on a proper footing. 
But he was so piqued at the court every where paid 
to Lysander, as the person on whom the ruling men 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 295 

supposed themselves chiefly to depend, that he could 
not help expressing his displeasure on that head to 
Lysander ; who, naturally vain, and accustomed of 
a long while to receive universal respect, paid little 
regard to the complaints of his king. Agesilaus, 
provoked at his insolent behaviour, affected to em- 
ploy him in the least honourable pieces of business. 
Lysander thereby becoming sensible that he had 
at last met with a man capable of humbling him, 
contrived a pretence of returning to Sparta. 

Full of resentment against Agesilaus, he formed a 
plan of opening a passage for himself to the throne. 
As only two branches of the posterity of Hercules 
in Sparta were understood to have right to the regal 
dignity, and as he himself was likewise believed to 
derive his descent from the Herculean stock, he 
thought it would be no difficult matter to prevail 
with the Spartans to extend the exclusive right sup- 
posed to reside in the two former branches to all the 
other descendants of Hercules ; flattering himself, 
that if he were able to accomplish that, no person 
would presume to compete with himself for the 
crown. He had been constantly meditating this 
scheme since he had first arrived at the height of his 
exorbitant power, which indeed was little inferior 
to that of royalty itself, and he had put in practice 
several contrivances to procure from the Delphic 
priestess a declaration corresponding to his views. 
But his whole plot for that purpose was frustrated, 
just as it was on the point of being executed. For 
Silenus, the young man who was suddenly to ap- 
pear and to announce himself to be the son of Apollo, 
was seized with fear, and ran away. It was not 
discovered till after the death of Lysander, that he 
had been the author of this trick. 

Tissaphernes having at last assembled all his 
forces, sent an insolent message to Agesilaus, com- 
manding him to depart from Asia. The Spartan, 
incensed at the perfidy of the satrap, made a feint 
of leading his army towards Caria. Tissaphernes 



296 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III, 

followed him. But Agesilaus making a sudden turn, 
marched directly into Phrygia, took several cities, 
and acquired immense plunder. After dividing the 
plunder among his officers and soldiers, he retired to 
Ephesus for the winter ; during which he obliged 
his men to practise various exercises, both to pre- 
serve them from disease, and to inure them to the 
labours of war ; and to promote emulation, he dis- 
tributed prizes among the most dexterous and suc- 
cessful. 

When ready to take the field, he propagated a re- 
port of his intending to fall upon Lydia. Tissa- 
phernes believing this to be a stratagem, and that 
his real destination was against Caria, advanced to- 
ward that province. But Agesilaus was as good as 
his word, and really marched towards Lydia ; into 
which he penetrated as far as Sardis, where Tissa- 
phernes commonly resided and kept his treasures. 
Thither the satrap hastened with his cavalry to op- 
pose him. But Agesilaus knowing that his infantry 
was left behind, gave him battle, put the barbarians 
to flight at the first onset, made a great slaughter, 
and plundered their camp. 

This victory of Agesilaus cost Tissaph ernes his 
life. He was on that account accused to Artaxerxes 
of treason ; and Tithraustus was dispatched to seize 
him. Tithraustus having taken the proper measures 
for executing his commission, surprised Tissapher- 
ness while bathing, cut off his head, and sent it to 
the king. After this Tithraustus made Agesilaus 
many magnificent presents in the name of his mas- 
ter, accompanied with proposals of peace ; by which 
the Persian monarch promised to grant entire liberty 
to the Greek cities of Asia, on condition of Agesi- 
laus returning home. Agesilaus, however, refused 
to come to any final resolution without the appro- 
bation of the ephori. But till that should arrive, 
he, in compliance to Tithraustus, who had delivered 
the Greeks from such an inveterate enemy as Tissa- 
phernes, agreed to lead his army into Phrygia, on 



CHAP. 1. ANCIENT GREECE. U < 

receiving thirty talents to defray the expences of his 
journey thither. 

Agesilaus soon after received orders from Sparta, 
to take the supreme command of their fleet as well 
as of their army ; a charge never before intrusted 
with any one man. Agesilaus immediately issued 
orders to the inhabitants of the islands to furnish 
him with ten ships, of which he gave the immedi- 
ate command to Pisander his father-in-law, an am- 
bitious man, much inferior in parts to Conon, and 
by no means fit for so high a charge. Thus Agesi- 
laus committed a fault too common among men in 
power, who often sacrifice the good of their country 
to the aggrandizement of their private families and 
connexions. 

Agesilaus having marched into Phrygia, where 
Pharnabazus commanded, levied heavy contribu- 
tions, and by that means got possession of vast 
wealth. Pharnabazus seeing his province on the 
point of being entirely ruined, desired to come to 
an agreement with Agesilaus, and for that purpose 
proposed a conference. This interview afforded a 
striking contrast between the luxurious pomp of 
Persia and the modest simplicity of Sparta. The 
satrap behaved to Agesilaus in the most respectful 
manner, and complained of the devastation commit- 
ted in his country, in such gentle and pathetic terms, 
that Agesilaus was moved by his complaints, and 
promised to leave his province. 

While Agesilaus thus spread terror through the 
provinces of Asia, the fame of his bravery and mo- 
deration attracted universal admiration. It was a 
very singular scene to see a man of a despicable 
figure, and poorly attended, addressed in the most 
humble terms by the lieutenants of the great king, 
and dictating his pleasure to them with a very la- 
conic and absolute tone. The neighbouring states 
perceiving the admirable effects of the wise regu- 
lations established by Agesilaus in the other cities, 
. vied with one another to procure his patronage ; and 



/ 



298 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

his army increased so fast, that all Asia seemed de- 
sirous to put itself under his command. Agesilaus 
in the mean time resolved to attack the Persian mo- 
narch in the heart of his dominions, that he might 
make him feel the Grecian power, even on his 
throne, and disable him from giving Greece any dis- 
turbance in future. 

Artaxerxes, alarmed at the progress of Age- 
395. silaus, finding all his efforts to oblige him to 
leave Asia ineffectual, resolved to create a di- 
version to the Lacedemonian arms, by promoting 
against them a confederacy among the other states 
of Greece, whom he knew, on the most authentic 
information, to be extremely uneasy and impatient 
under their subjection to Sparta. Timocrates was 
charged with the execution of this scheme. To ac- 
celerate its success, fifty talents of money were de- 
livered to him, with which he was to endeavour to 
bribe the leading men in each city, that they might 
instigate their countrymen to take arms against the 
Lacedemonians ; who indeed, by their overbearing 
behaviour, had but too well disposed the other 
states, whom they treated more like subjects than 
equals, to embrace such a measure. Timocrates, 
therefore, met with all the success in his negociations 
that he could have desired ; and the Thebans were 
the first who resolved to assert their independency. 

The Athenians very soon joined the Thebans. 
Overlooking all former subjects of displeasure re- 
ceived by them from that state, they embraced this 
opportunity of recovering from their long humilia- 
tion, and, by the persuasion of Thrasy bulus, grant- 
ed the assistance demanded. On the other hand, 
Conon, who was in high favour at the Persian 
court, used all his influence to obtain an armament 
for the relief of his countrymen, and was extremely 
active in promoting the confederacy against Sparta. 
An opportunity of coming to an open rupture soon 
presented itself. A dispute having arisen between 
the Phocians and Locrians, about the property of a 



CHAP. 1. ANCIENT GREECE. 299 

small piece of ground, the Spartans, already dis- 
pleased with the Locrians, resolved to support the 
Phocians ; and for that purpose, ordered Pausanias 
to march and join Lysander, who was then in 
Bceotia with a few troops. But the Thebans, to 
prevent this junction, made a brave attack upon 
the troops under Lysander, obtained a complete 
victory, and killed Lysander himself in the battle. 

Thus fell that renowned Greek, who raised his 
native city Sparta to a degree of power she had 
never known before, and entirely ruined that of 
Athens. It was matter of general surprise that he 
left no wealth behind him, considering the vast in- 
fluence he had enjoyed, and the many opportuni- 
ties of amassing riches that had been in his power. 
This contempt of wealth reflected honour on his 
memory, and plainly showed, that ambition was 
his sole motive of action. The excess of this pas- 
sion, however, obscured the splendour of his extra- 
ordinary parts ; for he must be allowed to have been 
an intrepid and skilful commander, a consummatepo- 
litician, and of very artful address in managing the 
different tempers of men. He had, by these means, 
rendered himself as absolute in Sparta as in the cities 
of Asia. To his partizans and favourites his gene- 
rosity was boundless, and his partiality excessive. 
He not only supported, but even co-operated with 
them in all their private schemes, however base, 
unwarrantable, or unjust ; employing in their be- 
half every species of villany, and inflicting without 
remorse the most barbarous cruelties. To his ene- 
mies his resentment was implacable, never termi- 
nating but with their deaths. Fraud and cruelty 
formed the most striking features in his character. 
Vain, even to insolence, he desired to act on all oc- 
casions without controul. Accordingly, we have 
seen him endeavouring, to the utmost of his power, 
to eclipse even his king and master Agesilaus. We 
have likewise seen him discover the meanest jea- 
lousy to Callieratidas, whom, by the basest of arti- 



300 THE HISTORY OF BOOK HI. 

fices, he endeavoured to throw into an embarrass- 
ment that might sully his glory. He was the worst 
enemy that ever Athens felt ; and by establishing 
there the thirty tyrants, he Ws to her what Sylla 
after him was to Rome. His tyranny and oppres- 
sion rendered Sparta odious to her neighbours. 

When Pausanias returned to Sparta, he was ac- 
cused of misconduct in the late expedition ; and, 
though one of the two Spartan kings, was con- 
demned to suffer death. But he avoided the cruel- 
ty of his countrymen by flight. 

Let us now look after Agesilaus. In the midst 
of his preparations for leading his army into Persia, 
he received a letter from the ephori, commanding 
him to return to Laconia ; for, by this time, Greece 
was all in arms. Agesilaus immediately wrote 
them an account of his former operations, and in- 
formed them of the favourable disposition of his af- 
fairs for attacking the king of Persia ; but assured 
them, that since they thought his presence at home 
necessary, he was resolved to obey them without 
delay. 

Historians have, with great justice, applauded the 
respect shown on this occasion by Agesilaus to the 
magistrates of his country; in obedience to whom, he 
stopt short in the midst of his successful exploits, 
which, in all probability, must have eventually sub- 
verted the Persian empire. By this behaviour, he 
undoubtedly discovered a very uncommon great- 
ness of soul, and justified the saying of Pausanias, 
of whom w r e have been just speaking, " That at 
Sparta the laws governed the men, and not the men 
the laws." What a lesson for the members of some 
modern governments ! 

Before Agesilaus reached Sparta, his countrymen, 
attacked from every quarter, had several very severe 
shocks to sustain. The Athenians marched against 
them, followed by the Boeotians, Corinthians, and 
Thebans, forming altogether an army of 20,000 
men. The Spartans, with an army of about 14,000 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE- 301 

men, of whom the greater part was furnished by 
their allies, met the enemy near Lycion. The en- 
gagement was long and obstinate. But the Spartan 
valour prevailed at last, and snatched the victory 
from the Athenians, who, though deserted by their 
allies, kept their ground to the last. 

While affairs were thus proceeding at land, 
394. an important engagement happened at sea. 

Conon, with a fleet of 100 ships furnished him 
by Artaxerxes, setting sail towards the Chersonesus 
with an intention to attack the Lacedemonian fleet, 
consisting of 120 ships, fell in with the latter 
near Cnidos, a city of Caria in Asia Minor. The 
Lacedemonians, who were commanded by Pisan- 
der, gained some advantages at first. But victory 
soon changed sides. The Lacedemonians were beat- 
en and put to flight ; and Pisander, after exerting 
the utmost valour, fell at last fighting bravely. Con- 
on remained victorious, and took fifty of the La- 
cedemonian galleys. From that day forwards, the 
naval power of the Lacedemonians was continually 
on the decline. 

It is remarked, that the ruin of the two states of 
Athens and Sparta was alternately occasioned by 
their haughty behaviour during their prosperity ; 
the Lacedemonians having neglected to profit both 
by former experience and by the striking example 
lately set before their eyes by the Athenians. 

Just as Agesilaus was on the point of arriv- 
394. ing at Sparta, he received a message from the 

ephori, entreating him to march, with all 
haste, into Boeotia, where the army of the Lacede- 
monians and Orchomenians on one side, and that 
of the Thebans and Argives on the other, lay in sight 
of each other in the plains of Cheronea. Agesilaus 
arrived in time enough to take the command of the 
Lacedemonians, just as they were on the point of 
engaging. Xenophon, who was present at this 
battle, says, that of all the battles which had till now 
happened in his time, this was fought with the most 
desperate fury. 



302 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

The Thebans were thrown into disorder, and Age- 
silaus attempted to cut off their retreat. But they 
immediately drew up their foot in a square column, 
the front of which baffled all the efforts of the Lace- 
demonians to break them. The engagement was 
very bloody. Agesilaus exerted prodigies of va- 
lour, received several wounds, and must certainly 
have been either killed or taken, had he not been 
rescued by fifty young Spartans, who that day 
fought by his side. The Lacedemonians, at length, 
finding it impossible to break the Thebans, opened 
their ranks to let them pass, and then attacked them 
in the rear. But the latter, proud of having hither- 
to repulsed the enemy, retreated very leisurely, and 
in good order, fighting all the while. Agesilaus, 
though wounded, refused to retire from the field of 
battle, till he had seen the dead carried off on their 
shields. Next day he erected a trophy as a monu- 
ment of his victory. 

At Sparta he was received with transports of joy. 
Untainted with the luxury and pomp of the country 
whence he was just returned, he retained his for- 
mer simplicity both in his person and family ; pre- 
ferred the temperate austere life of the Spartans to 
the delicate luxurious manners of the barbarians ; 
and, instead of the haughtiness and presumption of 
a victorious commander, displayed the most humble 
modesty of a private citizen. 

On hearing the power of the Persian monarch 
highly extolled, and that prince himself honoured 
with the title of Great King ; " in what respect (said 
Agesilaus) is he greater than I, if he be not more 
virtuous ?" He set a higher value on the exercises 
that strengthen the body, and inure it to labour and 
fatigue, than on the horse and chariot races at the 
Olympic games, which, he said, were not a proof of 
bravery, but of riches. Having found, among the 
papers of Lysander, the detail of his plot against 
the two Spartan kings, he resolved to lay it before 
the citizens. But he was dissuaded from this step 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 303 

by a prudent man of his acquaintance, who advised 
him to let Lysander rest in his grave, and to bury 
along with him a very artful discourse found by 
Agesilaus, which Lysander was to have addressed 
to the Spartans. 

Agesilaus soon after marched away with his land- 
forces, and laid siege to Corinth by land, while his 
brother Teleutius blocked it up by sea. 

In the mean time, Conon, after his victory at 
Cnidos, obtained of Pharnabazus fifty talents, to 
restore Pyreus to its former situation. He was 
likewise continued in the command of the fleet. 
After ravaging the coasts of Laconia, he returned 
to Athens, and was there received with the highest 
marks of joy. The consciousness of being the re- 
storer of the power of his country, and of having re- 
built the walls of his native city, must undoubtedly 
have afforded him the most sincere pleasure. It is 
remarkable, that the city of Athens should be in a 
manner rebuilt at the expence of the same Persians 
who had formerly reduced it to ashes. 

Conon, after having restored Athens to its former 
situation, and by that means enabled to repel the 
attacks of its enemies, sacrificed a hecatomb to the 
gods. 

The grief and rage of the Lacedemonians, at see- 
ing their ancient rival raised, as it were, out of her 
ruins, and restored to a condition of being still for- 
midable to them, are inexpressible. They foresaw 
that their sovereignty over the rest of Greece was 
on the brink of annihilation. They therefore im- 
mediately resolved to vent their resentment upon 
Conon the chief cause of this revolution ; and, for 
that purpose, dispatched Antalcides to Teribazus, 

fovernor of Sardis, with proposals of peace to the 
'ersian monarch. The Athenians sent deputies on 
their part likewise, to prevent the success of the 
Lacedemonian negotiations. But their endeavours 
were unsuccessful ; and Conon was the victim of the 
insinuations instilled into the Persian satrap by An- 
talcides, who accused him of having applied the 



304 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

money of the king to the re-establishment of A- 
thens ; and of having formed a plan of detaching 
iEtolia and Ionia from their dependence on Persia. 
The better to incline Artaxerxes to peace, the Spar- 
tans were mean-spirited enough once more to sub- 
ject to his power all the Greek cities in Asia, for 
whose liberty Agesilaus had so gloriously fought. 

We are not told by what means Teribazus was 
induced to believe the accusations of Antalcides a- 
gainst Conon. It is certain, however, that he caused 
that illustrious Athenian to be apprehended, and that 
he furnished the Lacedemonians with consider- 
able sums of money. But he declined to conclude 
the peace without the approbation of his master. 

Historians are not agreed about the fate of Conon. 
Some of them allege, that he was conducted to 
Susa, and there beheaded by order of the Persian 
monarch. They further say, that he entertained 
dangerous designs against the Persian power, after 
having received so great assistance from it ; that 
he had formed a schema of making himself master 
of some of their cities ; and, under the pretence of 
relieving them from the tyranny of Sparta, intended 
to subject them to the power of Athens. Xeno- 
phon's silence about the fate of Conon, leaves room 
to suspect, that he may have escaped from his con- 
finement. It is certain, however, that we hear no 
more of that celebrated commander, who had be- 
come the terror of Sparta, and had so effectually 
humbled their pride, that to accomplish his destruc- 
tion they descended to the meanest submissions, and 
to a most disgraceful peace. 

When the other states of Greece were informed 
of the peace concluded between the Lacedemonians 
and the Persian monarch, they were seized with the 
highest indignation ; and, in the first emotions of 
their passion, resolved to reject it. But, on cooler 
reflection, they perceived, that their domestic dis- 
sensions had disabled them from maintaining a war 
with the Persians ; and that, therefore, it was more 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 805 

prudent to acquiesce in the treaty. In the mean 
time, mutual hostilities were carried on between the 
Spartans and Athenians ; and a dreadful massacre 
happened at Corinth, by the instigation of the* Spar- 
tans, who, taking advantage of the divisions prevail- 
ing in that city, contrived to get a body of troops 
introduced into it ; and having spirited up the in- 
habitants to murder one another, their troops, in the 
tumult, cut to pieces a great number of the Argives 
and Boeotians. 

At Rhodes, a dissension arose, in which the Athen- 
ians were consequentially interested. One half of 
the inhabitants having declared for democracy, and 
the other for aristocracy ; the latter applied for sup- 
port to the Lacedemonians, who accordingly sent 
them Teleutius with twenty ships. By this assis- 
tance, aristocracy was established. The Athenians, 
to whom the sovereignty of the island was under- 
stood to belong, in like manner sent thither Thrasy- 
bulus ; who, having, in his way, levied some tribute 
in the island of Aspendos, the natives, provoked by 
the harsh treatment of the soldiers, joined in an in- 
surrection, and murdered Thrasybulus in his tent. 
Thus perished that illustrious Athenian, whose zeal 
and bravery had restored his country to liberty, and 
whose magnanimous behaviour, at that critical pe- 
riod, intitles him to a place among the greatest men 
of these times. 

The Athenians, at this time, entertained the most 
sanguine expectations from the extraordinary merit 
of Iphicrates, who, at twenty years of age, appeared 
to be a perfect master in the art of war. The troops 
left by Agesilaus at Leshea, having been dispersed 
by that commander, the Spartans found it expedient 
to make peace with the Boeotians. 

Iphicrates being likewise sent to keep in obedience 
the towns reduced by Thrasybulus in his expedition 
to Rhodes, which were all situated along the coasts 
of the Hellespont, and had, on occasion of the late 
misfortunes of the republic, embraced the party of 



I 



306 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III- 

Sparta, laid an ambush for the Spartan Anaxibias, 
and defeated him. 

The Eginetse, about the same time, made an in- 
cursion into Attica, at the instigation of the Spartans 
who supported them. But they were opposed by 
Chabrias, and totally routed. The Spartans, how- 
ever, taking advantage of the absence of that com- 
mander from Athens, sent Teleutius against Pyreus, 
who entered it by surprise in the night, took seve- 
ral ships, destroyed some others, and created a great 
deal of confusion and terror among the inhabitants, 
of Athens. 

The Athenians and Spartans, weary of ex- 
387. erting their utmost efforts to accomplish their 
mutual destruction, were at length constrain- 
ed to make peace with each other, and with Persia ; 
which, by their jealousies and dissensions, was now 
become the umpire of Greece. The terms of this 
peace, as dictated by the Persian satrap, Teribazus, 
governor of Sardis, upon the suggestion, indeed, of 
the Lacedemonians, were to this effect. That all 
the Greek cities in Asia should be again subjected 
to the Persian government; that the Athenians 
should retain their jurisdiction over Lemnos ; and 
that the rest of Greece should be free. 

Such was the peace of Antaicides, so called from 
the Lacedemonian of that name, who was the prin- 
cipal author of it, by commission from the state of - 
Sparta, instigated thereto by their jealousy of the 
rising power of Athens. In obeying the injunc- 
tions of his constituents on this occasion, Antaicides 
was more than ordinarily zealous, from his personal 
animosity against Agesilaus, who was totally averse 
to that infamous negotiation, by which the liberty 
and independency of the Greek cities of Asia, in 
whose defence he had lately performed such glorious 
exploits, were so shamefully sacrificed. 

How disgraceful to the Greeks the contrast be- 
tween this peace, by which Persia deprived them at 
once of their power in Asia Minor, and obliged 



GHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 307 

them to abandon their countrymen there establish- 
ed, and that made sixty years before with Arta- 
xerxes Longimanus, by the Athenian Cimon ! 
Greece, then victorious, not only vindicated its own 
liberty, but gave law to the Persians. The cause of 
the difference, however, is sufficiently apparent. It 
arose from the mutual quarrels of the states of 
Greece, of which the Persian monarchs skilfully 
availed themselves. Besides, the Greeks were no 
longer actuated by their former spirit of indepen- 
dency. Their ancestors uniformly despised the gold, 
and rejected the bribes of the Persians. Now they 
were no longer proof against these temptations, but 
basely prostituted themselves to the vilest corrup- 
tion. Instead of uniting against the common ene- 
my, they foolishly valued themselves on their supe- 
riority over each other, and exhausted their force in 
intestine dissensions. The consequence was, their 
being obliged to make use of the meanest flattery 
to the kings of Persia, in order to obtain from them 
supplies of troops and money. 

CHAP. II. 

Affairs of Greece, from the peace of Antalcides, to the conclusion 

of the war of the allies. 

The differences among the states of Greece were 
by no means extinguished by this peace of Antal- 
cides. We shall still see hostilities carried on, not 
very interesting indeed in themselves, but of much 
importance in their consequences. 

The peace of Antalcides having greatly increased 
the power of the Lacedemonians, the authors of it, 
.had provoked against them all the other states of 
Greece. For by that peace the Thebans were ob- 
liged to withdraw the garrisons they held in the 
towns of Boeotia, as were the Corinthians their's 
from Argos. This was an effect of one maxim of 
the ancient Spartan policy that still prevailed in full 
vigour, namely, to keep down by every means the 

u 2 



308 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

power of such states as were at the time unable to 
make resistance. 

From the same motive, upon complaints being 
made to them by deputies from the towns of Acan- 
thus and Apollonia, of the too great increase of the 
power of Olynthus, they declared war against the 
Olynthians, and sent an army against that city, un- 
der the command of two brothers Endamidas and 
Phebidas. The first made himself master of the 
town of Potidea, then in alliance with the Olyn- 
thians. The other marched to Thebes ; where find- 
ing the inhabitants divided into two factions, the 
one contending for oligarchy, and the other for de- 
mocracy, he took advantage of their divisions, and 
prevailed on Leontides, the head of the former, who 
favoured Sparta, to put him in possession of the 
citadel. This daring exploit excited an universal 
hatred against the Lacedemonians, who, with a 
view of softening matters, deposed and laid a fine 
upon Phebidas. But, by a contradiction, dishon- 
ourable to the Spartan justice, they kept possession 
of the citadel ; thus punishing the criminal but ap- 
proving of the crime. 

About the same time Leonidas, one of the The- 
ban generals, arrested and imprisoned in the citadel 
Ismenius, another of their generals, who had de- 
clared for the popular government. The rest of 
that faction, to the number of more than 400 
men, among whom was the famous Pelopidas, a- 
larmed at this violence, fled to Athens. But Epam- 
inondas living then in a private station, entirely 
employed in the study of philosophy, remained at 
Thebes. The enterprise of Phebidas had already 
occasioned loud complaints; but the Spartans car- B 
ried their injustice to a greater length still, by send- 
ing commissioners to Thebes, who condemned Is- 
menius to death. The Spartan senate must un- 
doubtedly have been greatly degenerated, before it 
could attempt such open acts of violence and injustice. 

The following year the Olynthians cut in pieces a 



CHAP. If. ANCIENT GREECE. 309 

part of the Spartan army, and among the rest their 
general Teleutius. But this disaster served only to 
exasperate the Spartans still more, who redoubled 
their efforts to reduce the city of Olynthus, which 
its inhabitants defended till reduced to the last ex- 
tremities by famine. The prosperity of Sparta had 
never arrived at such a pitch before : but they held 
in subjection the most powerful cities of Greece, and 
punished severely those who attempted to shake off 
their yoke. The Athenians were too cautious to 
oppose them. But this prosperity, being founded 
on injustice, could be but of short duration. Two 
illustrious citizens of Thebes were destined to inter- 
rupt its course. 

Pelopidas, the first of these, was very rich. But 
though a young man, he applied his wealth to the 
noblest of purposes, that of assisting persons of 
worth oppressed by want ; and instead of following 
the pleasurable dissipated life, commonly pursued 
by young men of fortune, placed his whole delight 
in bodily exercises and the use of arms. The other, 
Epaminondas, was, on the contrary, poor. But he 
enjoyed such perfect contentment in his situation, 
that he never would accept of the pecuniary assis- 
tance repeatedly offered him by his friend Pelopidas. 
He was besides endued with the most valuable 
qualifications ; being a man of an excellent under- 
standing, and of indefatigable activity ; a brave and 
skilful commander ; extremely addicted to the study 
of philosophy ; and entertaining an utter abhorrence 
to every kind of falsehood, insomuch that he was 
never guilty of an untruth even in jest. 

But the most extraordinary circumstance in the 
characters of those two great men, was the intimate 
friendship that, in spite of their very different situa- 
tions in point of fortune, and their as different tastes 
of pleasure, subsisted between £hem, without ever 
being affected by the smallest spark of jealousy. 
This was owing to their connection being founded 
on virtue, untinctured with ambition or self-interest. 



310 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

The sole aim of both was the glory and happiness 
of their country. 

The Lacedemonians, in the mean time, were us- 
ing their power still more and more presumptuous- 
ly. They gave the Athenians a very sensible proof 
of their domineering spirit, by commanding them 
to withdraw their protection from the 400 Thebans, 
who, upon being banished by a public decree of 
their native country, had taken refuge at Athens. 
The Athenians, however, had too much humanity 
to adopt so violent and severe a measure against so 
great a number of Theban citizens ; more especially 
as these very men had contributed the most to the 
restoration of the popular government, of which the 
Athenians were at that time enjoying the advanta- 
ges. Pelopidas, full of courage, and solely intent 
on the glory of his country, exhorted his fellow-suf- 
ferers in banishment to take up arms for asserting 
the liberty of their native country ; an object to 
which every danger or other personal consideration 
ought to submit. He found all their dispositions 
consonant to his own. Epaminondas, on his part, 
in like manner animated the Theban youth to throw 
off the Spartan yoke. The banished Thebans hav- 
ing accordingly concerted the plan of their enter- 
prise, communicated it to their friends at Thebes. 
Twelve of them, with Pelopidas at their head, dress- 
ed like hunters, entered the city at night, and met 
by appointment in the house of Charon, one of the 
chief men in Thebes. Philidas, secretary to the prin- 
cipal magistrates, being in the plot, had that day in- 
vited them, with a view to prevent their getting 
notice of what was going on, to a grand entertain- 
ment. But in the height of their festivity a mes- 
senger arrived from Athens, bringing a packet con- 
taining a circumstantial account of the conspiracy* 
Archias, who was already pretty far advanced in his 
cups, on receiving the packet, cried out laughing, 
" Serious affairs for to morrow ;" and, putting it un- 
opened under his pillow, continued the repast. 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 311 

The conspirators, in the mean time, having di- 
vided themselves into two parties, one led on by 
Pelopidas, directed its course to the house of Leon- 
tides ; who being awakened by the noise, bravely 
opposed the conspirators, sword in hand, and wound- 
ed several of them, but, unable to sustain so une- 
qual a combat, is at last slain. The other party 
marches against Archias, rushes armed into the hall 
where the magistrates were feasting, and easily 
overcomes them, already overpowered with wine. 
They next break open the prisons, proclaim liberty, 
seize what weapons they can find, and arm all they 
meet Epaminondas joins them at the head of a 
ftumerous band of youth, and incites them to pro- 
ceed with all possible diligence. In these circum- 
stances the other inhabitants, ignorant of what is 
passing, are seized with the utmost consternation. 
The Lacedemonian garrison, consisting of 1500 men, 
unacquainted with the small number of the conspi- 
rators, shut themselves up in the citadel, and send 
to demand succours from Sparta. 

Next day, Epaminondas and Pelopidas, at the 
head of the conspirators, assemble the people, inform 
them of what had happened, and exhort them to 
stand up for the liberty of their country. The as- 
sembly proclaims them the restorers of their free- 
dom, and loads them with universal applause. 

The rest of the banished Thebans quickly arrive, 
and are soon followed by 5000 foot and 500 horse, 
sent by the Athenians under the conduct of De- 
mophon. Several bodies of troops from the towns 
of Bceotia likewise come to their assistance ; so that 
all their forces united amounted to 12,000 men. 
They immediately lay siege to the citadel ; and the 
garrison, being obliged for want of provisions to ca- 
pitulate, is permitted to march away. A reinforce- 
ment that had? been dispatched from Sparta arrived 
too late ; and the Spartans, in resentment, put to 
death the two officers who had capitulated. 

This exploit, one of the most remarkable that 



312 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

ever was executed by surprise, acquired immortal 
glory to Pelopidas. 

The Lacedemonians now meditated nothing but 
revenge against Pelopidas and the Thebans; for 
the execution of which, their king Cleombrotus led 
an army into Bceotia. But the operations of the 
campaign were confined to some ravages of the 
country. The Athenians, in the mean time, dread- 
ing the resentment of the Spartans, renounced the 
league they had made with the Thebans, and per- 
secuted either by imprisonment or banishment, 
such of their citizens as favoured their cause. 

But Pelopidas contrived a stratagem for produ- 
cing a quarrel between the Athenians and Spartans. 
In concert with Gorgidas, he prevailed on the Spar- 
tan Sphodrias, the commander of a body of troops 
at Thespia, destined to support the Boeotians who 
might incline to revolt against the Thebans, to seize 
Pyreus. Sphodrias, being an ambitious, vain man, 
readily undertook the enterprise, although the ex- 
treme injustice of it was apparent. But not having 
properly concerted his measures, his intentions were 
discovered, and his design miscarried. The Athen- 
ians complained loudly of this attempt at Sparta; 
but the son of Sphodrias employed his interest so 
effectually with Agesilaus in his father's favour, that 
he procured his acquittal. The Athenians were so 
provoked at this sentence, that they instantly re- 
newed their alliance with the Thebans. 

Much about the same time several other cities re- 
volted from the Spartans ; who, to crown their 
misfortunes, lost a great part of their army in the 
expedition against Bceotia. The famous Athenian, 
Chabrias, who, on account of his singular military 
skill, was considered as the only commander fit to 
oppose Agesilaus, distinguished himself highly on 
that occasion. Having drawn up his troops after a 
new method, he boldly offered battle to the Spar- 
tan : who, though he had an army of no fewer than 
18,000 men, was so struck with the excellent order 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 313 

of that of Chabrias, that he durst not venture a bat- 
* tie. 

Chabrias gave as striking proofs of his conduct 
and bravery at sea as he had done at land. He de- 
feated Pollis, who intended to have intercepted 
some ships bound to Athens with corn ; and he con- 
ducted the ships into Pyreus. Having afterwards 
laid siege to Naxus, he beat the Spartans who came 
to relieve the place, and dispersed their fleet. The 
Spartans lost in this action thirty-two ships, and 
the Athenians eighteen. Chabrias, loaded with 
spoils, entered Pyreus in triumph. 

The Athenians, encouraged by this success, 
equipped a fleet of sixty sail ; of which they gave 
the command to Timotheus, the son of the famous 
Conon, who perfectly maintained the reputation of 
his father. After laying waste Laconia, he made 
himself master of Corcyro, and defeated the Lace- 
demonian fleet commanded by Mnassippus, who 
was killed in the engagement. The Spartans begged 
assistance from Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse, to 
retake this place, and obtained from him a reinforce- 
ment of ten galleys. They were nevertheless at- 
tacked by the Athenian fleet under Iphicrates, who 
had succeeded Timotheus in the command, and 
were all taken. Then the Spartans ordered Agesi- 
laus to march against the Thebans. But he per- 
formed no decisive action, having only gained over 
them a few inconsiderable advantages. The war, 
however, proceeded very warmly between those 
two states, every day producing some new action, 
in which the Thebans, being for the most part suc- 
cessful, thence acquired additional courage. This 
was the object Pelopidas had in view ; who, before 
he chose to hazard a general battle, desired to ac- 
custom his fellow-citizens to fighting. Agesilaus 
happening to be wounded in one of those skirmishes, 
was rallied on the occasion by his friends, who told 
him, that this was certainly the reward the Thebans 
intended him for having taught them the art of 
war. 



314 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

Pelopidas having fallen in with the enemy near 
Tegyra, attacked them without hesitation, though 
amounting to thrice the number of his men. For 
he had the fullest confidence in a small corps of in- 
fantry, which consisted of no more than 300 men* 
and was called the sacred band, or troop of friends, 
being wholly composed of the bravest and best dis- 
ciplined soldiers, united by so close a friendship, that 
every one of them was resolved to spend the last 
drop of his blood in defence of his companion. The 
Theban horse began the attack. The first shock 
was very terrible ; in the second, the Lacedemonian 
general fell. His men, disheartened by his death, 
opened their ranks to let the Theban horse pass. 
But Pelopidas instantly advancing with his sacred 
band, completed their disorder, and made so great 
a slaughter, that the survivors took to flight in the 
utmost confusion. Pelopidas derived vast glory 
from this battle of Tegyra. Till then the Lacede- 
monians, while superior in numbers, had never been 
beaten; but now the Thebans deprived them of 
that honour. 

While thus the dissensions of the Greeks con- 
tinued without intermission, Artaxerxes, king of 
Persia, being at war with Egypt, had occasion for 
a reinforcement of troops. To obtain these, he dis- 
patched ambassadors into Greece, to renew the 
peace of Antalcides, and to endeavour, if possible, 
to get every separate city placed in a state of abso- 
lute independence. He accordingly procured com- 
missioners to be appointed for this purpose by the 
consent of them all, Thebes having agreed to the 
measure with much reluctance. Artaxerxes, in the 
mean time, engaged in his service 20,000 Greeks, 
and demanded Iphicrates for their general. His ex- 
pedition, however, having been badly concerted, 
proved unsuccessful. 

Several cities of the Peloponnesus, eager to en- 
joy the liberty procured them by Artaxerxes' ne- 
gotiation, expelled the governors imposed upon 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 315 

them by Sparta ; who, having rendered themselves 
odious by their tyranny, were treated with great 
severity. But at length the Athenians, by the 
means of Iphicrates, succeeded in appeasing those 
commotions. 

At this time there was a prospect of seeing uni- 
versal tranquillity restored in Greece. The Lacede- 
monians had. in a great measure, renounced that 
superiority which they had so long affected over 
the other states ; at least they ceased to exercise it ; 
and the Athenians having no other object in view 
than to restrain the exorbitant pretensions of the 
Lacedemonians, applied themselves to repair their 
losses. But this desirable prospect soon vanished ; 
for the Thebans, becoming presumptuous by their 
late success, declared war against the inhabitants of 
Platea ; and having taken both that town and Thes- 
pia, entirely demolished the former. This daring 
exploit so provoked the Athenians, that they im- 
mediately broke their alliance with them, and this 
rupture became a fresh source of war. 

It was at first proposed to terminate all differ- 
ences by negociation. But the Thebans, whose 
natural obstinacy was increased by their late suc- 
cess, thinking themselves treated with an unbecom- 
ing affectation of superiority, returned a haughty 
answer to the proposals of the Athenians, and re- 
fused to treat. Pelopidas was not a little instru- 
mental in promoting the ambitious views of his 
countrymen : a work in which he was supported 
both by the council and arms of one of the greatest « 
men that Greece ever produced, namely, Epami- 
nondas ; whose merit, though then living in a pri- 
vate station, solely occupied with the study of 
philosophy, w r as soon discovered by the Thebans, 
who, forcing him from his obscurity, placed him at 
the head of their army. 

In these circumstances, Agesilaus having declar- 
ed to the Thebans, that if they had a mind to be 
comprehended in the treaty, they must previously 



316 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

restore to liberty the towns of Bceotia ; Epaminon- 
das answered, that with this they were ready to com- 
ply, provided the Spartans would set them the ex- 
ample, whose pretensions to superiority over La- 
conia were no better founded than those of his 
countrymen over Boeotia. Agesilaus, provoked at 
this answer, which plainly showed that the Thebans 
affected an equality with the Spartans, struck their 
name out of the treaty, and concluded the peace 
with the other states without them. This was 
equivalent to a positive declaration of war. 

Cleombrotus accordingly received orders from 
the ephori to march into Bceotia at the head of 
10,000 foot and 1000 horse. That king flattered 
himself, that the Thebans, deserted by their allies, 
were unable to oppose him. The Spartans at the 
same time convened the forces of their allies ; who 
joined them more from necessity than inclination. 
The Thebans, on the other hand, were somewhat un- 
easy on seeing themselves obliged to support the con- 
troversy by themselves alone ; their forces altogeth- 
er amounting to but 6000 men, while their enemies 
had no fewer than 24,000. But to supply the odds, 
Epaminondas and Pelopidas fought for the The- 
bans. As soon as Cleombrotus arrived on the fron- 

e 

tiers of Boeotia, he summoned the Thebans to re- 
build the cities of Platea and Thespia, and to set 
the other towns at liberty. Epaminondas made 
answer, That the Thebans did not think themselves 
accountable to any person for their conduct. After 
such an answer, arms alone could decide the con- 
troversy. 

The two armies having met in the plains 
371. of Leuetra, Epaminondas immediately offer- 
ed battle. The view of an army so much su- 
perior in numbers as that of Cleombrotus, was suf- 
ficient to discourage the bravest soldiers ; more es- 
pecially as Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, had 
lately reinforced it with a considerable body of 
troops levied in Laconia. But this great superiori- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 317 

ty of the enemy in point of numbers, had no other 
effect upon the Theban army than to inspire them 
with the hopes of a victory, so much the more glo- 
rious in proportion as it was difficult. Epaminon- 
das drew up his army in an order of battle alto- 
gether unknown before, of which the invention and 
conduct were entirely his own. 

Cleombrotus had ranged his army in the form of 
the old Grecian phalanx, having his horse distribut- 
ed in squadrons along the first line of the right wing, 
where he himself commanded. Epaminondas hoped 
to conquer the Lacedemonians, by throwing them 
into disorder and consternation, either by the death 
or capture of their general. As therefore it was the 
left wing of the Theban army which must attack 
the quarter where he fought, Epaminondas posted 
there his heavy-armed foot and the bravest of his 
men ; and before his first line he drew up the few 
horse he had, to make head against those of the 
enemy. As he knew with what ardour the Thebans 
made their first attack, he did not doubt that they 
would break the Lacedemonians. 

One difficulty only remained, but which, to a less 
able general, might have proved unsurmountable, 
namely, to prevent his troops from being surround- 
ed when they charged. For this purpose, Epami- 
nondas ranged his right wing, with which he in- 
tended only to make a shew of engaging, in such a 
manner as to have only six men deep, while each 
rank of his left, on which the whole weight of the 
battle was to fall, was no less than fifty deep. Then 
he suddenly extended his front so as to flank Cleom- 
brotus, hoping, by that means, to provoke him to 
advance to secure his flank, and so to detach himself 
from the main body of his army. 

The battle was begun by the cavalry. But those 
of the Lacedemonians were soon repulsed ; and fall- 
ing back on the infantry, disordered the foremost 
ranks. Cleombrotus, in the mean time*, perceiving 
Epaminondas's apparent design to flank him, chang- 



I 



318 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

ed his order of battle, intending, in like manner, to 
extend the front of his right wing, with a view to 
surround Epaminondas's. This movement decided 
the fate of the engagement. Pelopidas, who at the 
head of the sacred band, covered Epaminodas' flank, 
and attentively observed every thing that pass- 
ed, perceiving the disorder occasioned in the Lace- 
demonian army by the change in its disposition, in- 
stantly makes a vigorous charge upon them, breaks 
through them before they could form their ranks, 
and throws them into confusion. 

Epaminondas, at the same time, leads on his pha- 
lanx to the attack. By his skilful conduct, he had 
already rendered the advantage on his own side too 
great to permit the victory to remain long in sus- 
pense. The Lacedemonians, on the other hand, 
fought as usual with incredible bravery. Wherever 
the danger was greatest, thither their bravest soldiers 
and best officers ran in crowds. They formed a 
circle round Cleombrotus, whom they defended with 
their lances and swords ; and covering him with 
their bucklers, they sustained for a long while the 
impetuosity of the Thebans, who aimed at him alone. 
His son Cleonymus, together with his best officers 
and soldiers, having breathed their last at his feet, 
the Thebans at length cut a lane to him, sword in 
hand ; and he himself, covered with his own blood, 
and that of his generous defenders, fell dead at last 
on the field of battle. 

The heat of the battle now raged around the body 
of the king ; where the Lacedemonians, instigated 
with fury and despair, exerted their utmost efforts 
to revenge the death of their general and king; 
and for a long time spread a dreadful slaughter a- 
round : but being now deprived of their command- 
er, they soon fell into disorder, and began to lose 
courage. The Thebans, on the other hand, fighting 
under the conduct of Epaminondas, who skilfully 
managed their ardour, and repaired their broken 
ranks, at length, after the most vigorous and obstin- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 319 

ate dispute, secured the victory on their side. E- 
paminondas, observing that the violent resistance 
of the Lacedemonians proceeded from their desire 
to carry off the body of Cleombrotus, thought it 
was better to accomplish the total defeat of their 
army, than to contend with them for so poor a con- 
solation. Wheeling off therefore to attack the 
other wing, which was already weakened by the 
loss of several of its officers, he cut the greatest part 
of it in pieces, and put the rest to flight. Pelopi- 
das is attended with the same success wherever he 
fights ; and the Lacedemonians, broken and disor- 
dered on all sides, give ground, quit the field of 
battle, and retreat, with the sole glory of having res- 
cued the body of Cleombrotus from the hands of the 
enemy. 

The goodness of the Theban horse contributed 
greatly to the obtaining of this victory. They be- 
gan the attack, and defeated those of the Lacede- 
monians, after a feeble resistance. At this period, 
the Spartan cavalry was of little account, being com- 
posed of the horses kept in the time of peace by the 
richer sort of citizens for pleasure and convenience ; 
which, on the breaking out of a war, were mounted 
by soldiers altogether unacquainted with the disci- 
pline requisite in a body of horse. The Theban ca- 
valry, on the contrary, were excellent, and had al- 
ready distinguished themselves in the battles of 
Thespia and Orchomenus, of which they had ac- 
quired all the glory. 

The loss of the Thebans amounted only to 300 
men, while the Lacedemonians left on the field of 
battle no fewer than 4000 killed, and in that num- 
ber 1000 Spartans, the flower and hope of their na- 
tion. Till now there had never happened among 
the Greeks so bloody an engagement, the greatest 
slaughter, on former occasions, seldom exceeding 
500 men. 

Epaminondas gave himself up with all the fond- 
ness of the most zealous citizen to the joy of having 



320 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

so completely defeated the mortal enemies of his 
country. The first transport of his joy was so great, 
that he could not restrain himself from exulting on 
account of so much glory and good fortune. But 
his philosophy soon got the better of his vanity; 
though at the same time he freely indulged senti- 
ments of a more rational and just delight. For 
when the highest commendations were bestowed 
upon him on account of his success in this action, 
he discovered little sensibility to the praises lavish- 
ed on himself, but declared, " That his joy arose 
principally from the thoughts of the pleasure which 
his father and mother would feel from the news of 
his success." A striking instance of his goodness 
of heart, and of his tender affection for those who 
had given him being. 

The news of this victory produced at Sparta a 
behaviour extremely opposite to what might have 
been reasonably expected. But in that extraordi- 
nary state, humanity itself was sacrificed to the 
love of their country. The parents of those that, 
were slain, congratulated with one another with 
the highest appearance of joy and satisfaction; while 
those who expected the return of their relations 
discovered the deepest dejection. This is not sur- 
prising when we reflect on the punishment inflicted 
by the laws of Sparta on those who fled in battle. 
The most mortifying dishonours of every kind were 
heaped upon them ; every body was permitted to 
strike and abuse them ; they durst not come abroad, 
except in dirty ragged garments; and all persons 
were prohibited from forming any connexion with 
them by marriage or otherwise. So necessary did 
they think it to punish cowardice. 

The Spartans had still farther reason to be dis- 
quieted, on hearing that the Thebans were prepar- 
ing to enter the Peloponnesus. Agesilaus was 
then the only man capable of delivering his coun- 
trymen from their extreme distress. He applied 
himself therefore to restore their courage ; and his 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. * 321 

first care was, to preserve for the public service 
those who, having fled in the last engagement, 
were on that account disqualified from serving in 
any military employment afterwards, but who were 
too numerous to be subjected to all the rigour of 
the law. He therefore procured in favour of the 
fugitives a suspension of the penal laws just men- 
tioned. Then he made an irruption into the terri- 
tory of the Mantineans, which he laid waste. But 
he carefully avoided an engagement. 

The Thebans, on the other hand, desiring to pro- 
fit by their victory, sent to beg assistance of the 
Athenians. But that state did not think it proper 
to comply with their request ; for being desirous 
that the power of Greece should remain properly 
balanced, they thought it most advisable to continue 
quiet, and for that purpose renewed the treaty with 
the other states, The Thebans, however, persisted 
in their opposition ; and being joined by the Eleans, 
Argives, Arcadians, and even some of the inhabi- 
tants of Laconia, whose views and interests were 
the same with their own, they formed a league, 
whereby it was agreed, that each of those states 
should have liberty to govern itself by its own laws. 

This new form of government introduced among 
the Arcadians faction and discord, the usual con- 
comitants of sudden political alterations. The Ar- 
gives in particular were distracted by the most 
grievous dissensions. For their nobles, by the in- 
stigation of the orators who applied their eloquence 
on this occasion to the purpose of stirring up dis- 
cord and sedition, having entered into the resolu- 
tion of abolishing democracy, the people, getting 
notice of their design, murdered one half of the con- 
spirators, and had the other formally condemned 
and executed, the orators themselves being compre- 
hended in this catastrophe. 

In the mean time several states of Greece, name- 
ly, the Phoceans, Locrians, and Eubeans, acceded 
to the Theban league, on pretence of assisting the 

x 



322 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III, 

Arcadians ; and marched into the Peloponnesus. 
Their forces altogether amounted to 40,000, and 
when united with those of the Thebans, composed 
an army of 60,000 men. This army, under the 
command of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, entered 
Laconia, where it laid every thing waste with fire 
and sword ; and advancing to the very confines of 
Sparta, created in that city incredible consternation. 
Plutarch observes, that in the space of 600 years, 
during which the Dorians had now possessed the 
territory of Lacedemon, no enemy had ever before 
dared to invade their territories. 

Epaminondas having made good his passage over 
the Eurotas with the loss of a great many men, 
penetrated as far as the suburbs. The Spartans, who 
had never before seen an enemy at their gates, be- 
came furious at the sight; and desired instantly to 
be led against the invaders, that they might either 
repulse them, or die on the spot. It was with the 
greatest difficulty that they were restrained from 
putting their purpose in execution by Agesilaus, 
who, amidst this storm that threatened his country 
with utter ruin, resolved to act entirely on the de- 
fensive, by all means to avoid a general engage- 
ment, and to confine himself to the defence of the 
town. This conduct excited the murmurs of his 
fellow-citizens, who beheld with horror all the coun- 
try around them in flames. But by his firmness 
and prudence he maintained his authority in all its 
vigour, and succeeded in calming their tempers. 
On this occasion be purposed to restore the Hel- 
ots to liberty, and to make them soldiers. Six thou- 
sand of them were accordingly inlisted. 

The Thebans in the mean time endeavour to 
bring the enemy to a regular action. But Agesi- 
laus, having very different intentions, posted his 
army on an eminence within the town, and bestow- 
ed his chief attention on keeping all the passages 
strongly and carefully guarded. Then the Thebans 
attempted an attack, but were repulsed, and many 
of them slain by a party of 300 Spartans, who sal- 



I 

CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 323 

lied out upon them from an ambuscade. The he- 
roic behaviour too of Ischolas made them sensible 
how dear it must cost them to take Sparta. That 
brave Spartan, who may be justly compared on this 
occasion with the famous Leonidas, by whom the 
whole Persian army was for a while stopt at the 
pass of Thermopylae had been appointed to the 
command of a small party that defended an impor- 
tant post. But perceiving that he must be over- 
powered by the enemy, he sent away the younger 
soldiers, and at the head of the remainder, sacrificed 
his own life, along with those of his generous follow- 
ers, in the service of his country. 

Epaminondas finding all his endeavours to draw 
Agesilaus out of the town ineffectual,, thought it ne- 
cessary to retreat : not as is supposed from a des- 
pair of being able, with a little patience, to reduce 
Sparta, then in a very defenceless situation, but 
from an apprehension of exciting against his coun- 
try the jealousy of the rest of the Greeks. He con- 
tented himself therefore with having humbled the 
Spartan pride, and with having obliged them to 
make use of a more modest tone of speech with 
their neighbours. 

The Thebans retired into Arcadia ; where it was 
resolved, in consequence of the advice of Epami- 
nondas and the consent of their allies, to re-establish 
in their ancient possessions the posterity of the 
Messenians, who had been 300 years before expell- 
ed the Peloponnesus by the Spartans, and were at 
this time dispersed over the island of Sicily. The 
Messenians joyfully embraced the first invitation ; 
and, after dividing the territory, received from the 
allies a formidable body of troops for their immedi- 
ate defence. The loss of this country, the most 
fruitful in Greece, was severely felt by the Lacede- 
monians. 

Epaminondas and Pelopidas, on their return to 
Thebes, instead of receiving the thanks and applause 
they so well deserved at the hands of their countrv 

x 2 



324 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

men, were judicially cited to answer for the crime 
of having retained the command of the army four 
months longer than the time allowed by law. A 
law rigorously observed in the larger republics, from 
an apprehension lest some man, invested with so 
high an authority, might be tempted to use it to 
the subversion of the liberty of his country. They 
were, therefore, thrown into prison, and an accusa- 
tion was exhibited against them ; for, as usual, their 
distinguished merit had procured them many ene- 
mies. Pelopidas managed his defence like a man ap- 
prehensive of the whimsical inconstancy and ingra- 
titude inherent in the disposition of every people 
under a republican form of government. But E- 
paminondas, whose respectable appearance corres- 
ponded perfectly with the greatness of his actions, 
pleaded his cause with a confidence that astonished 
the hearers. Without descending to a direct justi- 
fication of his conduct, he recalled to their remem- 
brance all his exploits, and the services he had per- 
formed for his country ; and declared that he would 
lay down his life with pleasure, if his countrymen 
would express in his sentence, that his having over- 
thrown their enemies in the field of Leuctra with- 
out their consent, was the crime for which he suffer- 
ed. The manner of this defence restored the The- 
bans to their right reason, and they unanimously 
acquitted Epaminondas, upon whom this trial only 
reflected additional glory. 

As for the Spartans, their late humiliation, and 
the continual alarms to which they were exposed, 
produced a change in their dispositions. They be- 
gan to murmur against the government ; the city 
was distracted by factions ; and nothing went on 
but cabals and conspiracies. These intestine disor- 
ders afforded great opportunity to Agesilaus to dis- 
play both his patience and his prudence. Having 
gained over the ephori to his side, and having dis- 
covered some of those conspiracies, he put several 
of the principal ringleaders to immediate death, and 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 325 

made it capital for any person to be engaged in the 
like for the future. After having by these means 
restored tranquillity and order in Sparta, he began 
to look abroad for assistance among the neighbour- 
ing states ; and he was lucky enough to prevail with 
the Corinthians to furnish him with some auxiliary 
forces. 

Things began now to wear a different appearance 
in Greece. We shall immediately see those haugh- 
ty Spartans descending to implore assistance of the 
same Athenians on whom they had lately inflicted 
all the mischiefs in their power, and whose utter 
ruin they would have joyfully accomplished. At 
this time, however, they found themselves under 
the necessity of sending an embassy to Athens, to 
explain the extremity to which they were reduced, 
and to endeavour to convince the Athenians how 
much it was their interest to join with them, and to 
stop the career of the ambitious Thebans, who seem- 
ed desirous of reducing all Greece under their sub- 
jection. 

This occasion furnishes us with a striking instance 
of the generosity of the Athenians, as well as of 
their just discernment of the general interest of 
Greece. For though the misfortunes brought upon 
them by the Lacedemonians were fresh in their re- 
membrance, they nevertheless resolved at once to 
furnish them with immediate assistance ; and at the 
same time they brought about a confederacy with 
several other states to oppose the Thebans. They 
refused, however, to take any part in this war, ex- 
cept upon condition that they were allowed to act 
in it on an equal footing with the Lacedemonians, 
and to exercise the chief command alternately with 
them, at the rate of four days at a time each. As 
this was by no means a proper season for Sparta to 
talk of her superiority, the conditions proposed by 
the Athenians were agreed to without hesitation. 

The Spartans, supported in this manner by their 
allies, were for some time in a situation to stop the 



326 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IH. 

progress of the opposite confederacy. But soon af- 
ter, the Arcadians took from them Pallenum in La- 
coma, put the garrison to the sword, and effected a 
junction with the Eleans, Argives, and Thebans. 
The Athenians then thought it necessary to oppose 
to Epaminondas their countryman Chabrias, whose 
troops, when united with those of the Spartans, com- 
posed altogether an army of 22,000 men. Epamin- 
ondas, in the mean time, intending to penetrate 
into the Peloponnesus, advanced to the isthmus, 
which he found defended by a strong wall. But 
discovering one part of it weaker than the rest, he 
opened himself a passage through it after a very 
warm engagement. Then he advanced into the 
country, destroying every thing with fire and sword ; 
and having reduced Sicyon, he laid siege to Corinth. 
But Chabrias arriving in the mean time, put a stop 
to his success, frustrated all the future attempts of 
the Thebans, and at length obliged them to depart 
out of the Peloponnesus. Epaminondas, on his re- 
turn to Thebes, experienced once more the ingrati- 
tude of his countrymen, who accused him of partia- 
lity to the Spartans, and under that pretence depriv- 
ed him of the command. 

The news of the battle of Leuctra had by this 
time reached the extremities of Asia, and the suc- 
cess of Epaminondas began to give umbrage to the 
Persian monarch Artaxerxes ; to whom an embassy 
having been dispatched by the Lacedemonians, the 
Thebans likewise thought it necessary to send thi- 
ther Pelopidas upon their part. That illustrious The- 
ban was gazed upon with admiration at the court 
of Persia, where his truly heroic character quickly 
displayed itself, particularly in the eyes of the king, 
with whom he became a great favourite. Pelopidas 
soon convinced that prince that it was his interest 
to protect the Thebans, more especially as they had 
never fought against the Persians, and were the 
only people of Greece now capable of holding the 
balance even between Sparta and Athens. He fur- 



CHAP. Hi ANCIENT GREECE. 327 

ther represented, that all his countrymen required 
was, that Messene should be maintained in the pos- 
session of its liberty ; that the Athenians should be 
obliged to withdraw their garrisons from the towns 
of Boeotia ; and that the Thebans should be account- 
ed allies of the great king. Thus the negociations of 
the Lacedemonians at the court of Persia were in a 
great measure rendered ineffectual ; for they were 
able to obtain nothing more than 2000 mercenaries, 
with money for their pay. They procured about 
the same time such another reinforcement from 
Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily. 

The war still went on between the states of 
Greece. Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, having 
received intelligence that the Messenians were op- 
posing the march of the Lacedemonian auxiliaries 
from Sicily, marched to their relief, engaged the 
Arcadians and Argives, and obtained a signal vie 
tory, with the loss, as is pretended, of but a single 
man. The news of this victory occasioned much 
joy at Sparta, and revived their drooping spirits ; for 
their defeat at Leuctra had affected them to such a 
degree, that we are told their men were ashamed to 
look their women in thejface. ^ 

Pelopidas, on the other hand, by his skill in the 
art of negotiation, daily procured fresh reinforce- 
ments to the Theban power. Having acquired the 
confidence of the prince of Macedon, ne was, by the 
mutual consent of Perdiccas and Ptolemy, the sons 
of Amyntas, chosen umpire to decide the dispute 
that had arisen between them about their succession 
to that kingdom. Pelopidas accordingly pronounced 
his sentence ; and to insure the execution of it, car- 
ried along with him to Thebes, by way of hostage, 
a third son of Amyntas called Philip, who became 
afterwards the famous king of Macedon of that name* 

A formidable power, in the mean time, started 
up in Thessaly, Alexander of Pherae having assa- 
sinated Poliphron the general of the Thessalian^ 
rendered himself master of the whole of that coun- 



328 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III, 

try, and with an army of 20,000 veteran soldiers 
made war all around him with uninterrupted suc- 
cess. The Thessalians implored deliverance from 
their miseries of th& Thebans, who sent Pelopidas to 
their relief. The Theban general very soon redu- 
ced Larissa, obliged Alexander to sue for peace, 
and attempted, by moderation and indulgence, to 
inspire that prince with sentiments of justice and 
humanity. But the excess of debauchery into which 
he had plunged himself, and his cruel disposition, 
frustrated all the endeavours of Pelopidas. 

Pelopidas having been recalled into Macedonia, 
on occasion of fresh troubles that had broken out 
there on the death of Perdiccas (who had fallen in 
battle) and which were chiefly occasioned by Pto- 
lemy's attempting to mount the throne, raised an 
army of mercenaries in haste, and marched against 
Ptolemy. Though Ptolemy had found means to 
corrupt many of Pelopidas's soldiers ; yet, as he stood 
much in awe of him, he came before him in a sub- 
missive manner, and made him the most specious 
promises. Pelopidas thereupon, at the head of a 
few Thessalian troops, marched into Pharsalia, with 
an intention to chastise those mercenary soldiers by 
whom he had been abandoned. Alexander of Pherse 
happening then to be in that neighbourhood with 
a great army, Pelopidas resolved to wait upon him 
as ambassador of the Thebans. But Alexander, 
seeing him slenderly attended, caused him to be 
seized, contrary to the law of nations ; and having 
conducted him to Pher^e, threw him into prison. 
Pelopidas, though in irons, astonished the tyrant by 
his firmness and resolution ; and upon hearing of 
his cruelty to the citizens, of whom he was daily 
putting some to death, he boldly threatened to pun- 
ish him for his wickedness, if ever he escaped out of 
his hands. White that illustrious Theban contin- 
ued under the most rigorous confinement, Thebe, 
the tyrant's wife, who had likewise abundant reason 
of dissatisfaction with her husband, on account of 




CHAP. Hi ANCIENT GREECE. 329 

his infamous debauchery, paid a visit to Pelopidas, 
and could not refrain from bursting into tears on 
seeing his dismal situation. 

When the Thebans heard of the unjust seizure of 
Pelopidas, they immediately sent an army against 
the tyrant. But through the unskilfulness of its 
commanders, this army made but little progress, 
and was continually harassed by Alexander. Epa- 
minondas happening to serve in this expedition in 
the station of a private officer, was entreated by the 
soldiers to undertake the chief command. Over- 
looking, therefore, the ungrateful treatment he re- 
ceived by him from his fellow citizens, and studying 
nothing but the glory and happiness of his country, 
he complied with their earnest solicitations. The 
soldiers, inspired with extraordinary courage, on 
seeing themselves conducted by so skilful a general, 
grew impatient to come to action. But Epaminon- 
das, apprehensive for the life of Pelopidas, which 
was entirely in the tyrant's power, protracted the 
war, and satisfied himself with holding Alexander 
in awe. He even listened with mildness to the am- 
bassadors sent by the tyrant to plead his justifica- 
tion, and in every thing managed him with consum- 
mate prudence, making him sensible, at the same 
time, that it was in his power to chastise him when- 
ever he thought it convenient. He kept him there- 
fore in perpetual alarm ; but offered him a truce of 
thirty days, on condition of his setting Pelopidas at 
liberty. To this Alexander having consented, Epa- 
minondas returned to Thebes, happy at having de- 
livered his friend out of the hands of so cruel an 
enemy. , 

Alexander soon gave way to his perverse disposi- 
tion ; and by his tyranny and oppression obliged se- 
veral cities to implore relief of the Thebans, who, at 
their earnest desire, sent Pelopidas to their assis- 
tance. But an eclipse that intervened, prevented 
many Thebans from accompanying him ; and not 
daring to contradict their ridiculous superstition, 



330 THE HISTORY OF BOOK ill. 

he was obliged to depart with an escort of only 300 
horse. He was incited in his enterprise, both by 
his resentment against the tyrant for having so 
cruelly and perfidiously detained him in prison, and 
likewise by a desire of showing that the Thebans 
were able to overthrow tyranny ; while their ene- 
mies, the Lacedemonians, were reduced to the 
necessity of begging assistance from the tyrant 
Dionysius. 

Pelopidas with his 300 horse, upon being joined 
by 7000 men sent him from Thessaly, marched and 
pitched his camp at Cynocephalus, a place surround- 
ed with high hills. Alexander, who had an army 
of 20,000 men, on being informed of the great infe- 
riority of the enemy in point of numbers, marched 
to give them battle. Pelopidas's cavalry broke 
those of the tyrant at the first charge. But the in- 
fantry of the latter, which were posted upon the 
heights, pouring down upon the Thessalians, ob- 
liged them to give ground. Pelopidas gallopped 
up with his cavalry to their relief, rallied them, and 
put the enemy to flight. Encouraged by this suc- 
cess, and instigated by resentment against Alexan- 
der, he advanced up to the tyrant, whom he happen- 
ed to perceive, and by name, challenged him to 
single combat; but without effect; for Alexander 
retired behind his men. Pelopidas, blinded by his 
fury, and not reflecting on the danger to which he 

exposed himself, nor the duty of his rank, rushes 
364. upon the party that surrounded the tyrant, and 

cuts down all that oppose his passage. But he 
is instantly overwhelmed by a shower of darts, is 
thrown from his horse, and transfixed with javelins. 
The Thessaiian horsemen gallop up to his assistance, 
but find him expiring. The Thebans, on hearing 
the news, are inspired wkh the greatest fury ; and 
falling with impetuosity on the main body of the 
enemy, cut in pieces 3000 men. 

The soldiers were all penetrated with inconsolable 
grief for the loss of their general, whom with tears 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 331 

in their eyes, they proclaimed to have been their fa- 
ther and deliverer. In token of their sorrow, they 
cut off the hair of their own heads, and the manes 
of their horses, and shut themselves up in their 
tents, abstaining from every kind of nourishment. 
The magistrates and people of the towns through 
which his body was carried, came to meet the pro- 
cession, bringing crowns and trophies. The Thes- 
salians and Thebans contended for the honour of 
burying him. But the moving arguments em- 
ployed by the former, prevailed with the Thebans 
to yield them that last mournful office. 

The friendship of Epaminondas and Pelopidas 
had been of long continuance, and had been main- 
tained with perfect intimacy and sincerity. Their 
unanimity insured the success of all their under- 
takings ; for the public welfare being the sole ob- 
ject of both, entirely prevented the grovelling pas- 
sions of envy and jealousy from obtaining any foot- 
ing in their breasts. Epaminondas's contempt of 
wealth excited the admiration of Pelopidas, who 
grew desirous of imitating the plain frugal life of 
his friend. But his application to the business of 
the state made him negligent about his own private 
fortune, which, by that means, suffered considerably. 
Pelopidas was active, brave, and persevering ; was 
esteemed and beloved by the people, and always 
possessed the greatest influence in the administra- 
tion. He aimed at nothing less than rendering the 
Thebans the foremost people in Greece. 

The Thebans, not satisfied with mourning the 
death of Pelopidas, resolved to revenge it. Hav- 
ing with this view united their forces with those 
of the Thessalians, they dispersed the remains of 
Alexander's army, obliged him to give up all the 
places he had taken, and to swear obedience to the 
Theban commands. That tyrant having rendered 
himself detestable by his debauchery and cruelty; 
perished seven years after this period by the hands 
of his wife and her brothers. 



SS C 2 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

The Thebans, in the mean time, were solely in- 
tent on profiting by the dissensions of the other 
states to augment their own power. But their suc- 
cess had now alarmed the rest of Greece, which was 
all in motion. A dispute that arose between the 
Arcadians and Mantineans, furnished them with a 
pretence for again entering the Peloponnesus in 
arms. They accused the Arcadians of an intention 
to join the Spartan confederacy ; and, though the 
Arcadians denied the accusation in the strongest 
terms, yet Epaminondas told them, with a tone of 
authority, that he would judge of their sincerity in 
the Peloponnesus. This convinced them that a 
storm was preparing against them. They therefore 
made application to the Athenians and Spartans for 
assistance, and both those states concluded with 
them an offensive and defensive alliance. 

Epaminondas, at the head of the Boeotians, and a 
body of Thessalian cavalry, having again marched 
into the Peloponnesus, — Tygea, and a part of Arca- 
dia, declared in his favour. The Spartans hearing 
of the motions of the Thebans, assembled their 
troops at Mantinea, which they fortified. Epami- 
nondas was then meditating a bold exploit, capable 
of ruining the Lacedemonians for ever. It was no 
other than to push forwards with his army directly 
to Sparta, which he hoped to surprise in the absence 
of their troops which had marched for Mantinea. 
With this view, he instantly put his army in mo- 
tion. But Agesilaus, who was then on his march 
to Mantinea, getting notice of his intention, posted 
back with such expedition to Sparta, that he found 
himself in a situation to receive the Thebans ; the 
few inhabitants who had remained, at home, dispos- 
ing themselves in the best manner they could along 
the different quarters of the town. Epaminondas, 
however, though discovered, resolved to alarm the 
Spartans ; and, for that purpose, attacked the town, 
and penetrated as far as the market-place. Agesi- 
laus sustained his attacks with wonderful coolness 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 333 

and presence of mind ; and, though far advanced in 
years, exerted prodigies of personal valour, freely- 
exposing his life in defence of his country. In this, 
indeed, he was admirably well seconded by his son, 
Archidamus, who commanded the youth, and show- 
ed himself worthy such a father : for having crossed 
the Eurotas, and taken possession of an eminence, 
he thence made a furious charge upon the Thebans, 
and put them to flight. 

It was on this occasion that Isadas, the son of 
Phebidas, a young Spartan of large stature and great 
strength, distinguished himself by an exertion of 
extraordinary bravery. Happening to be at home 
when the Thebans broke into the town, and being 
suddenly alarmed at the noise of armour, he instant- 
ly seizes a spear in one hand, and a sword in the 
other, and runs out to oppose the enemy, stark 
naked as he was at the time. He rushes forward 
where the danger was greatest, deals death around 
him with every blow, and overthrows all that op- 
pose him, without receiving any wound himself. 
The ephori decreed him a chaplet as the reward of 
his valour ; but, at the same time, laid a fine of 1000 
drachmas upon him, as a punishment for having ex- 
posed himself without armour. 

Epaminondas, finding more resistance than he had 
expected, drew off his army from before Sparta, and 
/ marched towards Mantinea, to which he resolved to 
lay siege. That place happened then to be quite 
defenceless ; the allies, who had at first assembled 
there, having returned home to take care of their 
harvest. But, in the mean time, 6000 Athenians, 
under the command of Hegilochus, passed the sea 
to join the allies at Mantinea, and arrived in time to 
save the place. Falling in with the Thebans, they 
immediately gave them battle; which, though sharp, 
was but of short duration : for the Thebans, finding 
their project disappointed, thought it prudent to 
retreat. 

The Theban general, provoked at having failed in 



334 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

' these two last attempts, and fearing to forfeit the 
confidence of his allies on that account, resolved to 
come to a general engagement, which might at 
once render him master of the Peloponnesus. 

The Theban army, comprehending their al- 
363. lies the Arcadians and Argives, amounted to 
30,000 foot and 3000 horse. That of the La- 
cedemonians, joined with the Athenian troops, and 
those of their other allies, amounted to no more than 
20,000 foot and 2000 horse. The latter had but 
few slingers and archers, who, besides, were not 
very expert. The Thebans, on the contrary, had a 
great number, who had come to their assistance all 
the way from the borders of Thessaly, and excelled 
in the use of the sling and dart. Epaminondas was 
well persuaded, that by gaining this battle, he should 
insure to Thebes a superiority over the rest of 
Greece. 

In the opinion of the greatest masters in the art 
of war, the arrangement of the Theban army in this 
engagement, which was fought on the plains of 
Mantinea, was as skilful as it was singular. Epa- 
minondas, though superior in the number of his 
men, omitted nothing that might contribute to the 
success of the battle. Never did he employ more 
art to deceive the enemy, and to conceal from them 
his intended order of fight, that so he might attack 
them with the double advantage of their disorder, 
and his own superior skill. 

The Lacedemonian army was encamped at the 
foot of mount Parthemus ; and that of the Thebans 
on the declivity of the same hill. Epaminondas, 
without regarding the order of the enemy, whom he 
did not doubt of disconcerting by the singularity of 
his attack, formed his men before moving from the 
place of encampment. On his left wing, which was 
destined to charge the Lacedemonians themselves, 
he posted his Thebans and Arcadians, being the 
flower of his army : the Argives compose his right ; 
the Eubceans, Sicyonians, and Locrians, occupied 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 335 

his centre ; and the cavalry was disposed along the 
wings. 

After informing every corps of the order in which 
it was to fight, he instantly changed his disposition, 
put his army in motion, and, in a moment, gave it 
such a movement as indicated an intention to march. 
He advanced, indeed, towards the enemy; but, 
from the disposition of his troops, they were con- 
vinced that he meant to decamp. Still more to 
deceive them, after continuing his march for some 
time, he halted on an eminence, and caused all his 
infantry to ground their arms. This behaviour per- 
suaded the Lacedemonians, that Epaminondas in- 
tended to pitch his camp. Their officers were the 
first deceived, and accordingly quitted their sta- 
tions ; the soldiers, after their example, left their 
ranks; and thus the whole Lacedemonian army, 
which had till then continued in battle array, dis- 
persed all over their camp. 

This was the effect that Epaminondas had fore- 
seen and expected. As soon as he perceived the 
Lacedemonians in the disorder of an army quietly 
retiring to their quarters, from *a belief that there 
was nothing more to be feared, he commands his 
men to recover their arms, and advances quickly to 
the attack. The enemy, in amazement, run in haste 
to recover their ranks, and form with all possible 
expedition. They think of nothing now but to act 
on the defensive, Epaminondas's troops being al- 
ready formed, while they were hardly begun to 
make their disposition. Notwithstanding their sur- 
prise, however, they threw themselves into the form 
of a phalanx. The Athenian horse took post on 
one wing ; the Lacedemonian on the other. Their 
precipitation produced confusion ; and, on viewing 
the excellent order of the Theban army, they could 
expect nothing but a certain defeat. 

One part of the Theban horse had already placed 
themselves in front of that of the Athenians, to 
overawe them, and to prevent them from attacking 



336 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

their infantry in flank. The rest opposed the La- 
cedemonian cavalry. Epaminondas had intermin- 
gled among his horse small parties of excellent 
Thessalian slingers and archers, a precaution which 
the Lacedemonians had neglected. As soon as his 
cavalry had taken their station, Epaminondas, who 
had till now led on his army in the form of a pha- 
lanx, with a single line, suddenly ordered the ex- 
tremity of his right wing to halt ; and, at the same 
time, advanced briskly with the left wing in an an- 
gular form ; with the point of which, as with the 
beak of a galley, to use Xenophon's expression, he 
charged the centre of the enemy. 

He had had the precaution to place in this wing 
his choicest troops, which were besides sustained by 
those of the other wing; the left extremity of 
which extended to the formidable point in which he 
now advanced. His intention was to bear down 
the centre of the Lacedemonians, and then to charge 
them in flank to right and left, when, after thus 
being divided, they might be the more easily over- 
powered. 

The trumpets having sounded the charge, the 
armies, as usual, set up loud shouts. The engage- 
ment was begun by the Lacedemonian horse ; 
which being much inferior to those of the Thebans, 
were broken at the first onset, and put to flight, 
after making a poor resistance. The centre of the 
enemy was likewise borne down, as Epaminondas 
had foreseen. But this disadvantage, far from dis- 
couraging the Lacedemonians, rather animated them 
to exert prodigies of valour to repair their loss. 

Never, says Diodorus Siculus, had the Greeks 
fought against one another with such numerous 
armies ; never were they commanded by more skil- 
ful generals; never had they discovered more firm- 
ness, valour, and intrepidity. They all entertained 
the same indifference for life, the same desire of 
glory, the same love for their country. This battle 
was now to decide, in the sight of all Greece in 



CHAP. H. ANCIENT GREECE. 337 

arms, whether Thebes, constantly victorious through 
the whole course of this war, or Sparta, illustrious 
by its triumphs for ages preceding it, should enjoy 
the superiority over the rest of their countrymen. 
From all these motives united, the two parties dis- 
puted the victory with the most obstinate bravery. 

The foot of both armies made the first attack 
with their lances. These being soon broken, they 
betook themselves to their swords. Then the ac- 
tion became one of the most bloody that had ever 
been known ; and the earth was soon covered with 
the dead and wounded, and drenched with blood. 
But in spite of all the precautions used by Epami- 
nondas for securing the victory on his side, it still 
remained doubtful ; and he now saw, that a despe- 
rate effort was necessary to insure the success of his 
wisest measures. 

In this decisive moment, Epaminondas, still fur- 
ther to animate his men, thought it necessary to act 
the part of a brave soldier rather than that of a 
cautious general. Assembling therefore a chosen 
band of his bravest Thebans, he exhorts them to 
follow the example he is now to show them, ^and 
then rushes impetuously upon the Lacedemonians, 
determined to sacrifice his life if he can thereby de- 
cide the fate of the engagement. Followed by his 
troop of Thebans, he drives all before them, and 
cuts a lane through the enemy. The Lacedemo- 
nians in the centre begin to stagger, by and by give 
ground, and at last retire from the field of battle. 
Epaminondas pursued them, and made such a 
slaughter, that the ground where he and his troops 
fought, was, by the account of Diodorus Siculus, 
covered with heaps of Lacedemonians. 

To render the victory complete, it was now only 
necessary to recal the victorious Thebans from the 
pursuit of those that fled, and to lead them against 
the wings of the Lacedemonian army, which still 
kept their ground. But such valour and prudence 
are seldom united. Epaminondas, impelled by the 

Y 



338 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

ardour of his courage, was no longer master of him- 
self, and seemed resolved not to let a single Lace- 
demonian escape. Having advanced imprudently 
into the midst of them, without reflecting that his 
brave troops were every moment deminishing, he 
found himself at length almost alone, surrounded 
by a crowd of Lacedemonians. This brave man, 
then, collecting all his strength, supports, with a 
truly heroic bravery, the unequal combat, and 
wards off, with his buckler, the showers of darts 
poured upon him from every quarter. But while 
he is thus intent on defending himself, an officer 
makes a push at him with his lance, and plunges it 
into his breast. The wood having broken, the iron 
stuck fast in the wound, and Epaminondas falls 
half dead to the ground. The news is immediately 
spread through both armies. The Thebans, furious 
for the loss of their general, ran to the spot where 
he lay wounded, and bear down all before them. A 
shocking slaughter prevails round the body of 
Epaminondas, both parties fighting with the most 
furious obstinacy to get possession of it. The The- 
bans, however, prevail at last, and carry off their 
commander, though almost without life. Their 
fury redoubles at the sight ; and they vent it upon 
the Lacedemonians, who now began to fly on all 
sides. But the Theban commanders, considering 
that victory had hitherto declared in their favour, 
and being unwilling to hazard their good fortune 
any further, caused the retreat to be sounded. 

"When the Thebans were retired to their camp, the 
physicians, on examining Epaminondas's wound, 
judged it to be mortal ; and gave it as their opinion, 
that he must soon die unless the iron were drawn 
from his breast, and that it was probable he might 
expire under the operation. Epaminondas heard 
them with the greatest calmness ; and perceiving 
that his last hour w r as at hand, called for his armour 
bearer, and asked him whether his shield was safe ? 
The man answering that it was ; and having shown 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 339 

it to him, a smile of joy immediately overspread the 
face of Epaminondas ; who taking hold of his shield, 
embraced it, says Justin, as the companion of his 
labours and of his glory. He next enquired, which 
of the armies had remained the conqueror ; and, on 
being assured that the Lacedemonians had quit- 
ted the field of battle, * Then (says he) I have 
lived long enough, since I die with the honour of 
having never been beaten." 

After saying this, he desired the physicians to 
pull the iron from his breast. As it was not doubt- 
ed that he would die under the operation, the 
hearts of all present were penetrated with extreme 
sorrow. In the midst of this general dejection, one 
of his most intimate friends could not refrain himself 
from bursting out into the following exclamation ; 
" O Epaminondas ! you die, (cried he) you die, with- 
out leaving us even the hope of ever seeing you 
revive in any of your posterity, for you leave no 
children behind you." " You are mistaken, (re- 
plied Epaminondas calmly) I leave behind me two 
immortal daughters, the victory of Leuctra and that 
of Mantinea." The physicians having then, with 
much difficulty, extracted the iron from his breast, he 
fainted away. Some historians tell, that he drew it 
from the wound with his own hand. Whatever 
may be in that, he expired a few moments after, as 
if in the arms of victory, with a smile of joy and sa- 
tisfaction diffused over his countenance. 

Cicero regards Epaminondas as the completest 
character of Greece. The advantages bestowed on 
him by nature were improved by the admirable 
education given him by his father, who entertained 
so strong a passion for the arts and sciences that, in 
the pursuit of them, he spent all his fortune. Epa- 
minondas, naturally of a philosophical genius, pre- 
ferred the good education given him by his father 
to the greatest estate he could have left him. Mas- 
ter of his passions, and fond of temperance and sim- 
plicity, he lived happv in a state of the narrowest 



340 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

mediocrity. The honour of his country was the 
motive of his whole conduct ; and his time was en- 
tirely employed about the public welfare and the 
improvement of his understanding. Though na- 
turally addicted to the military life, he had studied 
the theory, before he chose to venture on the practice 
of war. His order of battle at Leuctra and Manti- 
nea, procured him the character of the most com- 
plete master of tactics of his time. That of Manti- 
nea, in particular, was accounted the master -piece 
of this accomplished commander. 

His countrvmen, who till his time had been 
buried in indolence and a total ignorance of the art 
of war, stood in need of such a master. By his care 
and application, he at once made them a nation of 
soldiers, and put them in a capacity of disputing 
the superiority of Greece with the people by whom 
that superiority was possessed. Pelopidas, it is true, 
had the honour of beginning the work ; but that of 
carrying it to its perfection belonged to Epaminon- 
das alone. In the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans, 
unassisted by any allies, humbled the pride of 
Sparta. Epaminondas, in every encounter, discom- 
fited those celebrated Spartans, so renowned in all 
histories, and gave irreparable blows to their power. 
He used, in jest, to say, that he had taught them 
to lengthen their monosyllables; alluding to their 
laconic answers, the overbearing tone of which had 
so much disgusted the other states. His integrity 
was without example. He not only himself re- 
jected, with indignation, a large sum of money 
offered by the Persians to corrupt his integrity, but 
even obliged Micithus to return the money received 
by him for making the proposal. In a word, he was 
not only a skilful commander, a profound states- 
man, and a man of learning and science, but his 
virtue in private life reflected additional lustre on 
all those other shining qualifications. 

The views and hopes of the Thebans were buried 
in Epaminondas's grave. Their thoughts were now 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 341 

entirely turned to peace; and as their enemies 
were still more exhausted by the war than they, 
the terms of accommodation proposed were very 
honourable for the Thebans. It was agreed, that 
each party should retain what he had won. The 
Lacedemonians alone, by the persuasion of Agesi- 
laus, refused to accede to the treaty, under pretence 
that it comprehended the inhabitants of Messene. 
They preferred war, therefore, in the hopes of re- 
covering that country. Agesilaus was much blam- 
ed on this occasion, for persuading his countrymen 
to persist in a ruinous war, rather than to embrace 
so favourable an opportunity of procuring an ad- 
vantageous peace; and he was looked upon as an 
obstinate man, who preferred the pleasure of com- 
manding an army to the happiness and quiet of his 
country. 

At this time Tachos king of Egypt being 
362. threatened with an invasion from the Persian 
monarch, sent to request the assistance of a 
body of troops from the Lacedemonians, with Age- 
silaus for their commander. His request was com- 
plied with; and the world was surprised to see a 
king of Sparta, at such an advanced period of life, 
spent in continual action and fatigue, submit to 
serve under a foreign prince. The event afforded 
him abundant cause to repent of his imprudence. 
The Egyptians, prepossessed with a high opinion of 
Agesilaus, from his great reputation as a most skil- 
ful general, had figured to themselves a king of a 
noble striking appearance. They were, therefore, 
exceedingly surprised to find him an old man, of a 
despicable figure, and in a very homely dress ; and 
and could hardly refrain from insulting him. He 
expected to have had the sole direction of the war. 
But he got the command only of the mercenaries, 
that of the navy being committed to the Athenian 
Chabrias, and the king retaining to himself the su- 
preme direction both of the army and of the fleet. 
Tachos, disregarding the advice of Agesilaus not 



342 y THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

to advance too far from his own frontiers, resolved 
to march into Phenicia. Agesilaus, provoked at 
this step of the king, joined a faction of the Egyp- 
tians who had revolted against him in his absence, 
and had advanced Nectenabus to the throne. Plu- 
tarch boldly treats this behaviour of Agesilaus as 
downright perfidy and treason. But the Lacede- 
monians, from their violent attachment to their na- 
tive country, seldom failed to sacrifice honour and 
good faith to what they imagined might redound 
to its advantage. To Agesilaus, therefore, it was 
sufficient reason to prefer the useful to the honour- 
able ; that he believed the side he embraced might 
better promote the glory of Sparta, or that the king 
for whom he declared was more attached to Greece ; 
objects that, in a Grecian breast, outweighed every 
other consideration. 

The prince of the city of Mendes having appeared 
as a third competitor for the crown, in opposition to 
Nectenabus, Agesilaus advised to fight him imme- 
diately. But Nectenabus was of a different opinion ; 
of which, however, he had soon reason to repent. 
After having learned, by experience, that Agesilaus 
was in the right, he thought proper to follow his 
counsel* Agesilaus thereupon defeated his oppo- 
nent, and made him prisoner. Having, at length, 
secured Nectenabus on the throne, he set sail for 
Lacedemon ; but being driven by contrary winds 
on that part of the coast of Africa called the har- 
bour of Menelaus, he there fell sick, and breathed 
his last, at the age of 84 years. His body was car- 
ried to Sparta, and his son Archidamus succeeded 
him in the kingdom. 

Agesilaus forms one of the most conspicuous and 
interesting characters exhibited in the history of 
Greece, as much on account of his personal quali- 
ties as of the very important transactions in which 
he was constantly engaged. Though nature had 
loaded him with a deformed and ungraceful person, 
yet his wit and spirit procured him universal es- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 343 

teem and admiration. Bred a plain Spartan, he 
preserved on the throne, even to a degree of affec- 
tation, the ancient Spartan simplicity and austerity 
of life. He always behaved as the most zealous 
protector of the laws, to which he himself paid the 
most exact and perfect obedience. This part of his 
character excites the highest admiration. The de- 
ference and respect shown by him on all occasions 
to the ephori and senate, was at once magnanimous 
and political, as it secured to him their confidence 
and support in all his undertakings. He possessed 
every qualification of the most skilful general ; ac- 
tive, brave, fruitful in stratagems, cool and intrepid 
in action. In private life his character was ex- 
tremely amiable. He was so fond of his children, 
that he sometimes joined with them even in their 
amusements. He was likewise a most affectionate 
and warm friend. In his old age he became haughty, 
imperious, and more restless than ever, breathing 
nothing but war ; and he is reproached with having 
sacrificed the repose and welfare of his country to 
his hatred of the Messenians and Thebans. His 
eulogium is written in the most masterly manner 
by Xenophon. 

About this time died Artaxerxes Mnemon, 
357. king of Persia, in an advanced age, and borne 
down with sorrow at the conspiracies formed 
against his life by his own children, who were be- 
come impatient to possess his throne. Ochus, the 
most wicked of his sons, having procured the assas- 
sination of his two brothers, succeeded Artaxerxes 
in the kingdom. This Ochus was the worst prince 
of his race, and rendered himself infamous bv his 
cruelty ; for he put to death, without any scruple, 
all the princes and princesses of his blood, and all 
others who gave him the least uneasiness. Ochus, 
on receiving some cause of discontent from Artaba- 
zus governor of one of the provinces of Asia, sent 
against him an army of 62,000 men. But the Athe- 
nian Chares, whom the satrap had prevailed on to 



344 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III* 

assist him, entirely routed his army with a small 
fleet and some Greek soldiers. The Athenians, in- 
timidated by the threats of Oehus^ recalled Chares. 
Artabazus, to supply the place of Chares, obtained 
of the Thebans a reinforcement of 5000 men, com- 
manded by Pammenes, and with their assistance 
beat the army of Ochus a second time. But that 
prince having prevailed on the Thebans, by means 
of a large sum of money, to withdraw their troops 
likewise, Artazabus found himself unable to make 
head against him any longer, and therefore took re- 
fuge with Philip king of Macedon. 

This year war broke out again between the Athe- 
nians and their allies; the islands of Chios, Cos, 
Rhodes, and the city of Byzantium, having entered 
into a confederacy to render themselves indepen- 
dent of Athens. To reduce those revolters to obe- 
dience, required the most powerful forces, and the 
best generals the Athenians then possessed. On 
this occasion Chabrias^ Iphicrates, and Timotheus 
acquired great glory. According to Cornelius Ne- 
pos, these were the last Athenian commanders 
whose names deserve to be perpetuated in history.* 

The war on the part of the Athenians began with 
the siege of Chios, which was quickly relieved by 
the allies. There Chares commanded the army, and 
Chabrias the fleet. Chabrias forced his passage in- 
to the harbour ; but being deserted by the other 
galleys, whose commanders were afraid to follow 
him, his own was surrounded and pierced through 
and through* He nevertheless obstinately refused 
to quit his ship and save himself by swimming, as 
he might have done, and therefore perished along 
with her. Chabrias had formerly acquired a high 
reputation* and especially when he was sent to the 
relief of the Thebans against the Spartans. In an 
action that happened on that occasion, seeing him- 
self abandoned by his allies, he ordered his soldiers 
to close their ranks, and stooping down to the 
ground on one knee, to cover themselves with their 



GHAP. Hi ANCIENT GREECE. 345 

shields, and to extend their spears In this singu- 
lar position he sustained the attack of the enemy, 
who found it impossible to break his ranks. On 
that account the Athenians erected a statue to his 
memory, in the posture in which he then fought. 

Chares succeeded Chabrias in the command of 
the fleet. But the Athenians finding their enter- 
prise against Chios proceeding but slowly, relin- 
quished it altogether ; and at the same time fitted 
out a second fleet of 60 galleys, which they put un- 
der the command of Iphicrates, and of Timotheus 
the son of the famous Conon. The Athenians, by 
laying siege to Byzantium, obliged the allies to re- 
linquish that of Samos, which they had undertaken 
about the same time, and to fly to the relief of By- 
zantium. A violent tempest coming on just as 
they were on the point of engaging, Chares, na- 
turally a presumptuous man, insisted, notwithstand- 
ing, that they should attack the enemy, contrary to 
the opinion both of Iphicrates and Timotheus, who 
would by no means consent to hazard a battle in 
such circumstances. Chares, provoked at their re- 
fusal, sent letters to Athens, in which he complained 
loudly of his colleagues ; and his powerful faction 
in the city did not fail to support his complaints. 
The Athenians having brought Iphicrates and Ti- 
motheus to trial, imposed a fine of 100 talents on 
Timotheus, who, on a former occasion, had gained to 
his countrymen, from its enemies* no less a sum 
than 1200 talents, without reserving the smallest 
part of it for himself This is a remarkable instance 
of the ingratitude of the giddy worthless mob that 
governed Athens; 

Timotheus, provoked at so unjust a treatment, 
retired to Chalcidas, where he ended his days a few 
years after. It is remarked of this illustrious Athe- 
nian, that it was he who completely restored to his 
countrymen their superiority at sea ; a revolution 
indeed which his father had begun. Timotheus 
was besides a man of great learning, and distinguish- 
ed himself no less by his eloquence than by his 



346 THE HISTORY OF BOOK Hi. 

strong and just taste for the sciences. The unin- 
rupted success that attended him in all his enter- 
prises, drew upon him much, envy, and gave occa- 
sion to a piece of painting, in which Timotheus was 
represented asleep, with fortune at his side, taking 
towns with a net. Timotheus, piqued at this insult, 
maintained, that his success was chiefly owing to 
his abilities : And as for the picture, he observed 
with a great deal of wit, " If I take towns while 
asleep, what might I not perform if awake?" It 
appears, however, from what we have just now re- 
lated, that fortune wearied at last of lavishing her 
favours upon him. 

Iphicrates being likewise called to stand trial, and 
not thinking it sufficient to depend entirely upon 
the force of arguments, introduced into the assem- 
bly a number of young men armed with daggers ; 
of which they took care now and then to discover the 
points to the view of the judges. This new me- 
thod of pleading his defence produced all the intend- 
ed effect. The judges were intimidated, and ac- 
quitted Iphicrates. The fickle disposition of the 
people of Athens, who always behaved with the 
highest ingratitude to their best generals, may, in a 
great measure, excuse this singular stratagem. This 
capricious ungrateful conduct is likewise assigned as 
one of the principal causes of the ruin of their re- 
public ; those men who were possessed of abilities 
to serve the state, being often obliged to provide for 
their personal security by a voluntary exile ; by 
which means Athens could no longer find generals 
to command its armies. 

To return to Iphicrates. That brave man had 
particularly distinguished himself, when very young, 
in a sea-fight ; and his merit soon procured him the 
honour of the chief command. No Greek general 
ever understood the military art better than he. 
He was extremely rigorous in inferring a strict dis- 
cipline among his troops, by which he had made 
them so expert at every kind of evolution, that in- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE* 347 

stantly on perceiving tbe proper signal, they per- 
formed the motion required. These troops were 
distinguished from the rest by the name of Iphicra- 
tians. He invented a more convenient sort of arms 
and clothing for the soldiers, particularly by length- 
ening their spears and swords. In a word, he be- 
stowed so much attention on the most minute par- 
ticular relating to the business of war, that he seem- 
ed to have been expressly formed by nature for the 
profession of arms. He was endued with such 
strength of body, that once in a sea-engagement, he 
seized his antagonist in his arms, and carried him, 
armed as he was, into his own ship. He is said to 
have been of mean extraction. But his sentiments 
were far from discovering any tincture of a low 
birth. Never indeed did any man possess a more 
lofty soul ; and his son Menistheus thought him- 
self more honoured by being descended of such a fa- 
ther, than by having a princess, the daughter of 
Cotys king of Thrace, for his mother. Iphicrates, 
on being upbraided with the meanness of his birth, 
by one who was descended of Harmoditus, answered, 
" It is true the nobility of my family begins in my- 
self* while that of yours ends in you." 

Chares, after having accomplished the disgrace of 
his colleagues, soon made it evident how unworthy 
he was to supply their place. Being as avaricious 
as vain, he suffered himself to be corrupted by Arta- 
bazus satrap of Asia Minor, then warmly pressed by 
the Persian monarch, and was lucky enough to re- 
lieve him from the danger wherewith he was threat- 
ened. On that occasion he was accused of having 
abandoned the service of the republic, but had inte- 
rest enough to screen himself from the punishment 
he deserved. The Athenians, dreading the resent- 
ment of the king of Persia, bestirred themselves to 
bring about a general peace, to which they had been 
long exhorted by the excellent orations of Isocrates; 
who, recalling to their remembrance the glorious 
days of Athens, when their ancestors sacrificed e very 



848 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

consideration to the maintaining of the liberties of 
Greece, represented to them, that the real greatness 
of a state consists, not in the extent of its conquests, 
which it can never effect without some degree of 
injustice, but in wisely governing its subjects, and, 
by justice and moderation, making itself to be be- 
loved by its neighbours. This war, after continuing 
three years, was at length terminated by a peace ; 
of which the chief condition was, that Rhodes, By- 
zantium, Chios, and Cos, should enjoy perfect li- 
berty. 

CHAP. III. 

Transactions in Greece, from the conclusion of the war of the 
allies, to the death of Philip King of Macedon. 

The Athenians now finding themselves in secu- 
rity and leisure by the peace just concluded, gave a 
loose to their pleasures, and particularly to their in- 
clination for public shows and diversions, which 
they carried to the highest pitch of extravagance. 
Pericles had been very \instrumental in inspiring 
them with this taste, principally from political mo- 
tives, to please and to amuse his restless countrymen, 
that he might acquire their affection, and divert 
them from caballing against his administration ; and 
partly from a natural elegance of mind, which ren- 
dered him partial to an amusement at once the most 
rational, ingenious, and instructive, that ever was 
devised. But the incomparable dramatic pieces 
which graced the Attic stage, had at length so be- 
witched the imaginations of that lively people, that 
they became fond of them even to folly ; and to the 
gratification of their theatrical taste they sacrificed 
the glory and business of the state. The poets and 
comedians became the idols of the people ; and, by 
engrossing the whole public attention, made those 
who had exposed their lives for the interest of the 
commonwealth to be quite overlooked. The pub- 



f 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 349 

lie money was lavished away upon buffons and sing- 
ers; and the annual expence of the theatre alone 
exceeded that of an ordinary campaign. To sup- 
port those foolish extravagances, they appropriated 
the funds set apart for the exigencies of the state, 
prohibiting at the same time, under pain of death, 
every person from proposing any other application 
of those funds. A people so obstinately blind to its 
most important interests deserved to be chastised 
for its folly, by becoming a prey to some of its more 
virtuous neighbours. 

While the Athenians, and, after their example, 
most of the other Greeks, gave themselves up in 
this manner to luxury and pleasure, the Macedon- 
ians, till then an obscure nation, formed a design of 
profiting by their lethargy, and meditated the con- 
quest of their country. They had been always re- 
garded as barbarians by the Greeks, who continued 
to give them that appellation till they had carried 
their victorious arms into Asia. The descendants 
of Caranus, the first king of Macedonia of whom we 
have any knowledge, had reigned without interrup- 
tion in that kingdom down to the period of which 
we now speak. 

We have mentioned above, that Perdiccas, the 
son of Amyntas, having mounted the throne, a dis- 
pute on that head had arisen between him and his 
brother Ptolemy, which by mutual consent was re- 
ferred to the judgment of Pelopidas. The matter 
was by Pelopidas decided in favour of Perdiccas : 
and the more effectually to enforce his decision, Pe- 
lopidas carried along with him to Thebes, Philip 
the third son of Amyntas, then a boy about ten 
years old. This happened about the year before 
Christ 373. 

Philip received his education in the family of E- 
paminondas ; and, to the misfortune of Greece, 
profited but too well by the lessons of that great 
master in the art of war. From the manner in 
which he opened his way to the throne, he soon 



350 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

displayed a genius capable of the greatest under- 
takings. 

He had remained now ten years at Thebes, when 
he got notice that Perdiccas was slain in a battle 
with the Illyrians, and had left behind him an only 
son, Amyntas, yet an infant. An ambitious mind 
has its attention constantly fixed upon the means 
that may conduct to its object. Philip withdraws 
in secret from Thebes, arrives in Macedonia, obtains 
himself to be declared tutor to his nephew, and in 
that quality assumes the government of the king- 
dom. The Macedonians having been lately worst- 
ed in war, were now surrounded with enemies, who 
were making dispositions to profit by their misfor- 
tunes. Philip therefore immediately applied him- 
self to reanimate their courage, to gain the affection 
of the people, and to discipline the troops. 
360. The Macedonians, full of admiration of his 
great qualities, deposed his nephew, and ad- 
vanced him to the throne. Philip, then about twen- 
ty-four years of age, hastened to fulfil the public ex- 
pectations. The talent of speaking, which he al- 
ready possessed in an eminent degree, gained him 
universal confidence and affection. 

His first care was the restoration of military dis- 
cipline, a point upon which he shewed himself ex- 
tremely severe. But at the same time, to induce 
the soldiers to serve with greater zeal, he treated 
them in other respects with singular kindness and 
distinction, usually calling them by the flattering 
name of companions. It was Philip who instituted 
the Macedonian phalanx, a battalion in the form of 
a long square, having 1000 men in front, with six- 
teen in depth, all armed with spears about twenty- 
three feet long. This phalanx presented an impen- 
etrable rampart, and marched so close as to be able 
to sustain the most violent shocks of an enemy, and 
at the same time to bear down every thing that 
opposed it. The famous Roman, Paulus iEmilius, 
who in his battle with Perseus, the last king of Ma- 



GHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 351 

cedonia, was opposed by such a phalanx, declared, 
that he had never seen any appearance more capa- 
ble of striking terror, and had even trembled at it 
himself. But as this body was under a necessity of 
moving altogether, its strength consisting entirely 
in its union, it always required a plain field to act 
on, otherwise it was no longer invincible. 

To secure himself on the throne, Philip's chief 
care was to remove his competitors out of the way , 
to extinguish domestic factions, and to subdue his 
enemies by repeated victories. Overawed at this 
time by the Athenian power, he endeavoured to ne- 
gotiate a treaty with them, and succeeded. But 
this treaty was of short continuance, as we shall by 
and by see. — -To return to Athens. 

In that city a man began about this time to ap- 
pear, whose extraordinary merit was soon to make 
a great figure in the affairs of Greece. By the ex- 
tent of his genius, and the power of his eloquence, 
he was destined often to frustrate the designs of 
Philip, and to be a continual check upon all his in- 
terprises. This was the famous Demosthenes. It 
is proper for a moment to fix our particular atten- 
tion on this wonderful man. 

He was born at Athens in the year before Christ 
382, two years after Philip, of a father, by trade a 
blacksmith, but one of the most considerable m his 
profession. He was left an orphan very young. 
Happening to be a witness of the applause bestow- 
ed on the orator Callistratus,, he conceived a violent 
desire to acquire glory by the same means, and de- 
dicated himself entirely to the study of rhetoric. 
His voice was weak, and his articulation confused, 
stammering, and indistinct. He had a disagreeable 
tone of declamation ; and a person void of all those 
exterior advantages, which are calculated to pre- 
possess the favour of an audience, and which pave, 
as it were, the way to persuasion. Those imperfec- 
tions would have prevented any other person from 
pursuing the career of public speaking. But De- 



352 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

mosthenes resolved to exert his utmost efforts to 
overcome them ; and for that purpose employed the 
most painful expedients ; sometimes declaiming 
while climbing up steep places, in order to strength- 
en his voice ; and sometimes profiting by the advice 
and example of the principal comedians of his time, 
from whom he learned the graces of action. 

It is true, that in other respects he had received 
from nature some of the happiest dispositions for a 
public speaker. He possessed an accurate taste for 
all the refinements of the Greek language, amazing 
talents for composition, and extraordinary ingenui- 
ty in argument ; — qualities indeed that, like most 
others natural to man, may be extremely improved 
by exercise, and which the uncommon application 
of Demosthenes carried to their highest pitch. Of 
this his admirable orations exhibit the most complete 
proof. 

It was not long before he reaped the fruit of his 
obstinate application. The fame of his eloquence 
drew people from the extremities of Greece to hear 
him ; and he soon stood unrivalled among his own 
countrymen. His eloquence was serious and cor- 
rect ; but withal sublime, bold, and impetuous. His 
orations abound with metaphors and allusions. He 
invokes the gods, the stars, the names of those who 
fell at Marathon and Salamis. But the force of his 
action constituted his chief characteristic. The times 
required such an orator. The Athenians, absorbed 
in the most supine indolence, and consuming their 
time in private contests and jealousies, required the 
strongest and most striking figures of rhetoric to 
rouse them from their lethargy, and to open their 
eyes to the dangers by which they were threatened. 
The arguments of Demosthenes made the deeper 
impressions, as an ardent zeal for the welfare of his 
country, and a perfect disinterestedness, were well 
known to be the motives and principles upon which 
he acted. Demades and his other rivals used to tell 
him, by way of reproach, that his discourses smelled 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 353 

of the oil and lamp. But Demosthenes very pro- 
perly replied, That it were disrespectful to a full as- 
sembly of the citizens, to presume to speak in their 
presence without being properly prepared. — To re- 
turn to the affairs of Greece. 

Two years after the war of the allies, the extra- 
ordinary warlike preparations of the Persian mo- 
narch alarmed the Athenians, who were incited by 
their orators immediately to take up arms, and to 
commence hostilities. ButDemosthenes, who, though 
then only twenty-eight years of age, was begin- 
ning to distinguish himself, represented to the A- 
thenians, that they ought to do nothing rashly, nor 
by a permature declaration of war to furnish so 
powerful a prince with a pretext for turning his 
arms against Greece. In the mean time, however, 
he advised them to fit out a fleet, and to hold all 
their troops in readiness. 

The Lacedemonians about this time conceived the 
design of making themselves masters of Megalopo- 
lis, a fortified town of Arcadia, which gave them 
much uneasiness. On that occasion Demosthenes 
again harangued the Athenians in favour of the 
Megalopolitans. He convinced them, that it con- 
cerned them very nearly to prevent both Sparta and 
Thebes from becoming too powerful : and his elo- 
quence had the effect of determining the Athenians 
to send 3000 men to the relief of that town, not- 
withstanding the alliance that then subsisted be- 
tween them and the Lacedemonians. 

Philip having made the necessary preparations 
for war, defeated the Illyrians in a pitched battle, 
and reduced Amphipolis, an Athenian colony. As 
he could not keep possession of this place without 
provoking the Athenians, with whom it was at pre- 
sent his interest to keep fair, and being unwilling at 
the same time to leave in their hands one of the 
keys of his kingdom, he resolved to declare it free; 
and accordingly granted permission to the inhabi- 
tants to form themselves into an independent re- 

z 



354 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

public. Shortly after, however, by means of his in- 
fluence within the town, he made himself master of 
it a second time. But it must be confessed, that 
this was in a great measure owing to the negligence 
of the Athenians, who were too dilatory in sending 
troops to its relief. He likewise reduced Potidea, 
and dismissed the Athenian garrison which he found 
in the place; But still pretending to be desirous of 
avoiding a rupture with the Athenians, he used 
every art to lull them into security with respect to 
their real interests. Soon after he subdued the 
Peonians* and recovered from thelllyrians the places 
of which they held possession in Macedonia. 

Philip soon showed himself to be a thorough po- 
litician, by putting in practice every resource of that 
art, to extend his conquests ; sometimes employing 
stratagems, sometimes promises ; weakening those 
whom he could not conquer, and insinuating him- 
self into the quarrels of Greece under the character 
of umpire. About this time he got possession of 
Cnidos, which he called after his own name, Phi- 
lippi. The taking of this town, which became very 
famous a long while after by the battle fought in its 
neighbourhood, in which Brutus and Cassius were 
defeated, was more advantageous to Philip than the 
greatest conquest. For having discovered some 
gold mines in its neighbourhood, he caused them 
to be opened* and drew from them yearly about 
1000 talents ; a sum exceeding the whole revenues 
of Athens. With this money he found himself in 
a situation to keep up a powerful army, and like- 
wise to maintain spies and partizans among the na- 
tions around. This gold opened him the gates of 
many towns, and accelerated the success of all his 
enterprises. He is even reported to have declared, 
that he believed no town impregnable, which could 
admit the entrance of a mule loaded with gold. On 
this account his gold is said to have subdued Greece. 

The Athenians were not at this time in a situa- 
tion to watch over the enterprises of Philip, being 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 355 

engaged in a contest to which the island of Eubcea 
had given occasion. That island was disturbed by 
two factions : one of which favoured the Thebans, 
and the other the Athenians. The matter was of 
importance to the latter, who derived a part of their 
revenues from Euboea. They therefore sent out a 
fleet, expelled the Thebans, and put an end to the 
dissensions. 

In the year before Christ 356, Olympian, 
356. the wife of Philip, brought him a son who was 
named Alexander, and whose mighty exploits 
procured him in the sequel the appellation of the 
Great. It is remarkable that the famous temple of 
Diana at Ephesus, accounted one of the seven won- , 
ders of the world, was burnt the same day that 
Alexander the Great was born. The person who 
set this superb edifice on fire was called Erostratus. 
When put to the torture, he declared, that his mo- 
tive for committing so mischievous an action was 
to immortalise his name. Philip was from home 
when his son was born. At the same time that he 
received this welcome piece of news, intelligence of 
two other particulars of the most agreeable nature 
was likewise brought him, namely, of his being 
victor in the chariot-races at the Olympic games, 
and of a signal victory obtained over the Illyrians 
by his general Parmenio. 

Philip being resolved to have his son educated 
in the most perfect and complete manner, instantly 
wrote to the famous Aristotle in these terms ; " 1 
give you notice that I have gotten a son. I thank 
the gods, not so much for bestowing this son upon 
me, as for having bestowed him in your time ; for 
I have reason to flatter myself, that you will form 
for me a successor worthy of me." 

The sacred war, or the war of the Phoceans, 
355. succeeded that of the allies- It became ge- 
neral among the states of Greece, was carried 
on for ten years with great animosity, and was ex- 
tremely destructive in its consequences to all the 

z2 



356 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

parties concerned. Religion^vas the pretence for it ; 
and the cause that produced it was very trifling. 
The Phoceans having tilled a piece of ground be- 
longing to the temple of Apollo, which was situated 
in their territory, were accused of sacrilege by their 
neighbours, and were cited to answer for their con- 
duct before the amphictyons, who condemned the 
Phoceans in a large fine. The latter refused to com- 
ply with this sentence, alleging that they were entit- 
led to the exclusive management both of the tem- 
ple and its territory : and they applied for aid to 
the Spartans, who furnished them underhand with 
money, and encouraged them to persist in their ob- 
stinacy. 

Philomelus, a man of a daring spirit, who possess- 
ed great influence among his countrymen the Pho- 
ceans, persuaded them to take arms, levied troops, 
seized on the temple of Delphos, effaced the decree 
of the amphictyons, which was engraved on a pil- 
lar of the temple, and by threats obliged the priestess 
of Apollo to give a response approving of all his 
proceedings. The Locrians attempted to oppose 
this enterprise of the Phoceans, but were worsted 
in several encounters. The matter now became se- 
rious. The amphictyons assembled, and passed a de- 
cree, declaring, That war ought to be made on the 
Phoceans. Each state of Greece immediately took 
part in the dispute, according as their different in- 
terests inclined them. The Athenians and Spartans 
joined the Phoceans : the Thebans, Locrians, Thes- 
salians, and the rest of the states, took arms against 
them. Thus began the sacred war. 

Philomelus, notwithstanding an oath he had 
sworn not to meddle with the treasure of the tem- 
ple, took from thence what money was necessary 
for the expences of the war, and raised an army of 
10,000 men. At first several engagements were 
fought with various success. But this, like every 
other of which religion is made the pretence, where, 
under colour of religious zeal, parties indulge pri- 



CHAP. HI. ANCIENT GREECE. 357 

vate resentment, was carried on with great cruelty. 
The Thebans, the most active and zealous of all, 
having surprised a party of the Phoceans, condemn- 
e d them all to death as guilty of sacrilege. On the 
other side, the Phoceans, in revenge for this cruelty, 
thought themselves entitled to treat in like manner 
such of their enemies as fell into their hands. At 
last a battle ensued between the Phoceans and the 
Thebans, in which the former were defeated with 
great slaughter, their general Philomelus being kill- 
ed on the spot, after behaving with a bravery that 
showed him worthy of conducting a better under- 
taking. His brother Onomarchus succeeded him 
in the command ; assembled the remains of the 
Phocean army ; and by the temptation of high pay, 
soon raised a formidable army, with which he made 
himself master of several places belonging to the 
enemy. 

The order of time requires, that we should here 
digress a little, to make mention of Artemisia queen 
of Caria, and wife of Mausolus. That prince had 
subjected to his power the people of Rhodes and of 
Cos, very soon after they had been by the late peace 
restored to the full enjoyment of their liberty. He 
is reported to have treated the conquered people 
with great severity, and to have died the year after 
his conquest. But the grief of his widow Artemi- 
sia, and the sumptuous tomb erected by her to his 
memory, have immortalized the names both of the 
husband and of the wife. Not satisfied, however, 
with honouring him in that manner, she had his 
ashes carefully preserved and constantly mixed with 
her drink, till at last her body became literally the 
sepulchre of that of her husband. She desired fu- 
neral orations to be composed to his praise, and 
published a reward to the person that should furnish 
the best. It is said that the oration presented by 
Theopompus was preferred, though his master Iso- 
crates was one of the competitors, The grief of 
Artemisia continued till her death, which was there- 



358 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III* 

by hastened, and happened two years after that of 
Mausolus. Some authors, however, tell us, that 
Artemisia was not so entirely occupied with her 
mourning, but that she found time to make consi- 
derable conquests. For she surprised the fleet of 

the Rhodians, who had resolved to attempt 
352. her dethronement; obtained possession of 

Rhodes, and put to death the principal inha- 
bitants. Hence some authors have taken occasion 
to call in question the particulars related of her 
grief. But it is possible for the same person to be 
at once possessed of very tender feelings, and of the 
resolution requisite for maintaining his authority, 
and chastising his enemies. It was on this occasion 
that the Rhodians applied to the Athenians for as- 
sistance ; and Demosthenes having become their 
patron, endeavoured by his eloquence to excite the 
compassion of his countrymen in favour of that 
people, whose manners had rendered them unworthy 
of being protected. 

Philip at first took no part in the sacred war. 
Being more concerned about his own private inte- 
rests than about the insult offered to Apollo, he was 
not at all dissatisfied to see the states of Greece 
weakening each other by a cruel and ruinous war. 
While therefore they were destroying one another, 
he was solely intent on extending his dominions, se- 
curing his conquests on the side of Thrace, and re- 
ducing such places as were advantageously situated 
for him. When besieging Methone, a citizen of 
Amphipolis, named Aster, offered him his service 
as so expert an archer, that he never missed the 
smallest bird on the wing. But Philip told him, 
he would employ him when he had a war with the 
swallows. The man was so provoked at this an- 
swer, that he threw himself into the place, aimed at 
Philip an arrow r , with this inscription, " For Philip's 
right eye ;" and in effect pierced that eye. Philip 
returned the arrow, with this other inscription, " If 
Philip take the town, he will hang up Aster and 



CHAP, III. ANCIENT GREECE. 359 

having taken the town accordingly, he was as good 
as his word. After this accident, that prince was 
weak enough to be offended when any person hap- 
pened in his presence to mention a cyelops. 

Lycophron, brother-in-law to Alexander of Phe- 
rae, having succeeded that prince in the kingdom, 
imitated his tyranny, and provoked his subjects to 
rebel. The Thessalians applied for protection to 
Philip: who being otherwise well disposed to ob- 
lige them, immediately went in pursuit of the ty- 
rant, and defeated him in several engagements. 

Onomarchus, in the mean time, the general of 
the Phoceans, was more successful than his brother, 
and had taken several cities in Bceotia, the Thebans 
being unable to make opposition. He was even 
daring enough to make head against Philip in his 
war on Lycophron, and defeated him in two skir- 
mishes ; but a general engagement having ensued, 
6000 of the Phoceans were slain, and the rest put to 
flight. Onomarchus was among the killed ; and 
Philip took 3000 prisoners. Besides other advan- 
tages that accrued to Philip from this victory, it 
procured him the character of a prince devoted to 
the interests of religion. His success was in a 
great measure owing to the Thessalian horse that 
fought in his army. 

Phaillus, the brother of Onomarchus, succeeded 
to the command among the Phoceans ; made use of 
the riches of the temple of Delphos, as his predeces- 
sors had done, to raise new forces ; augmented still 
further the pay of the soldiers, and by that means 
increased the number of his troops. He was at first 
unsuccessful against the Thebans ; but for that, his 
advantage over the Locrians made amends. Death, 
however, soon stopt his career ; whereupon a son of 
Onomarchus, named Phalenius, assumed the com- 
mand. But his authority was of short duration. 
He fell in his first engagement. 

Hostilities, in the mean time, daily continuing, 
the Thebans were the first who grew weary of the 



360 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

war ; for their finances being at length totally ex- 
hausted, they found themselves unable to support 
it any longer. The Phoceans, on the other hand, 
were seized with remorse for having authorised 
their generals to plunder the temple of Apollo. On 
an account being drawn up of all the money they 
had thence abstracted, the whole sum was found to 
amount to 10,000 talents. 

About the same time, the Phoceans, pro- 
351. voked by the cruel oppression with which they 
were treated by the satraps, entered into an 
alliance with Nectanebus king of Egypt, revolted 
against the Persian monarch, and with the assist- 
ance of 4000 Greek troops, sent to their aid by the 
king of Egypt, under the command of Memnon the 
Rhodian, succeeded in expelling the Persians from 
their country. The inhabitants of Cyprus, who 
were as much oppressed as the Phenicians, joined 
the latter in the revolt. Ochus applied to the 
Greeks for assistance to subdue the rebels, and ob- 
tained 8000 men under the command of Phocion 
the Athenian, and Evagoras the son of Nicoeles. 
These two brave captains, on being joined by a bo- 
dy of Syrian and Cicilian soldiers, formed the siege 
of Salamis, the most important city of Cyprus. The 
army dispatched by Ochus against Phenicia consist- 
ed of 300,000 foot and 30,000 horse. Memnon, in- 
timidated by the approach of so powerful an army, 
entered into a private treaty with Ochus, and offer- 
ed to put him in possession of Sidon. The Sido- 
nians, to the number of 40,000 persons, finding 
themselves betrayed, shut themselves up in their 
houses, set fire to them, and perished in the flames. 
The rest of the Phenicians, terrified by the dread- 
ful fate of the Sidonians, immediately made their 
submission to the king of Persia. 

Ochus having terminated with equal success the 
rebellion of the Cyprians, marched next into Egypt, 
which he resolved likewise to subdue; and he was 
£o effectually served by his generals, that he com- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 361 

pleted the conquest of that kingdom in a very short 
time. Nectanebus, apprehensive of falling into the 
hands of the victor, fled with his army into iEthio- 
pia, from whence he never returned. Ochus, after 
dismantling the cities, and pillaging the temples, 
returned in triumph to Babylon. Memnon the 
Rhodian, and his brother Mentor, after their recon ! 
ciliation with the Persian monarch, rendered him 
very important services, especially Memnon, who 
was an excellent commander. 

Ochus spent the rest of his life immersed in indo- 
lence and pleasure, committing the whole manage- 
ment of public affairs to the eunuch Bagoas an 
Egyptian. That favourite, provoked at his master 
for having polluted the Egyptian temples, and for 
having killed their god Apis, which was no other 
than a sacred bull, in revenge deprived him of his 
life by poison. The eunuch finding himself, by that 
event, invested with the whole power of Persia, ad- 
vanced to the throne Arses the youngest of the late 
king's sons. But perceiving that young prince to 
discover some uneasiness at finding himself to be 
no more than a titular king, Bagoas got him assassi- 
nated, and put in his place Darius Codomannus. 

Philip, who was constantly attentive to every cir- 
cumstance that might turn to his advantage, per- 
ceiving the states of Greece to be greatly weakened 
by their intestine wars, resolved to attempt the con- 
quest of them. With that view he led an army to- 
wards the country of Phocis, and, for the first time, 
entered Greece with hostile intentions. The defile 
of Thermopylae being the only pass by which he 
could penetrate into Achaia, he endeavoured to take 
possession of it, under the pretence of marching 
against the Phoceans. But the Athenians having 
prevented him, he did not think it advisable to 
force the passage, and therefore relinquished the 
project for the present. 

Philip owed his disappointment on this occasion 
to the eloquence of Demosthenes, who roused the 



362 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

attention, and animated the courage, of his fellow- 
citizens by a celebrated oration. The Athenians, 
now wholly taken up with their games and shows, 
as we have already remarked, had occasion for a 
man of such discernment and prudence, of such per- 
suasive eloquence, and actuated by so sincere a re- 
gard for his country, as this famous orator was, to 
rouse them from their lethargy. Demosthenes made 
them sensible of the danger they ran from the exor- 
bitant ambition of Philip, who was continually em- 
ployed about some new enterprise ; and he per- 
suaded them, that the success of Philip's arms was 
altogether owing to their indolence and inattention. 
" While, therefore," said he, " you spend your time 
in walking about in the forum, inquiring at one 
another, What is the news ? what more wonderful 
a piece of news would you desire, than that a Ma- 
cedonian is making quick advances towards obtain^ 
ing a superiority over the Athenians, and becoming 
the sovereign arbiter of Greece ?" He proceeded to 
lay before them the proper means for checking the 
progress of Philip. He advised them to fit out, 
with all convenient speed, a fleet of fifty galleys ; 
to muster up as great an army as possible from 
among themselves ; to take into their pay as many 
foreign troops as their finances would allow ; and 
constantly to keep up an army of observation on 
the frontiers of Macedonia, to harass Philip, and to 
hold him in awe. To convince them of the expe- 
diency and possibility of complying with his ad- 
vice, he entered into a very minute detail of parti- 
culars, and, on the whole, laid before them the most 
useful and salutary instructions. 

While the Athenians were deliberating about 
putting in execution the plans proposed by Demos- 
thenes, Philip, after his disappointment at Thermo- 
pylae employed himself in extending his conquests 
on the side of Thrace. He reduced most of the ci- 
ties along the coast of the Hellespont ; and, by thus 
increasing his power, was in a manner paving the 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 363 

way to the accomplishment of his designs on 
Greece. Having at last laid siege to Olynthus, a 
city possessed by an Athenian colony, the inhabi- 
tants implored the protection of the Athenians ; 
who desired to deliberate on the affair, and to hear 
the opinions of their orators. Demosthenes spoke 
on this occasion in favour of the Olythians ; and 
this oration is commonly intitled his first Olynthian. 

He there represents Philip, in the first place, as 
an ambitious and dangerous prince, a shrewd poli- 
tician, an indefatigable warrior ; and as a man who, 
when force and stratagem failed, was extremely 
skilful in accomplishing his purposes by a proper 
application of gold. In the next place, he describes 
him as being imprudent, rash, deceitful, debauched, 
and irreligious ; and, for all these reasons, easy to 
be conquered. Hence he inferred that the Athe- 
nians ought to reform the abuses that had crept in- 
to the government, to make an end of private quar- 
rels, and to combine their united efforts against 
their common enemy. Demosthenes enforced his 
opinion with such strength of argument, and such a 
power of eloquence, that he confounded the orators 
who spoke in favour of Philip, and carried his point. 
For Philip already had his creatures in Athens, and 
among the rest, the orator Demades, a very acute 
and artful reasoner. In the mean time, thirty gal- 
leys were, in consequence of the advice of Demos- 
thenes, dispatched under the command of Chares to 
the assistance of the Olynthian s. 

Philip himself avowed, that Demosthenes alone 
could thwart his designs more than all the fleets and 
armies of Greece united. But as that prince was 
making a rapid progress in the country of Olynthia, 
the apprehensions of the Olythians increased, and 
they sent to Athens for fresh succours. Demos- 
thenes still acted as their patron ; and, on this occa- 
sion, pronounced his third Olythian. To prevail on 
the Athenians to persist in assisting them, he en- 
deavoured to excite their compassion, by giving 



364 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

them a lively description of the miseries that 
threatened the Olynthians, unless they interposed 
in their behalf, and exerted their utmost efforts to 
frustrate the attempts of Philip. He hinted, in the 
most artful manner, that it was absolutely necessary 
to have recourse to the funds set apart for the ex- 
pence of the public diversions, and to apply part of 
them to raise troops. This was a point of extreme 
delicacy ; for the people had long ago declared their 
sentiments very explicitly on that head, by prohi- 
biting, under pain of death, any person, under what- 
ever pretence, from proposing to apply to the pur- 
pose^of war any part of the thousand talents laid 
up by Pericles as a perpetual fund for defraying the 
expence of the public diversions, and for furnishing 
a certain allowance of money to each of the citizens 
for assisting at the public assemblies. Demosthe- 
nes, however, disregarding this danger, listened on- 
ly to his zeal for the welfare of the state. He took 
however the most prudent and artful precautions, 
both for avoiding the danger, and for succeeding in 
his design, by requiring that commissioners should 
be named, for examining into such laws as should 
appear repugnant to the good of the state. But 
this strange people, who, rather than be deprived of 
their plays and amusements, would have cheerfully 
lived on bread and water, looked upon this fund in 
too sacred a light to be prevailed on, even by the 
most powerful eloquence of their great orator, to 
encroach upon it for the most useful of purposes. 

In the mean time, a third embassy arrived from 
the Olynthians, begging an additional reinforce- 
ment, not of mercenary soldiers, but of native A- 
thenians. Their request was complied with. But 
in spite of this reinforcement, Philip, by the treach- 
ery of two of the citizens, obtained possession of the 
town, where he found great riches. He made one 
half of the inhabitants prisoners, and sold the other. 
As for the traitors who had betrayed the city to 
him, he abandoned them to the insults of the Ma- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 365 

cedonian soldiers ; telling them ironically, that they 
ought not to regard the expressions of a parcel of 
unmannerly fellows, who called every thing by its 
proper name. Philip, highly delighted with hav- 
ing gotten possession of so important a post, cele- 
brated his victory with games and shows. 

The Thebans, exhausted by their war with 
347. the Phoceans, and finding themselves unable 
to bring it to an honourable conclusion, im- 
plored the assistance of Philip. Nothing could be 
more imprudent than to call that prince into Greece 
at this time, when he desired nothing more ardent- 
ly than, under so specious a pretext as the espous- 
ing of their quarrel, to get a footing in that coun- 
try ; and this opportunity gave him the greater plea- 
sure, as he wished to pass for a religious prince. But 
the inveterate hatred entertained by the Thebans 
against the Phoceans made them blind to every 
other consideration, and reduced them to resort to 
this dangerous expedient, which eventually occa- 
sioned their ruin. For it may be truly said that the 
Thebans by this step framed chains for Greece. 

About the same time, the orator Isocrates, a very 
zealous citizen of Athens, undertook, though then 
of a very advanced age, to compose an oration ad- 
dressed to Philip, with whom he was much connect- 
ed, to dissuade him from his designs against Greece. 
In this oration he used many arguments to persuade 
that prince to restore the general tranquillity of 
Greece ; which, he assured him, would do him more 
honour than the most brilliant conquests. He ad- 
vised him to turn his arms against the Persians ; and 
he concluded with telling him, that though the A- 
thenians, his fellow-citizens, were much prejudiced 
against him, and thought him an artful and deceit- 
ful prince ; yet, for his own part, he never could 
permit himself to believe, that a descendant of Her- 
cules would ever enslave the Greeks. Isocrates was 
then eighty years old, an age at which men are 
commonly very credulous and very positive. It 



366 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

was not probable that a prince of Philip's character, 
who hearkened to no suggestions but those of am- 
bition, would suffer himself to be cajoled by the 
flattery of a rhetorician, though couched in ever so 
fine words. At the same time, it is not unlikely 
that Philip entertained some remote intentions of 
making war on the Persians ; but he desired first to 
reduce Greece under his power/ About this time 
the Athenians sent him an embassy, with a view to 
sound his real designs about a general peace. But 
Philip amused the ambassadors with a sham treaty, 
in which, however, he refused to comprehend the 
Phoceans. It is even alleged that he won over to 
his interest all the ambassadors except Demosthenes; 
and that they protracted the period of their embas- 
sy to give Philip time to advance with his army in- 
to the county of Phocis. 

By this treaty Philip engaged to deliver Euboea 
to the Athenians, by way of equivalent for Amphi- 
polis, and to repeople the cities of Thespia and Pla- 
tea, in spite of the Thebans. But it may be remark- 
ed, that that prince paid very little regard to treat- 
ies or alliances. The admonitions of Demosthenes 
were neglected ; for iEschines, who was now cor- 
rupted by Philip's gold, assured the Athenians, that 
Philip acted on all occasions with the strictest inte- 
grity. Philip, therefore, pursued his schemes with- 
out disturbance ; and having made himself master 
of the pass of Thermopylae, entered the country of 
Phocis, and spread terror and consternation all a- 
round. The Phoceans, thinking themselves on the 
brink of destruction, sued for peace ; of which they 
referred the conditions entirely to the mercy of 
Philip, who obliged them to retire within, the Pelo- 
ponnesus. This success, obtained almost without 
any expence, made Philip famous through all Greece. 

Philip, in the mean time, was deliberating about 
making the most of his advantage. Having, for 
that purpose, corrupted the judges of the council 
of the amphictyons, he prevailed upon them to as- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 367 

semble, and to pass a decree, enjoining the demoli- 
tion of all the cities in the country of Phocis, and 
reducing them to the condition of simple villages ; 
the inhabitants of which were to pay an annual tri- 
bute. At the same time, he procured admission for 
himself into that celebrated assembly, with the pri- 
vilege of a double vote, by way of recompense for 
his having vindicated and enforced the former sen- 
tence of the amphictyons, w T hich the Phoceans had 
treated with such disrespect. This point was of 
high importance to Philip, and contributed not a 
little to the success of his subsequent enterprises. 

On receiving intelligence of these transactions, 
the eyes of the Athenians were at last opened, and 
they were now convinced of their error, in not sup- 
porting their allies, as Demosthenes had advised. 
Perceiving Philip to be now master of the pass of 
Thermopylae, in consequence of his conquest of the 
country of Phocis, they, with good reason, grew ap- 
prehensive for the safety of their own city, and gave 
orders to fortify Pyreus. But Philip, satisfied with 
having obtained a firm footing in Greece, put an 
end to the sacred war, which had now continued for 
the space of ten years, and acquired, in the opinion 
of this superstitious people, the character of a reli- 
gious prince, although ambition alone was the real 
motive of his whole conduct. Not thinking it advi- 
sable to push his advantage any further for the pre- 
sent, Philip quietly returned into his own dominions. 

Philip next required the states of Greece to con- 
firm the sentence of the amphictyons, admitting 
him one of their number. Many of the Athenians 
were for paying no regard to the sentence. But 
Demosthenes, in his oration for the peace, convinced 
them, that their refusal to comply with this request 
might provoke Philip to depart from his engage- 
ments ; which, in the present conjuncture, was an 
event by all means to be avoided. 

Philip, in the mean time, was not idle. He pro- 
secuted his conquests on the side of Thrace, subdued 



368 THE HISTORY OF BOOK HI. 

the Athenian colonies in that country, and made 
himself absolute master of Thessaly. Next year he 
discovered his intentions of reducing the Cherson- 
esus, a very rich peninsula ; which, after passing 
successively under the dominion of the Athenians, 
the Lacedemonians, and the kings of Thrace, had 
lately come into the possession of its first masters, 
all except the city of Cardia, whereof Chersobleptus, 
son of Cotys king of Thrace, retained the possession. 
Philip having defeated Chersobleptus, the inhabi- 
tants of Cardia, apprehensive lest the Athenians 
should reclaim the superiority of their city, put 
themselves under the protection of Philip, who en- 
gaged to defend them. Diopithus, governor of the 
Athenian colony, provoked at this behaviour of 
Philip, attacked that prince's territories in Thrace, 
and made a great booty. Philip complained to the 
Athenians of the irruption of Diopithus. The crea- 
tures of Philip supported the justice of this com- 
plaint, accused Diopithus of malversations in his 
office, and used all their influence to procure his 
condemnation. But Demosthenes undertook the 
defence of Diopithus, and delivered his oration " on 
the subject of the Chersonesus." On that occasion, 
he demonstrated to the Athenians, that the true de- 
sign of the accusers of Diopithus was, to divert them 
from examining too minutely into the conduct of 
Philip ; who, with a powerful army, ravaged the A- 
thenian territories, and aimed at nothing less than 
the utter destruction of their republic. At the 
same time, he inveighed in the bitterest terms a- 
gainst those venal declaim ers retained by Philip ; 
described them as so many domestic enemies, as 
traitors and vipers nourished by the republic in her 
bosom, but who would one day sting her to death. 
He showed in the plainest manner that Philip, be- 
ing assured that his creatures would be always ready 
to justify his measures, would, in the same manner, 
proceed at his leisure to take possession of all the 
other provinces of the republic ; and he concluded, 



CHAP. Ml. ANCIENT GREECE. 369 

with exhorting them to put their forces in good order, 
and to provide for the other exigencies of the state.* 

But while Demosthenes was in this manner dis- 
playing all the zeal of a worthy citizen, and all the 
eloquence of the most consummate orator, Philip, 
now returned from his expedition into Illyria, was 
uniformly intent on profiting by the distractions of 
the Greeks, among whom discord had again broken 
out. The Spartans having in a good measure re- 
paired their late losses, began to disquiet the Ar- 
gives and Messenians, who complained to Philip, 
and received from him a very favourable hearing. 
About the same time the Thebans, actuated by 
their hatred of Sparta, made proposals to him like- 
wise about forming an alliance against that 
342. state. This was more than sufficient for de- 
termining Philip to enter the Peloponnesus. 
Immediately, therefore, he procured a decree of the 
amphictyons, enjoining the Lacedemonians to de- 
sist from molesting the Argives and Messenians, 
and to permit them to remain in full enjoyment of 
their liberty ; and, at the same time, he ordered a 
body of troops to advance towards the frontiers of 
Laconia. The Spartans, alarmed at these proceed- 
ings, dispatched an embassy to Athens, to endea- 
vour to prevail on the Athenians to conclude with 
them an offensive and defensive alliance, that they 
might jointly oppose the enterprises of Philip, and 
provide for their mutual security. 

Demosthenes on this occasion gave full vent to 
his zeal, and pronounced an oration, wherein he de- 
monstrated the justice and expediency of comply- 
ing with the request of the Lacedemonians ; set in 
a clearer light still the ambitious intentions of 
Philip, and made it very evident that he aimed at 
nothing less than the total subjection of Greece. 

* About this time, viz. in the year before Christ 34t3, a war 
broke out between the Romans and Samnites, which continued 
seventy-one years with various success ; but terminated at last in 
the complete conquest of the latter. 



/ 



370 THE HISTQRY OF BOOK III. 

" Philip (says he) excels you as much in acting, as 
you do him in speaking ; he is at this moment ad- 
vancing troops against the Peloponnesus. Can you 
imagine that you shall remain in safety, when this 
prince is in possession of the whole country around 
you ?" In a word, Demosthenes made use of every 
argument to rouse the Athenians from their lethar- 
gy, and to persuade them to assist the Lacedemoni- 
ans. The partisans of Philip, on the other hand, re- 
presented to the Athenians, that as that prince had 
hitherto committed nothing'contrary to the treaties 
subsisting between him and the republic, it were 
unjust In the latter to declare war against him ; 
and indeed in a literal sense this was true. But in 
the mean time Philip, unwilling todrawupon himself 
the united force of all Greece, relinquished his en- 
terprise against the Peloponnesus, and turned his 
thoughts to the conquest of Euboea, which he used 
to call " the shackles of Greece." Having procured 
good intelligence within the island, he found means 
to corrupt the principal inhabitants with money, 
landed a considerable body of troops, took the city 
of Orea, and appointed governors to act under his 
authority. 

The Athenians hearing of the danger they ran of 
losing that island, quickly sent thither some troops 
under the command of Phocion, an Athenian gene- 
ral, whose virtue and singular character deserve to 
be particularly taken notice of. 

He was a disciple of Xenocrates, and conformed 
his life to the most rigid maxims of the philosophy 
of his master, being remarkably serious in his out- 
ward deportment, going always barefooted, and 
without a cloak, never frequenting the publiq baths, 
and being a professed enemy of every sort of flattery. 
But, notwithstanding this stoical behaviour, he was 
endued in a supreme degree with the power of elo- 
quence. He did not indeed study the pompous 
and florid branch of that art ; but confounded his 
antagonist by the strength of his arguments ; came 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 871 

directly to the point ; and often with a single word 
confuted the reasoning of the most eloquent ora- 
tors. On this account Demosthenes used to call 
him u the pruner of his periods." This sort of elo- 
quence was much relished by the Athenians, who 
being a people of a quick lively apprehension, liked 
to be instructed at a word. Phocion had already 
engaged in public affairs, and had given proofs of 
his bravery and other eminent abilities. After the 
example of Themistocles and Aristides, he thought 
it best to unite military skill with knowledge in the 
art of government. 

Phocion, upon his arrival at Euboea, find- 
341. ing that Plutarch of Eretria, by an instance 
of the basest treachery, had changed sides, 
and taken arms against the very troops whose as- 
sistance he had solicited, immediately attacked him, 
gained a complete victory, expelled him the coun- 
try, and had the honour of preserving that impor- 
tant island to his countrymen. 

Philip, to counterbalance the bad success of his 
enterprise against Euboea, resolved to distress the 
city of Athens by famine. With this view he turn- 
ed his arms against Thrace, the country whence the 
Athenians drew the greatest part of their provisions, 
and he laid siege to Perinthus, a city in the Pro- 
pontis. But though he invested the place with an 
army of 30,000 men, and innumerable warlike en- 
gines, yet the besieged made so obstinate a resist- 
ance, that the Byzantines had time to come to their 
assistance. Philip formed the plan of making a di- 
version; and for that purpose marched against 
Byzantium, to which he laid siege with the half of 
his army. It was at this time that he sent for his 
son Alexander, who, though no more than fifteen 
years of age, had already displayed a bravery and 
a genius for military affairs altogether extraordina- 
ry. This attempt of Philip alarmed Greece, and 
gave some uneasiness even to Persia. All the states 
assembled their forces, and Demosthenes once more 

W- . 2a 2 ^^v£^: r 



372 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III, 

exerted his utmost efforts to rouse the Athenians 
from their indolence. The oration s^pronounced by 
that orator on this occasion have obtained the name 
of Philippics. 

In those admirable compositions Demosthenes 
laboured to prove, that one of the greatest supports 
of Grecian liberty in ancient times, was the unshak- 
en integrity of its citizens, of whom not one was 
dastardly or base enough to accept of the wages of 
corruption from the common enemy, and in return 
to engage himself to prostitute his talents to for- 
ward the ruin of his country; that the perfect un- 
ion which subsisted among the principal states of 
Greece, likewise contributed in a high degree to the 
same glorious end ; and that at present their safety 
and independency depended entirely on their mu- 
tual union with one another against the professed 
enemy of them all. He then showed them that 
Philip had broken the peace by making a conquest 
of every place round about them ; and that he con- 
sidered them as his mortal enemies. He said it was 
absolutely necessary to dispatch an army into the 
Chersonesus ; and to endeavour by every means to 
prevail with the neighbouring nations to unite their 
forces, and to stop the progress of his arms. 

What Demosthenes said was but too true. Philip 
was then advancing towards the Chersonesus. It is 
fit to observe, that Athens at this time swarmed 
with a multitude of mercenary orators, of whom the 
greater part being in the pay of Philip, invariably 
opposed the views of Demosthenes, contradicted his 
opinions, and by their idle clamours often retarded 
the good effects produced by his harangues. At 
present, however, all their endeavours were to no 
purpose. The Athenians, animated by the force of 
Demosthenes's eloquence, sent out a fleet under the 
command of Chares, a man of poor abilities, whose 
only aim was to enrich himself, and who owed his 
command to the power of a faction. No sooner, 
therefore, did he appear on the coast of the Helles- 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE* 373 

pont, than the greater part of the cities shut their 
gates against him. 

Philip seeing that the Athenians had at last taken 
the alarm, endeavoured to quiet them with line 
professions. For that purpose he sent them a letter 
of recrimination, full of complaints very artfully ex- 
pressed, whereby he endeavoured to show them 
that peace had been first infringed on their part. 
JHe accused them of stirring up the Persians against 
him ; and boasted much of his own strict obser- 
vance of treaties. This letter, written in a most 
artful manner, with much dignity and precision, 
and with all the marks of candour and truth, made 
it evident that Philip was as skilful a writer as he 
was a brave soldier ; qualities in which he greatly 
resembled the all-accomplished Julius, the destroy- 
er of the Roman liberty. Demosthenes exerted 
every resource of his ingenuity to efface the first 
impressions made by this letter on the minds of the 
Athenians. He went to the bottom of Philip's al- 
legations, and demonstrated them to be altogether 
affected and groundless. He proved that Philip 
himself, and not they, was the first aggressor, by 
invading the Athenian territories ; and that his on- 
ly view in making the peace was to disarm them, 
that so he might attack them unprepared. He con- 
cluded with telling them plainly, that these com- 
plaints of Philip's were equivalent to an open de- 
claration of war ; and that therefore they must no 
longer be sparing either of the public funds or of 
the wealth of individuals ; and above all, that they 
ought to employ more able commanders. 

In consequence of these representations, the A- 
thenians ordered Phocion to march to the relief of 
Byzantium with a fresh reinforcement. The arrival 
of that- commander, -the fame of whose justice and 
capacity was universally known, disappointed all 
the schemes of Philip. Phocion behaved with so 
much prudence and skill, that he obliged Philip to 
raise the siege of Byzantium, Fie took several of 



374 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

his ships; recovered some fortified towns; and 
forced him to retire from the Hellespont. The 
Byzantines and Perinthians bestowed on Phocion 
the highest marks of gratitude and affection. They 
offered the freedom of their cities, together with 
some extraordinary privileges, to such of the Athe- 
nian soldiers as chose to settle among them. They 
passed a solemn act, wherein they set forth, that 
when Philip laid waste their country, and besieged 
their cities, the Athenians came to their relief with 
a fleet of 120 ships, and saved them from the ex- 
treme miseries wherein they were threatened ; and 
lastly, they erected several statues in honour of the 
Athenians. 

Philip, to repair this disappointment, 
338. practised every art to amuse the Athenians, 
offering proposals of peace, and carrying on 
with them sham negociations, which he found means 
to protract for the space of two years. About that 
time he marched against the Scythians, with an ar- 
my much less numerous than theirs, and made a 
considerable booty. The Triballi, a people of 
Msesia, opposed his passage back, and obliged him 
to come to an engagement. The battle proved ob- 
stinate and bloody. Philip was wounded, and on 
the point of being taken by the enemy, when his 
son Alexander, then in the seventeenth year of 
his age, hastened to his assistance, and had the glo- 
ry of rescuing him from this imminent danger. 
Such were the beginnings of that valour which was 
soon to astonish the universe. 

Philip, desirous of putting a stop to the continual 
depredations committed on the maritime parts of 
his dominions by the incursions of the Athenians, 
renewed his negociations for peace. But Demos- 
thenes convinced the Athenians and Phocion him- 
self, who inclined to listen to Philip's proposals, 
that that prince intended only to amuse them ; and 
he prevailed with them to continue their hostilities. 
Philip finding the Athenians deaf to all terms of 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 375 

accommodation, and sensible at the same time of 
the superiority of their naval force over his own, 
had recourse to stratagem, and secretly engag- 
ed the Thessalians and Thebans to call him to 
their assistance, that so he might enter Greece by 
the permission of both. For this purpose it was 
necessary to produce a rupture between those states 
and Athens ; and chance favoured his intentions. 

The Ozolas of Locris being cited before the am- 
phictyons, on an accusation of appropriating to 
their own use certain grounds belonging to the 
temple of Delphos, commissioners were appointed 
by the judges to visit the territory in question, and 
to inquire whether the Ozoke were the lawful pro- 
prietors of it or not. The Ozolse, thinking them- 
selves unjustly disturbed in their possessions, treat- 
ed the commissioners of the amphictyons as ene- 
mies ; and obliged them, by several discharges of 
darts, to retire precipitately. This behaviour was 
considered as an act of disobedience highly deserv- 
ing of punishment. And the orators retained in 
the pay of Philip, represented to the amphictyons, 
that war ought to be decreed against that sacrile- 
gious people. But as the Greek states seemed back- 
ward to engage in the enterprise, from the apprehen- 
sion, no doubt, of a second sacred war, the same 
orators advised the amphictyons to employ foreign 
troops for the execution of their vengeance, and to 
choose Philip as their commander-in-chief. The 
amphictyons, not aware of the consequences of 
making such a choice, and well pleased to save their 
respective states the expences of this war, approved 
of the proposal, and, by a solemn decree, elected 
Philip commander-in-chief of the Greeks. Am- 
bassadors therefore were sent to beg of him to come 
and vindicate the cause of religion. Philip instant- 
ly assembled an army, entered the country of 
Phocis, seized on Elatea the capital city of the 
country, and by that means opened himself a pas- 
sage into Attica. The Athenians, on receiving in- 



376 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

telligence of these proceedings, were thrown into 
great consternation. 

Next day an assembly was holden, where none of 
the other orators attempting to speak, Demosthenes 
alone endeavoured to encourage the Athenians. 
As acute a politician as he was a powerful orator, 
he began by explaining to his countrymen the true 
nature of the alliance between Philip and the The- 
bans, which gave them so much uneasiness. He 
showed them very plainly that the Thebans were 
far from being so cordially or firmly attached to 
Philip as they believed* That the taking of Elatea 
must immediately open their eyes to their real in- 
terests ; that in the present conjuncture it was highly 
expedient for the Athenians to support the Thebans, 
because the ruin of Thebes must infallibly draw 
after it that of Athens ; and that, therefore, they 
ought to bury in oblivion the enmity subsisting be- 
tween their state and that of Thebes. He convinced 
them, that Philip, by the powerful army with which 
he was attended, meant to terrify into subjection 
such states as were inclined to oppose him. He 
therefore advised them to arm all their forces; to 
dispatch ambassadors to the other states to persuade 
them to unite in defence of the common Jiberty ; 
to give notice to the Thebans that they were ready 
to assist them ; and to endeavour by every means 
to render this a national war, and to form a general 
confederacy against the common enemy. So compre- 
hensive and penetrating was the genius of Demos- 
thenes, that it constantly suggested to him the best 
resource on the most pressing occasions. The A- 
thenians perceived the full force of his arguments ; 
complied with his advice in every particular ; and 
passed a very solemn decree to that effect, which 
did great honour to their good sense and magnani- 
mity. 

As the negotiation whereby they were to endea- 
vour to persuade the Thebans to accede to the con- 
federacy was of the utmost importance, because the 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 377 

territory of Bceotia was a barrier to that of Attica, 
Demosthenes was set at the head of the embassy to 
Thebes. Philip, at the same time, sent thither am- 
bassadors on his part ; one of whom, named Pithon, 
celebrated for his lively eloquence, spoke first. He 
put the Thebans in mind of the many services ren- 
dered them by Philip ; recapitulated the various 
instances of bad treatment received by them from 
the Athenians ; and exhorted them either to assist 
Philip in the conquest of Attica, or to remain neu- 
ter. Demosthenes 4 spoke next. Provoked by the 
captious arguments of Pithon, he that day out-did 
even himself. He convinced the assembly, that the 
seizure of Elatea sufficiently discovered the designs 
of Philip, and that the ruin of Athens must infalli- 
bly be attended with that of Thebes. Perceiving, 
however, that the Thebans were disposed to observe 
a neutrality, and that it was a point of the utmost 
consequence to prevail with them to enter into the 
alliance, his imagination continued too warm upon 
him, and at last threw him into such a wonderful en- 
thusiasm of eloquence, that he astonished the minds 
of his hearers, and brought them to the point he 
desired. He described Philip as an ambitious, art- 
ful, and deceitful prince, absolutely regardless of 
good faith or treaties, who had formed the plan of 
gradually possessing himself of the whole country 
of Greece, by subduing its states separately, and one 
after another ; he demonstrated that his pretended 
favours were so many snares ; and that it was the 
interests of both states to unite their whole strength 
against such a common enemy. 

The Thebans, convinced by the arguments of this 
wonderful man, and inflamed with the love of their 
country, forgot all former subjects of discontent 
against their neighbouring state, and entered en- 
tirely into the views of the Athenians. 

Demosthenes ever after spoke of this negotiation 
with the greatest satisfaction ; calling it his master- 
piece in eloquence and politics; and telling the 



378 THE HISTORY OF BOOK HI. 

Athenians that he had dissipated the thunder which 
growled above their heads. 

The news of this resolution of the Thebans dis- 
concerted Philip's projects. He therefore betook 
himself to his old shifts, and very artfully endea- 
voured to dissuade the Athenians from taking arms, 
offering them advantageous terms of peace. But as 
he had by this time lost every degree of credit, they 
were not silly enough to allow themselves to be 
blinded by his professions. Nor did they pay more 
regard to the dreadful responses of the oracle, which 
Philip made to speak according to his pleasure. On 
this occasion Demosthenes humourously observed, 
that Pythia Philipized. 

Both sides therefore prepared for war. Philip en- 
tered Bceotia with an army of 30,000 foot and 2000 
horse. His troops were not much more nume- 
rous than those of the Greeks, but they were much 
better disciplined and commanded. The bravery 
of the soldiers was nearly equal on both sides ; and 
the Athenians wanted nothing but good generals. 
For the faction of Chares again raised him to the 
chief command ; and he had got for colleague Ly- 
sicles, distinguished by his rashness alone. Thus 
the only Athenian worthy of commanding, namely 
Phocion, was altogether excluded from the office. 
Such are the capital errors which in every state 
occasion the loss of battles, and all the misfortunes 
that thence ensue. 

The two armies came to an engagement in 
338. the neighbourhood of Cheronea in Boeotia. 

Philip commanded the right wing of the Ma- 
cedonian army ; and his son Alexander^ assisted by 
the most experienced officers, the left. The battle 
was fought with great obstinacy, and victory re- 
mained long doubtful. Alexander showed himself 
worthy the command then intrusted to him for the 
first time; and by his valour and prudence gave 
signs of what he should become in the end. Fall- 
ing with great impetuosity upon the Thebans, he 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 379 

broke and put to flight their sacred battalion, which 
was the flower of their army. Philip, on the other 
hand, gained at first some little advantage over the 
Athenians ; but these quickly repairing the disor- 
der, in their turn repulsed the Macedonians. The 
imprudence, however, of Lysicles, occasioned their 
ruin. Thinking himself victorious, after having 
broken the centre of the Macedonians, he pursued 
the fugitives with a blind impetuosity, instead of 
attacking the wings of their army in flank. Philip 
perceived and availed himself of his error. Rally- 
ing the wings of his phalanx on a small eminence, 
he rushed with great fury on the rear of the Athe- 
nians, and put them to flight. Here Demosthenes 
furnished a striking proof, that the same person sel- 
dom possesses all qualifications in an equal degree. 
He threw away his arms, and betook himself to 
flight. Of the Athenians 1000 were killed and 
2000 taken prisoners. But the loss of the Thebans 
was much greater. 

Philip, transported with joy at this victory, erect- 
ed a trophy, sacrificed.to the gods, and gave presents 
to his officers. It is said, that having next day given 
a great entertainment, the wine raised him to such 
an extravagant pitch of joy, that he ran to the field 
of battle, insulted the dead bodies of his enemies, 
and fell a dancing, singing at the same time the 
beginning of the decree drawn up by Demosthenes. 
It is added, that Demades, who was one of the 
prisoners, reproached him with his ungenerous be- 
haviour, by telling him, that being Agamemnon, he 
acted the part of Thersites ; and that Philip was so 
far from being offended at his boldness, that he set 
him at liberty ; and as a farther proof of his gene- 
rosity, sent away all the other Athenian prisoners 
without ransom. Their countrymen were so much 
affected by Philip's obliging conduct on this occa- 
sion, that they agreed to renew their ancient treaty 
of alliance with him. But that prince could by no 
means pardon the Thebans. 



380 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

The Athenians, after this terrible disaster, instead 
of testifying any resentment against Demosthenes, 
who had advised them to undertake the war, still 
followed his counsels. In vain did his enemies ac- 
cuse him as the occasion of the misfortune at Che- 
ronea. The people, convinced of the integrity of 
his intentions, acquitted him with honour, preserv- 
ed the highest esteem for him, and loaded him with 
still greater marks of their favour and confidence. 
Guards were posted, and fortifications repaired by 
his advice. He was pitched upon to pronounce the 
funeral oration of the brave men who had fallen at 
Cheronea ; and the Athenians inclosed their bones 
in a magnificent monument, with an inscription 
importing that they had fallen in the cause of their 
country. 

It may be here remarked in passing, that these 
funeral orations, and the other public marks of dis- 
tinction bestowed on those who had died in battle, 
were admirably calculated to inspire the Athenian 
youth with an ardent desire of military glory. The 
sons of those who were slain in fight, were produced 
at the first feast celebrated after such fight, clothed in 
complete armour, and attended by a herald, who 
made a public proclamation in the following terms : 
" These young orphans, whom a premature death 
in the service of the state has deprived of their fa- 
thers, have found in the people a common father, 
who charge themselves with the care of them till 
they shall arrive at the age of manhood ; and they 
are respectively invited to aspire at the foremost 
empk^ments in the commonwealth." 

The people further committed to Demosthenes 
the charge of procuring provisions for the city ; and 
decreed him a crown of gold, for having furnished 
a sum of money to repair the walls. The sentence 
of Ctesiphon, decreeing this crown to Demosthenes, 
having been arranged by Eschines, the cause was 
tried with uncommon solemnity, and a vast con- 
course of people assembled from all quarters to 
hear this important dispute between two so cele. 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 381 

brated orators. Demosthenes shone particularly in 
his answer to the invectives of Eschines, on the sub- 
ject of the defeat at Cheronea. He told the audience, 
that he was by no means answerable for that event, 
which, like every other, was in the power of the gods 
alone, who disposed of victory at their pleasure. 
Then he addressed himself to the Athenians in a 
style of rhetoric the most figurative and bold that 
is any where to be met with. " No Athenians, I 
swear to you by the manes of those brave citizens 
who sacrificed their lives for the liberty of their 
country, on land at Marathon and Platea, on sea at 
Salamis and Artemisium, and by the multitude of 
others, who, though unsuccessful in the same glo- 
- rious cause, have been honoured by the republic 
with the solemn rites of burial, not by those alone 
who were fortunate and victorious, that you acted as 
you ought.*' 

Though the Macedonian faction was now become 
very powerful at Athens, Eschines nevertheless fail- 
ed, was even punished with banishment, and oblig- 
ed to take refuge at Rhodes. On this occasion De- 
mosthenes behaved to his rival with great generosi- 
ty : and as he was departing, forced him to accept 
of a considerable sum of money. Eschines was so 
struck with his behaviour, that he burst out into 
this exclamation : " How much," said he, " must I 
regret the loss of a country, where I leave such an 
enemy, that I despair of finding any where else so 
generous a friend !" On arriving at Rhodes, he opened 
a school for eloquence, and began with reciting his 
oration against Demosthenes, which was very high- 
ly commended by his audience. But having pro- 
ceeded to recite that made in answer to it by De- 
mosthenes, nothing w r as heard but a general shout 
-of applause ; insomuch that Eschines could not re- 
frain from crying out, " Ah ! what should you have 
thought of it, had you heard him deliver it himself?" 
A saying that did as much honour to the candour 
of the one as to the eloquence of the other. Eschines 



382 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

was very much esteemed as an orator by the A- 
thenians, who called those three discourses of his 
that yet remain, by the names of The three Graces. 

The misfortune at Cheronea was charged against 
the generals Chares and Ly sides ; and Lycurgus 
the orator became the public accuser of the latter. 
This Lycurgus being a man of great integrity, 
but of a rigid severe character, inveighed against Ly- 
sides in the bitterest terms. "You commanded," 
said he, " and a thousand citizens were killed ; you 
commanded, and all Greece was enslaved." He so 
exasperated the people, that Lysicles was put to 
death. Chares, though equally culpable with his 
colleague, was, by some means or other, acquitted. 
Lysicles was a man possessed of no other merit than 
extraordinary bodily strength, and the impudence 
and presumption of a bully. 

The decline of Grecian liberty may be dated 
from the battle of Cheronea. That victory, by 
spreading the terror of Philip's arms through Greece, 
paved his way to a more complete conquest. The 
Lacedemonian power, which lately had made both 
Greece and Asia to tremble, was now so much de- 
cayed, that we find them hardly named among the 
states by whom the enterprises of Philip were op- 
posed. 

That prince found he had at length attained the 
point at which he had so long aimed ; and perceived, 
that at present it would be no difficult matter for 
him to reduce the Greeks entirely under his power. 
He therefore resolved to undertake an expedition 
he had long meditated against the Persians ; and to 
prevail with the Greeks to join him in it, he pro- 
cured himself to be chosen their commander-in* 
chief by an assembly composed of members from all 
the states. He soon afterwards dispatched part of 
his army into Asia Minor, under the command of 
Attalus and Parmenio. It is certain, however, that 
Philip neglected to profit as he might by his late 
victory ; whether he thought it still dangerous to 



t 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 388 

push the Greeks to the last extremity ; or whether 
he was satisfied with having humbled their pride, 
and with having obtained himself to be elected their 
generalissimo. Whatever may have been the cause, 
he resolved, before proceeding on his Persian expe- 
dition, to put his private family affairs in order. 

The joy which Philip derived from the success of 
his military operations, was disturbed by the divi- 
sions that prevailed in his family. His first wife, 
Olympias, a woman of a revengeful, jealous dispo- 
sition, had so provoked him by her ill temper, that 
he had divorced her, and taken to wife Cleopatra, 
the niece of Attalus, one of his principal officers. 
This new marriage was solemnized with much pomp 
and solemnity ; but was in the end troubled by a 
quarrel between Attalus and Alexander. The for- 
mer, when heated with wine, having said very im- 
prudently, that the Macedonians ought to pray to 
the gods to bestow on them a lawful successor by 
their new queen ; Alexander started up in a passion, 
. by throwing his cup at the head of Attalus, cried 
out, u How ! wretch, dost thou take me for a bas- 
tard ?" Philip, in a rage, flew at his son with his 
sword in his hand ; but being lame stumbled, so that 
the rest of the company had time to interpose, and 
to prevent his doing any mischief. Alexander, un- 
able to digest the affront, had the boldness to rally 
his father on his fall, telling him, that it was ridi- 
culous for him to think of an expedition into Asia, 
who could not safely walk from one table to ano- 
ther. Alexander soon after left the court, and re- 
tired with his mother into Epirus. This was the 
prelude to a bloody tragedy. 

Philip, by the intercession of Demaratus, recalled 
his son to court. As he had his Persian expedition 
much at heart, he resolved to consult the gods about 
the event of it, and gave a favourable interpretation 
to a very ambiguous response of the Delphic priest- 
ess. After this, having promised his daughter Cleo- 
patra in marriage to Alexander king of Epirus, the 



384 THE HISTORY 6F BOOK III. 

brother of Olympias, he resolved to celebrate the mar- 
riage with great magnificence, and invited the prin- 
cipal men in Greece to be present at the ceremony. 
Most of the cities on that occasion lavished on Phi- 
lip the highest eulogiums ; and some of them sent 
him crowns of gold. Athens particularly, the nurse 
of orators and poets, was among the first to pay her 
homage. A tragedy was at this time performed, 
wherein Philip was represented under a feigned 
name, as the conqueror of Darius and master of 
Asia. Next day games and shows were celebrated. 

After the marriage a sumptuous feast was given, 
which was distinguished by a grand procession from 
the palace to the theatre. In this procession were 
carried twelve statues of exquisite workmanship; of 
which one, that represented Philip under the figure 
of a god, greatly surpassed the rest. The king him- 
self, dressed in white, appeared as the principal per- 
sonage in this procession, marching between two 
files of his guards, who were ranged at some dis- 
tance. But in the instant that Philip, amidst the 
joyful shouts and acclamations of his subjects, was 
tasting the highest pleasure of which the vanity of 
man is susceptible, a young Macedonian, called Pau- 
sanias, breaks through the crowd, and plunging a 
dagger into the bosom of Philip, strikes him 
336. dead on the spot. The assassin fled ; but was 
pursued, taken, and in the first transports of 
rage excited by his bloody deed, cut in pieces. This 
Pausanias, on being dishonoured in the most infa- 
mous manner by Attalus, Philip's uncle, had appli- 
ed for satisfaction to Philip, who, averse to punish 
Attalus, amused Pausanias with vain promises. 
The young man taking those delays for an absolute 
refusal of justice, was exasperated to the highest 
degree, and resolved in revenge to assassinate Phi- 
lip ; which accordingly he accomplished in the man- 
ner just mentioned. 

Olympias, however, was accused, and with a 

good deal of probability, of having had a hand in 

i — 



CHAP. III. ANCIENT GREECE. 385 

the murder of her husband. For instead of show- 
ing any concern for such an imputation being laid 
to her charge, she caused the body of the assassin 
to be taken down from the cross, and to be buried, 
and afterwards vented her rage on Cleopatra, by 
murdering her son in her arms. 

The news of Philip's death was received with the 
greatest joy through all Greece ; but particularly at 
Athens, where the people crowned themselves with 
garlands, and behaved with the most indecent marks 
of pleasure and rejoicing. Even Demosthenes him- 
self appeared in the public assembly with a garland 
of flowers in his hand, and exhorted the Athenians 
to thank the gods for this event. 

Thus perished, at the age of forty-seven years, and 
in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, Philip king 
of Macedon, a prince of a most ambitious and enter- 
prising character. By his own account, the happi- 
ness of nations, the reparation of injuries, and the 
destruction of tyranny, were the sole motives of his 
conduct. But notwithstanding those professions, 
he was continually aiming, by imperceptible means, 
at some private design; and he prosecuted all his 
schemes with undeviating perseverance. He was 
impenetrable as to his views and intentions, and 
never made use of confidants. Fruitful in resources, 
he seldom had recourse to force till address failed 
him. But when once engaged in war, he acted 
with the utmost diligence, vigour, and intrepidity, 
and was inferior to no commander of his time either 
for bravery or conduct. He rendered his soldiers 
the best in Greece; was particularly skilful in con- 
ciliating their affection by a familiar and complai- 
sant behaviour, and in maintaining at the same 
time his authority over them in full force. Besides 
the accomplishments already mentioned, Philip had 
acquired a stock of the most valuable and finest 
parts of learning, and wrote and spoke with equal 
dignity and ease. He was a consummate politi- 
cian, always seizing the most favourable moment 



386 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III* 

for attacking his enemies, availing himself of their 
weakness and domestic troubles, and by a liberal 
distribution of gold bringing over to his interests 
some of the leading men in every state. He readily 
granted his assistance to those who desired it, and 
laboured to weaken the strongest* 

But the defects in this prince's character did more 
perhaps than counterbalance his great parts. For 
though a most artful politician, the means he em- 
ployed were almost always contrary to justice and 
good faith. He never hesitated to deceive those 
with whom he treated ; and he was little scrupulous 
about practising fraud, perfidy, or any other crime, 
provided it might contribute to the advancement of 
his power. He appears, too* to have been entirely 
devoid of religion. He used to say, that children 
were to be amused with toys, and men with oaths. 
What an abominable character ! Such, however, is 
the picture of this prince offered us by history ; not 
the less detestable surely for being that of a prince* 
But though truly of no religion, he chose, however, 
to assume the appearance of it, and affected to keep 
a public officer to remind him every morning of his 
being mortal. The Greeks were the dupes of his 
hypocrisy ; which, together, with every other arti^ 
fice, he employed to foment among them dissension 
and jealousy. He studied particularly to keep up 
and to increase the animosity that subsisted between 
the Thebans and Athenians ; and most of the citi- 
zens of both republics fell into the snare. 

He was, however, a strict* and for the most part* 
an impartial justiciary. Of this* history records se- 
veral instances. One day, as he was returning from 
a long debauch, a woman having begged of him to 
decide her cause, he had it pled on the spot, and 
gave sentence against her. " I appeal from the 
judgment," cried the woman. " How ! from your 
king?" answered Philip, "and to whom do you 
appeal?" " To Philip, when fasting," replied the wo- 
man. Philip, struck with the words of the woman, 



CHAP. iff. ANCIENT GREECE. 387 

reviewed the cause, and altered his former judg- 
ment. With respect to his morals, he was a pro- 
fessed debauchee ; his most intimate friends were 
persons of the same character ; and his court was 
filled with drunkards and buffoons. 

Those of the learned who have studied with most 
accuracy the merits of the father and of the son, 
are of opiniori* that the extent of Alexander's con- 
quests-does not equal the difficulty of those of Phi- 
lip ; and that it was more easy for the former to 
subdue Asia with the assistance of the Greeks, than 
for the latter to destroy the power of the Greeks 
with Macedonian strength alone, ff It must be al- . 
lowed," says M. Tourreill, " that at first sight we 
are inclined to give the preference to Alexander, the 
splendour of whose conquests outshines that of Phi- 
lip's; but on a more narrow inspection, and on ba- 
lancing the obstacles that lay in the way of the one 
against the circumstances that forwarded the suc- 
cess of the other, we shall be of opinion, with Cice- 
ro, that the son was a great conqueror, but that the 
father was a great man." 

CHAP. IV. 

Affairs of the Greeks, Macedonians, and Persians, from the death 
of Philip till the death of Darius Codomanus king of Persia. 

We have already observed, that Alexan- 
356. der was born in the year before Christ 356. 

From his infancy, he, on several occasions, 
gave proofs of an extraordinary loftiness of senti- 
ment Being one day asked by his friends, wheth- 
er he would not choose to contend in the foot-races 
at the Olympic games, (for he was extremely swift 
of foot) he answered, that he would, if kings were 
to be his competitors. On receiving the news of a 
city being taken or a battle won by his father, so 
far from discovering any signs of joy, he used to ap- 
pear melancholy and disconsolate. " My friends, 

i> ( <& 



388 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

(would he say) my father will accomplish every 
thing, and will leave nothing at all for me to do." 

In every branch of learning that it was thought 
necessary to teach him, he made astonishing pro- 
gress. W e have told already, that Philip gave him 
for preceptor the famous Aristotle. Alexander 
conceived as high an esteem for that illustrious phi- 
losopher as Philip entertained for him. He went 
farther, and even honoured him as a father, saying, 
that his natural father had given him existence, b\it 
that this second father had taught him to make the 
proper use of his existence. Under such a master, 
the happy genius of Alexander made the most rapid 
progress ; and he soon imbibed the principles of the 
whole circle of philosophy. Aristotle chiefly stu- 
died to enable his pupil, by a proper cultivation of 
his judgment, to distinguish between just reasoning 
and sophistry, and to make him minutely ac- 
quainted with every branch of morals, which he 
regarded as the only foundation of prudence and 
wisdom. In teaching him rhetoric, he took pains 
to show what species of eloquence is most becom- 
ing of a sovereign prince ; and he made him sensi- 
ble that it ought to abound less with figures than 
with sense ; that it ought to be strong and nervous 
rather than florid ; and to rest more on facts than 
on words. 

Alexander was particularly fond of Homer, whose 
works he regarded as the noblest productions of 
human genius. In them he was delighted to dis- 
cover captivating exhibitions of that valour and 
magnanimity with which he himself was animated. 
It is well known, that after the battle of Arbela, he 
ordered a most valuable golden box that had be- 
longed to Darius to be set ap&rt for holding the 
books of Homer. Plutarch tells us, that he loved 
to read and to converse with men of learning ; 
two admirable sources of instruction to a prince. 
On the fine arts, such as music, painting, and sculp- 
ture, he bestowed but a cursory attention, sufficient 



CHAP. lit. ANCIENT GREECE. 389 

to give him an idea of their value and use ; which 
in such matters is all that a prince ought to know. 
He was of an active and impetuous disposition, and 
very tenacious of his opinion. He very early be- 
came the most expert horseman in his father's court ; 
and was the only person who dared to back the 
famous Bucephalus, a very fine horse, sent as a 
present to Philip* but so fiery and high-mettled, 
that they despaired to be able to break him. It was 
on this occasion that Philip, seeing Alexander re- 
turning from finishing the course in which he had 
backed this ungovernable horse, cried out to him 
in a rapture, M Seek, my son, another kingdom, 
Macedonia is not worthy to contain you." It is said, 
that this horse would afterwards suffer no person 
but Alexander to mount him ; that he leaned down 
on his knees to receive him on his back ; that after 
being mortally wounded in the battle against Porus, 
he saved the life of Alexander by carrying him 
through the crowd of enemies that surrounded him, 
and then expired; that Alexander shed tears for 
his death ; and, in memory of him, built on the 
banks of the Hydaspis a city, which he called after 
him Bucephalia. 

Alexander mounted the throne of Macedonia at 
the age of twenty years ; and in the same year that 
Darius Codomanus mounted that of Persia. After 
performing the ceremonies of his father's funeral, 
Alexander applied his attention to secure the con- 
quests of Philip over the neighbouring nations, 
which at present were far from being in a settled 
condition. In Greece, particularly, though Philip 
had awed the states into submission by the terror 
of his arms, yet their minds were far from being re- 
conciled to his authority. The conjuncture was deli- 
cate. The question was, whether he should en- 
deavour to preserve those conquests by moderation 
and intrigue, or by the force of arms ? Alexander 
quickly formed his resolution, hearkening alone to 
tlie dictates of his courage. 



390 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

To quell the commotions that had already broken 
out among some of the barbarous nations who had 
taken arms, he hastily led his army towards the 
Danube, passed that river in the night, and defeat- 
ed the Triballi in a great battle. About the same 
time the states of Greece formed a confederacy a- 
gainst him ; and a rumour having arisen that he 
was killed, the Thebans made an insurrection, and 
cut in pieces the Macedonian garrison that held 
their city in subjection. At Athens, too, Demos- 
thenes put all in motion, calling Alexander (of 
whose real character he was yet ignorant) a giddy 
young man; and he wrote letters to Attains, one 
of Philip's generals in Asia Minor, advising him to 
revolt. Alexander, already suspicious of the fidelity 
of Attalus, thought it necessary to have him taken 
off, although he had transmitted to him those trea- 
sonable letters of Demosthenes. 

After making the barbarians sensible of his merit, 
he resolved to proceed to Greece, f* It is proper, 
{said he) to show Demosthenes at the gates of A- 
thens, that I am every way a man." He advanced, 
therefore, towards the pass of Thermopylae ; passed 
it without resistance ; entered Bceotia ; required of 
the Thebans to deliver up to him Phasnix and Pro- 
thentes, the authors of their insurrection ; and, on 
their refusal to comply with his demand, immedi- 
ately attacked them. The Thebans fought with 
great bravery and obstinacy ; but being much in- 
ferior to the Macedonians in point of numbers, they 
were at la c t broken, and almost all cut off. More 
than 6000 men were killed on the spot. Thebes 
was taken, and treated with the utmost rigour of 
war. Alexander, personally incensed against the 
Thebans for the extravagant joy they had testified 
at the news of his death, resolved to satisfy his 
vengeance, by the utter destruction of their unhap- 
py city. He sold more than 30,000 of the inhabi- 
tants for slaves ; and permitted none to enjoy their, 
liberty except the priests, and the descendants of 
the celebrated poet Pindar. 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 391 

The total ruin of Thebes, and the severity of Alex- 
ander to its miserable inhabitants, threw the other 
states into the greatest consternation. Every thing 
gave way to him ; and even the Athenians, with 
Demosthenes himself, implored the mercy of the 
conqueror by a solemn deputation. Alexander, 
however, dispatched messengers to the Athenians, 
insisting on their delivering up to him ten of the 
orators, who had been chiefly instrumental in form- 
ing the late confederacy against him. The orator 
JDemades, a particular favourite of Alexander, un- 
dertook to soften him. The Macedonian having al- 
ready satisfied his resentment by the ruin of the 
Thebans, and being unwilling to be detained from 
the execution of the great design he was meditating, 
gave a favourable hearing to JDemades, insisted on 
the banishment of Charidemus alone, frankly for- 
gave the Athenians, and exhorted them to watch 
over the affairs of Greece during his absence. Then 
he assembled all the states at Corinth, and procured 
himself to be solemnly elected commander-in-chief 
of the Greeks against Persia. 

So grand an undertaking, calculated to dethrone 
the sovereign of the east, and to produce the greatest 
revolution, so far as we know, that ever happened 
on our earth, required a conductor of the most ex- 
tensive genius, intrepid, enterprising, incapable of 
being stopped by any obstacle, and endued with the 
greatest abilities of every kind. — Such a man was 
Alexander. — It is at the same time true, that he 
found the Greeks still actuated by their inveterate 
hatred of the Persians, whom to subdue was the 
most ardent desire of their souls. It is likewise 
true, that, however otherwise corrupted, they still 
maintained their superiority in arms over the Per- 
sians. The famous retreat of the 10,000 Greeks 
was yet fresh in every body's remembrance ; as were 
the exploits of Agesilaus, who w r ith a handful of 
men had made the great king to tremble on his 
throne. The bravery of the Macedonian troops was 
universally known. 



392 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

It was at the time of this solemn assembly of the 
states of Greece at Corinth, that Alexander, surpris- 
ed at not being visited by the famous Diogenes, as 
he had been by all the other eminent philosophers, 
resolved to pay that cynic a visit. Finding Dio- 
genes basking in the sun, and in a situation that in- 
dicated extreme poverty, Alexander asked him, 
whether he w r anted any thing, "Yes," answered 
Diogenes, " I want you to remove from between 
me and the sun-beams." — This answer raised the 
indignation of the courtiers, but attracted the ad- 
miration of Alexander; who declared, that if he 
were not Alexander he would choose to be Dio- 
genes. 

Alexander, before setting off for Asia, went to 
Delphos to consult the priestess of Apollo. But 
the priestess having refused to go to the temple, be- 
cause the day happened to be one of those called in- 
auspicious, on which she was prohibited from consult- 
ing the god, Alexander is said to have laid hold of 
her by the arm, to force her to go thither. The 
priestess having thereupon cried out, " O my son, 
* it is impossible to resist you," Alexander took these 
words for the response ; and, without requiring any 
other, returned to Macedonia ; where, after making 
the necessary preparations for his departure, offering 
a solemn sacrifice, and celebrating public games, he 
gave a grand entertainment to all the princes of the 
blood, and general officers, at which there were no 
fewer than 200 tables. 

Alexander having appointed Antipater governor 
of Macedonia during his absence, distributed in pre- 
. sents and largesses among his friends almost all the 
domains belonging to the crown, bestowing a por- 
tion of land on one, a town on another, royal privi- 
leges and exemptions on a third. 

Alexander set out for Asia in the beginning 
434. of spring, at the head of an army of 30,000 
foot and 5000 horse. Most of his officers were 
men who, having grown old in the service of Philip, 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 393 

were thoroughly experienced in the art of war ; and 
his soldiers were all veterans, and perfectly acquaint- 
ed with discipline. Parmenio commanded the foot, 
as did his son Philotas a part of the horse. Alex- 
ander marched directly to the Hellespont, which he 
passed with 160 galleys and several smaller vessels ; 
conducting with his own hand the galley wherein 
he sailed himself. 

His treasury was very inadequate to so great an 
undertaking. But both Alexander and his officers 
were firmly persuaded that they were marching ra- 
ther to certain conquest, than to attempt a doubt- 
ful expedition. Alexander was the first of his army 
that jumped on Asiatic ground. Arriving at Ilium, 
he resolved to celebrate public games to the me- 
mory of Achilles ; which he caused to be performed 
around that hero's tomb. On that occasion he ex- 
pressed his envy of the good fortune of Achilles, in 
having found a faithful friend while he lived, and 
after his death a Homer to immortalize his exploits. 

When he arrived at the banks of the Granicus, 
Parmenio advised to halt a little, that the troops 
might have some time to repose themselves. But 
Alexander's eagerness to proceed prevented his 
complying with this advice. He said, it was pro- 
per to take advantage of the terror which the news 
of his arrival had created among the Persians. His 
courage was rather animated than depressed at the 
view of the vast army which waited for him on the 
opposite side of the river ; and which amounted to 
upwards of 100,000 foot and 10,000 horse, under 
the command of Memnon the Rhodian, a very 
skilful general. 

Alexander placed himself at the head of the right 
wing of his army, plunged into the river, and was 
followed by all his troops. The Persians, seeing 
the Macedonians advancing, assailed them with a 
shower of darts. Both armies come at last to the 
charge. The Macedonians, fighting under the 
double disadvantage of inferiority in point of num 



394 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III, 

bers, and the worst ground, gave way a little at 
first. Alexander encourages them by his presence, 
deals death with every stroke, and bears down all 
before him. He charges the Persian cavalry, which 
make a brave resistance. He engages Spithrobates, 
the son-in-law of Darius, and transfixes him with a 
lance. Here Clitus, who fought by Alexander's 
side, saved his life, by intercepting the stroke of a 
battle-axe that was aimed at him. The Macedonians, 
seeing the danger that threatened their king, re- 
doubled their efforts, and at last put the Persian ca- 
valry to flight. Then Alexander charges the ene- 
my's infantry with his Macedonian phalanx, which 
had by this time passed the river. The Persians, 
confounded at the boldness of the Macedonians, 
made but a feeble resistance, and were quickly 
routed. No part of the Persian army now kept its 
ground, except a body of Grecian infantry engaged 
in the service of Darius. These finding themselves 
deserted by the Persians, and their retreat cut off 
by the Macedonians, began a most obstinate en- 
gagement : and being all brave well-disciplined ve- 
terans, they fought with the most desperate obsti- 
nacy, and were all killed on the spot except 2000, 
who were made prisoners. The Persians, in this 
battle, lost 20,000 foot and 2500 horse. The loss 
of Alexander was only about 200 men, among 
whom were twenty-five horsemen of the royal 
guard, to whose memory Alexander ordered statues 
to be erected. He showed the utmost attention to 
the wounded, going himself to see them dressed. 
He ordered all the Greek prisoners to be conveyed 
to Macedonia, and sent to the Athenians 300 Per- 
sian bucklers as a token of his victory. 

This victory was a happy prelude to those that 
were to follow, and served to propagate the terror 
of the Macedonian arms. Sardis, the key of Upper 
Asia, opened its gates to the conqueror. Ephesus 
followed the example ; and Alexander there offered 
sacrifices to Diana. Trallis and Magnesia, in like 
manner, sent him their keys. Miletus alone, where 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 395 

the brave Memnon had taken refuge, resolved to 
stand a siege, and made a long resistance. But upon 
the Macedonians attempting an assault, after hav- 
ing made several breaches in the walls, the garrison 
thought proper to capitulate. 

Alexander, to deprive his troops of all hopes of 
return, unless victorious, ordered his fleet to be de- 
stroyed ; reserving only a few ships for transporting 
such engines as might be necessary in the course of 
the expedition. He next marched towards Hali- 
carnassus, to which he laid siege. The inhabitants, 
commanded by Memnon, made so very long and 
vigorous resistance, that a man of less obstinacy and 
resolution than Alexander would have been wearied 
out, and would have abandoned the enterprise. 
But he persisted, and at last prevailed. Memnon,. 
however, made his escape by sea, with the greater 
part of the inhabitants, and the riches of the town. 

Upon this, several princes of Asia Minor submit- 
ted to Alexander, and acknowledged him for their 
superior and sovereign ; and, among the rest, Mith- 
ridates king of Pontus, who, resolving to follow the 
fortunes of Alexander, accompanied him in all his 
future expeditions. Alexander spent the winter in 
the province of Mithridates ; but took the field early 
in the spring, and passed a narrow defile on the sea- 
coast, that forms the communication between Syria 
and Pamphylia. This defile happening then to be 
in a great measure covered by the sea, Alexander's 
soldiers were obliged to march a whole day in the 
water. 

It was about this time that he discovered a con- 
spiracy against his life. Alexander, the son of Ero- 
pus, general of his cavalry, was the principal author 
of this conspiracy, which he was induced to under- 
take by a promise of 1000 talents of gold by Darius. 
The traitor was immediately put to death. Alex- 
ander, arriving in Phrygia, took Celene after some 
resistance. From thence he proceeded to Gordion, 
where he desired to see the chariot to which was 



396 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

tied the famous Gordion knot ; some oracle having 
declared, that he who loosed it should arrive at the 
empire of Asia. Alexander, after trying in vain to 
untie it, cut it in pieces with his sword, saying, 
That the manner of loosing it was of no importance, 
provided the thing were accomplished. 

In the mean time, Memnon the Rhodian, the 
best general that Darius had, advised that king to 
carry the war into Macedonia, by which means he 
could make such a diversion as would lay Alexan- 
der under the necessity of returning to Europe, to 
defend his own dominions. Darius approved of the 
advice, and gave Memnon the command of a fleet 
for putting it in execution. Memnon thereupon re- 
duced Chios and Lesbos, but died as he was besieg- 
ing Mitylene. Darius was extremely sorry for the 
loss of that general ; and having now no other com- 
mander capable of supplying his place, he was ob- 
liged to take the command of his armies himself. 

Alexander thus freed of Memnon, whose abilities 
might have thrown great obstacles in the way of 
his projects, subdued Cappadocia, advanced towards 
the higher Asia, and arrived at the pass of Cilicia, 
by which alone he could penetrate into the country 
of Tarsus. On this occasion he was highly favoured 
by his good fortune. For though his army might 
have been long stopped, and perhaps defeated at 
this pass, which was very narrow, — yet he found 
it quite unguarded, passed it without opposition, 
and arrived at Tarsus time enough to prevent that 
very rich town from being burnt by the Persians. 

It was now about the end of summer, and 
333. the weather was violently hot. Alexander, 
struck with the clearness of the waters of the 
river Cydnus, which washes that city, resolved to 
bathe in it. But he had hardly entered the water, 
when he was seized with an excessive dullness. 
Those that were with him instantly conveyed him 
to his tent in a state of utter insensibility. The news 
of this accident filled the camp with the highest 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 897 

consternation ; and the soldiers began to figure to 
themselves the numberless misfortunes to which the 
death of their prince would expose them. Alexan- 
der, in the mean time, recovering bis senses, per- 
ceived the danger of his disease. We may easily 
figure to ourselves the violent agitation of his mind, 
thus to find himself stopped in the entry of his ca- 
reer, and almost on the point of ending his days in 
so unhappy and obscure a manner. He fancied he 
already heard the noise of the Persian army ; and 
not so desirous of life as of glory, commanded his 
physicians to administer the most speedy remedies. 

But the physicians, considering that Darius had 
promised a reward of 1000 talents to any person who 
would rid him of Alexander, dreaded to render 
themselves responsible for his life by the applica- 
tion of any remedy. But one of them named Philip, 
who had been about the person of Alexander from 
his infancy, and entertained a strong affection for 
him, seeing his beloved master in such extremity, 
despised all danger, and proposed to give him a 
draught that should quickly procure him relief. In 
the mean time, Alexander received a letter from 
Parmenio, whom he had left behind him in Cappa- 
docia, counselling him to beware of Philip, whom 
Darius had corrupted by a promise of 1000 talents. 
How great must have been the perplexity of Alex- 
ander on this trying occasion, distracted between 
fear and hope, racked by suspicion on one side, and 
encouraged by his confidence in Philip on the other ! 
His distrust at last gave way to his confidence in 
Philip ; and taking the draught prepared for him in 
one hand, he, with the other, gave Parmenio's let- 
ter to Philip ; and, looking stedfastly at the physi- 
cian's countenance, drank out the potion without 
hesitation or the appearance of any uneasiness ; but, 
at the same time, he perceived in Philip's face evi- 
dent marks of honest indignation. The physician, 
after reading the letter, said no more, than that the 
recovery of his king would soon wipe off all suspi- 



398 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

cion of the shocking crime laid to his charge; and 
he entreated Alexander not to prevent the effects 
of his prescription, by giving way to anxious inquie- 
tudes. The remedy, in the mean time, began to 
operate, but not without occasioning very severe 
effects on the king ; which, for some time, held the 
minds of those present in painful suspense. But a 
speedy cure soon dispelled all their fears, and res- 
tored the king, in perfect health, to the eyes of his 
desponding soldiers, who at the sight passed from 
the lowest dejection to the highest joy. 

Darius, in the mean time, who lay encamped on 
the plains of Assyria with an army of between 
400,000 and 500,000 men, resolved to go in quest 
of his enemy, instead of waiting for him. That mo- 
narch, accustomed to the extravagant flattery of his 
satraps, who assured him of a certain victory, asked 
Charidemus the Athenian orator, whose banishment 
from his native country had been procured by A- 
lexander as already mentioned, whether he believed 
the Persian army to be powerful enough to con- 
quer that of the presumptuous Macedonian. Chari- 
demus, incapable of flattery or dissimulation, an- 
swered with the honest freedom of a republican, 
that all the pompous and magnificent warlike pre- 
parations of the Persian army, and their prodigious 
number of men, might indeed terrify and confound 
the neighbouring powers of the Persian monarchy, 
but would make no such impression on the Mace- 
donian army, which was all covered with steel ; that 
the Macedonian phalanx was an impenetrable bul- 
wark ; that all their soldiers were inured to war, 
were thoroughly disciplined, and were satisfied with 
the plainest food ; that the Thessalian horsemen 
were not to be repulsed by slings ; and that all the 
gold and silver, of which the Persian camp display- 
ed such a vain parade, might be much more use- 
fully employed in hiring good troops. 

To speak so honestly and plainly to a prince cor- 
rupted by flattery, and who regarded himself as the 



CHAP, IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 399 

most powerful monarch in the world, was highly 
dangerous. Charidemus experienced to his cost the 
truth of this maxim. Darius, though naturally of 
a mild and gentle disposition, was so provoked at 
the bluntness of the Athenian, that he ordered him 
to be put to death. But that awful prospect by no 
means altered the tone of Charidemus ; who, as 
Quintus Curtius tells us, when led to execution, 
cried out, " My death shall be quickly avenged, 
even by the very man against whom I have given 
my best advice. But you shall furnish an example 
to posterity, that when men allow themselves to be 
dazzled by prosperity, the good qualities bestowed 
by nature are quickly eradicated." 

Darius repented, when too late, of having put 
Charidemus to death. In the mean time, he ad- 
vanced with his army towards the Euphrates, never 
beginning his march in the morning till after sun- 
rise. Quintus Curtius has given us a description 
of the march, or rather of the royal procession im - 
mediately about the person of the Persian monarch ; 
but though possible, it carries so much appearance 
of absurdity, that we shall take notice of it only by 
way of note, whereof the substance follows :* 

* Altars of silver with the fire called eternal ; 365 young boys 
clothed in purple robes ; the chariot of Jupiter drawn by white 
horses ; ten chariots ; a body of cavalry composed of men of 
twelve different nations; another body of cavalry called the im- 
mortal, amounting to 10,000, dressed in robes of cloth of gold • 
the relations of the king, to the number of 10,000, most sump- 
tuously dressed ; the doriphori or body guards of the king"; the cha- 
riot of the king, adorned with images of the gods, and two sta- 
tues, one of war, the other of peace, placed in the middle of the 
yoke, and set off with precious stones ; between these statues was 
an eagle of gold with his wings extended ; the king appeared on 
this chariot, dressed in the highest magnificence, begirt with a 
belt of gold, whence depended his scymitar, having his head a- 
dorned with a tiara surmounted with a crown of blue and white ; 
on each side of him marched 200 of his relations ; he was follow- 
ed by 10,000 pikemen. His rear was composed of 50,000 foot ; 
then came a chariot, carrying Sysigambis, the mother of Darius, 
accompanied by his wife ; fifteen large chariots, bearing the 
king's children, with their governors and eunuchs ; and his con- 



f 



THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

Partnenio had already, by the direction of Alex- 
ander, taken possession of the pass between Syria 
and Cilicia, to secure a retreat to his troops in case 
of necessity, and he had likewise taken possession 
of the small city of Issus. Alexander, hearing that 
Darius was encamped at Soca in Assyria, marched 
directly against him, passed the defile of Syria, and 
took post near the city of Myriandra. The Greek 
commanders in the service of Darius, advised that 
monarch to wait for the enemy in the plains of As- 
syria, where he might avail himself of all his 
strength. This prudent advice was accounted trai- 
torous by the courtiers, who, therefore, w r ere of opi- 
nion, that those Greeks, together with their men, 
ought to be immediately cut in pieces. But Darius 
rejected this proposal with horror ; and after thank- 
ing the Greeks for their advice, set forward to meet 
his enemy. Darius directed his march towards 
Cilicia, entering into that country by the pass of 
Ammanicus, which lies above that of Syria ; and 
then advanced towards Issus, without knowing that 
he was in the rear of Alexander. Intelligence being 
brought him that the Macedonian was flying, he 
thought he had no more ado but to go in pursuit of 
him. 

Alexander hearing of the situation of Da- 
333. rius's army, was overjoyed at the thoughts of 
engaging in so narrow a spot, where he had 
room enough to bring all his forces into action ; 
while on the other hand, Darius could not make use 
of the twentieth part of his. He felt, however, 
some anxiety at being on the eve of coming to so 
important an action ; but his natural intrepidity 
quickly got the better of all his apprehensions. 
After causing his troops to refresh themselves, and 
offering up a solemn sacrifice to the gods, he gave 

cubines, to the number of S60 ; 600 mules and 300 camels load- 
ed with money ; the wives of the officers of state all mounted on 
chariots: the procession was closed by companies of light-armed 
troops. 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 401 

orders at midnight for marching, and brought his 
army by day-break to the station he intended to 
occupy. Hearing that Darius was within a league 
and a half of him, he immediately ranged his troops 
in battle order. The spot whereon they were drawn 
up was a fine plain in the neighbourhood of the ri- 
ver Issus, confined by mountains on one side, and 
by the sea on the other. He disposed his cavalry 
on the wings ; and formed the phalanx into six di- 
visions. Craterus commanded the infantry on the 
extremity of the left wing ; Parmenio the rest of 
that wing ; and Alexander himself the right wing. 
His cavalry were covered by his light armed troops, 
and his infantry by a body of archers under Antio- 
chus. 

Darius placed in the centre of his first line 30,000 
Greeks who were in his service, and being all com- 
pletely armed and disciplined after the Grecian 
manner, formed the main strength of his army. 
The rest of his infantry were drawn up behind the 
first line, except 20,000 who were posted on the 
mountain on the right of the Macedonians. His 
cavalry was ordered to cross the river Pinarus which 
ran through the middle of the plain ; and then a 
large detachment of them pushed on towards Par- 
menio. Alexander observing this motion of the 
Persian cavalry, altered his former disposition a lit- 
tle, commanded the Thessalian cavalry to occupy 
the post at which the Persian cavalry seemed to aim, 
and stationed his light armed troops in front of his 
infantry. 

The main bodies of both armies coming at last in 
view of each other, Alexander rode through his 
ranks and exhorted his soldiers to do their duty, re- 
minding the Macedonians of their repeated victo- 
ries in Europe, and of their recent and most glori- 
ous success at the Granicus, and assuring them that 
a single victory would render them masters of the 
empire of Persia ; exhorting the Greeks to recall to 
their remembrance the heroic behaviour of their an- 

2 c 



402 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III* 

cestors at Marathon, Thermopylae, and Salamis,and 
the miseries brought upon their country by the Per- 
sians ; and animating the Illyrians and Thracians 
with the hopes of the immense plunder the Persian 
army, if beaten, should afford them. The whole 
army called aloud to be led on to the engagement. 

The right wing of the Macedonians, to avoid as 
much as possible the showers of darts poured upon 
them by the Persians, plunged immediately into the 
river, and advanced to the charge. The shock was 
extremely violent, and they fought man to man. 
Alexander was very desirous of having the honour 
to engage Darius hand to hand ; and the sight of 
that monarch, conspicuously mounted on his superb 
chariot, redoubled this desire in the Macedonian 
hero, who instantly pushed forward, and exerted his 
utmost efforts to reach Darius. The battle round 
the king became very desperate, and a great num- 
ber of Persian noblemen were killed fighting brave- 
ly. The horses of Darius being wounded, rear and 
break loose from the yoke. Darius jumps from that 
chariot, mounts another, flies, and is followed by the 
whole right wing of his army. On the other hand, 
the rest of the Macedonian army being attacked in 
flank by the Greek troops, as warlike and well dis- 
plined as themselves, had occasion for all their bra- 
very to support the charge. The battle between 
them was very bloody and doubtful. But the Ma- 
cedonian right wing, now victorious, flies to the as- 
sistance of their left, attacks the Greeks in flank, and 
obliges them to give way. At the same time the 
Persian had charged the Thessalian cavalry, and had 
at first broken through several squadrons. The 
Thessalians affecting to take flight, as if struck with 
a panic, the Persians pursue them in disorder ; but 
the Thessalians rallying unexpectedly, renew the 
engagement. Intelligence arriving, in the mean 
time, that Darius had fled, the Persian horsemen 
were discouraged, betook themselves to flight, and 
a great number of them were cut off in their re- 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 403 

treat. The rout was then general : 8000 Greeks 
made good their escape, and retired towards Lesbos. 
The barbarians take different roads ; some fly to- 
wards Persia ; some take refuge in the woods. The 
Macedonians, in the mean time, possessed them- 
selves of Darius's camp, where they found his mo- 
ther and his wife, together with two princesses and 
a son, his infant children. The Persians lost a vast 
number of men in this battle, while the loss on the 
side of the Macedonians was very inconsiderable. 
Alexander himself was wounded in the thigh by a 
sword ; but the wound was attended with no dan- 
gerous consequences. 

Alexander, weary of pursuing Darius, returned 
to the Persian camp, where he gave a grand enter- 
tainment to his principal officers. While at table, 
the noise of crying and mourning reached their ears. 
This proceeded from the mother and wife of Darius ; 
who observed Darius's chariot and bow, which 
Alexander had taken in the pursuit, imagined 
Darius was killed, and were bewailing his death in 
the most disconsolate manner. Alexander, moved 
with their misfortune, sent Leonatus, one of his 
officers, to assure them that Darius was alive. But 
the woman imagining that Leonatus came to put 
them to death, intreated to have permission, before 
their execution, to bury the body of Darius. Leo- 
natus soon made them sensible of their mistake, 
and assured them of an honourable protection from 
Alexander. That prince, after visiting the wound- 
ed, and seeing the dead buried, testified great joy 
to his officers on account of his victory ; bestowed 
the highest commendations on their bravery ; and 
loaded them with presents. He then went to pay 
a visit to Sysigambis and the other princesses, and 
entered their tent with no other attendant but his 
favourite Ephsestion. 

This interview was extremely moving, and ex- 
hibited those distinguished characters in a point of 
view so affecting, and from their situation so peeu- 

1 " ; 2 c 2 ; 



404 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

liarly interesting, that the greatest painters have ex- 
erted their skill to eternize the scene with the most 
elegant touches of the pencil. Ephaestion being of 
the same age with Alexander, and of a more ad- 
vantageous stature, was mistaken for the king by 
the ladies, who accordingly threw themselves at his 
feet. Sysigambis, on being informed of her mis- 
take, prostrated herself before Alexander, and ex- 
cused herself because she had never seen him before. 
But Alexander raised her from the ground, " My 
dear mother, (said he), you are not mistaken, for he 
is likewise Alexander." A noble expression, as ho- 
nourable for the prince as for the favourite. Sysi- 
gambis expressed the highest gratitude for the fa- 
vours and obliging attention he had shewn them ; 
and Alexander took the son of Darius in his arms, 
and caressed him very fondly. Here the real he- 
roism and virtue of Alexander shone forth in full 
splendour. He gave orders to treat the princesses 
with all the respect due to their rank, making his 
camp as sacred an asylum for their virtue as any 
temple ; nor would he afterwards trust himself in 
the presence of Darius's queen, who was a woman 
of singular beauty. To understand the full extent 
of his magnanimity on this occasion, we must re- 
member that Alexander was then in the full bloom 
of youth, unmarried and a conqueror. But far from 
attempting to derive any ungenerous advantage 
from his victory, he studied to alleviate the misfor- 
tunes of his illustrious captives by the most polite 
attention, and the most respectful kindness and in- 
dulgence. 

Parmenio having, in the mean time, marched to 
Damascus, received from the governor of that city 
all the treasures deposited there by Darius for de- 
fraying the expences of his warlike expeditions, to- 
gether with the equipages of many Persian lords, 
the whole amounting to an immense value. The 
Macedonians likewise found in that city several 
princesses of the royal bloo.d of Persia, with a great 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 405 

number of the wives of the satraps, and a multitude 
of officers belonging to the household of Darius. 

Darius continued to fly with the utmost precipi- 
tation, through many desert provinces, till he cross- 
ed the Euphrates, and arrived at Thapsacus. Alex- 
ander in the mean time entered Syria, where most 
-of the cities voluntarily opened their gates to him. 
In one of those cities that prince received a letter 
from Darius, couched in such haughty terms as but 
ill became his present situation. Without giving 
Alexander the title of king, he offered him any sum 
of money he should demand, as the ransom of his 
mother, his wife, and children; and counselled him 
to rest satisfied with the dominions of his ancestors, 
and not to persist in his attempt to usurp the king- 
dom of another. Alexander returned an answer in 
the same strain. He enumerated the misfortunes 
brought on Greece by the Persians. He reproach- 
ed them with having suborned assassins to murder 
his father Philip ; and upbraided Darius with hav- 
ing offered a reward of 1000 talents to any person 
who should kill him, Alexander ; he therefore con- 
cluded, that he was not the aggressor. He inti- 
mated however to Darius, that on his applying to 
him in a suppliant manner, he should receive his 
mother and wife without any ransom ; and he con- 
cluded, by desiring him to remember, when he 
wrote to him next, that he not only wrote to a 
king but to his own king. 

Upon Alexander's arrival in Phenicia, the Sido- 
nians paid him their homage with great pleasure, 
because, eighteen years before, Ochus had destroyed 
their city, and cut off most of the inhabitants. 
Their king, Strato, having declared for Darius, 
was deprived of the crown by Alexander, who de- 
sired Ephaestion to pitch on any of the Sidonians 
whom he thought most worthy of succeeding to that 
dignity. Ephasstion accordingly offered the sceptre 
to two young men., who were brothers,, and in whose 



t 



406 ^HE HISTORY OF BOOK III* 

house he happened to lodge. But they generously 
declined the honour, because they were not of the 
royal blood. Ephaestion struck with admiration at 
their magnanimity, begged of them to inform him of 
any person who had that advantage. They there- 
upon named Abdolonymus, whose generosity and 
integrity had reduced him to such poverty, that he 
was obliged to cultivate his garden with his own 
hands for his subsistence. The young men were 
desired to find him, and to acquaint him with his 
good fortune. Having accordingly gone to him, 
they saluted him as king, and told him, that he 
must throw aside the wretched apparel he then was 
wearing, and put on the royal robe they had brought 
him. It was with great difficulty that they con- 
vinced him they were not jesting. "Assume," said 
they, " with these royal robes the sentiments of a 
king, preserve that virtue which has made you 
worthy of it ; and when you shall preside there as j 
the arbiter of life and death, forget not the situation 1 
from which you were exalted to that important 
dignity." 

All the inhabitants of Sidon were overjoyed at 
hearing on whom the choice had fallen. Alexan- 
der desired to see the new king ; and having asked 
him, whether he had been able to support with pa- 
tience his former situation ? " Would to heaven," 
answered Abdolonymus, " I may be able to support 
with equal resolution the crown you have been i 
pleased to place on my head." Alexander conceiv- 
ed a high opinion of the virtue of Abdolonymus, 
and ordered all the furniture and rich effects of the 
late king Strato to be given to him. 

The only city in Phenicia which did not acknow- 
ledge its dependence on the Macedonians was 
Tyre, accounted, even before the captivity of the 
Jews at Babylon, the most flourishing city in the 
world. Its advantageous situation, the industry of 
its inhabitants, the superior excellence of its purple 3 
and other commodities, rendered it the centre of 

* -'/IB 



CHAP, IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 407 

commerce, the richest city of the east, and the mis- 
tress of the sea. 

The Tyrians were desirous of making Alexander 
their friend, but did not choose to make him their 

master ; and therefore, on his offering to enter 
332. their city, they shut their gates against him. 

Incensed at this affront, Alexander resolved 
to take vengeance on them, by laying siege to their 
city. This undertaking carried with it the ap- 
pearance of extreme difficulty, the city being not 
only situated in an island, at the distance of a quarter 
of a league from the continent, but likewise very 
strongly fortified, and the Tyrians being firmly re- 
solved to make an obstinate resistance. It was 
however of great importance to Alexander to get 
possession of Tyre, as by that means he should 
command all Phenicia, should deprive the Persians 
of one half of their naval strength, become sovereign 
at sea, and so reduce in a little time both Eygpt 
and the island of Cyprus. Besides these motives 
in point of expediency, Alexander was of a disposi- 
tion that could brook no resistance ; and difficulties 
served only to render him more obstinate. Per- 
ceiving, however, that it would be necessary to con- 
struct between the continent and the island a mound, 
which, at the same time that it must be a tedious 
and laborious work, might after all be sweeped 
away by the violence of the waves ; and that the 
other obstacles of every kind were very great, and 
might detain him too long from the prosecution of 
his other enterprises ; Alexander thought it advis- 
able to attempt an accommodation, and therefore 
sent heralds to offer terms of peace to the Tyrians. 
But instead of listening to his proposals, the pre- 
sumptuous citizens killed the heralds, and threw 
their bodies from the top of the walls into the sea. 
Alexander, transported with rage at this insult, de- 
termined to undertake the siege, whatever it might 
cost him. 

As a circumstantial detail of the particulars of 



408 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

this famous siege would require more room than the 
nature of the present work will admit of, we shall 
confine ourselves to the most remarkable circum- 
stances attending it. 

Alexander, in the first place, ordered a foundation 
to be laid for raising a mound to communicate be- 
tween the continent and the island. This work was 
attended with incredible labour, and theTyrians ex- 
erted their utmost efforts to impede its execution. 
At last, however, when it drew towards a close, a 
violent tempest arising, overthrew by the force of 
the waves the effect of all their labours. This un- 
fortunate accident, capable of discouraging any 
other man than Alexander, had no such effect upon 
him, nor upon his soldiers, who recommenced their 
labours with wonderful alacrity. 

In the mean time the news of his victory at Issus 
brought to his assistance a vast number of galleys 
from different quarters. Sidon, Rhodes, Cyprus, 
and several maritime cities in I^ycia, contributed 
each its quota ; and when to these supplies were 
joined the remains of his own fleet, he appeared be- 
fore Tyre with upwards of 200 galleys. The Ty- 
rians now finding the Macedonians superior to them 
in naval strength, durst no more venture out of 
their harbour. The latter, therefore, prosecuted 
their work unmolested, and soon finished the mole. 
Warlike engines were quickly erected on it ; and 
Alexander ordered his fleet to attack the city from 
the sea, while he invested it from the mole. The be- 
sieged were overwhelmed with showers of stones, 
and the walls of their city were incessantly battered 
by all sorts of engines. The Tyrians finding them- 
selves thus vigorously attacked, sent away most of 
their women and children to Carthage; but still 
continued to defend themselves with wonderful ob- 
stinacy, and every day put in practice some new in- 
vention to frustate the attempts of the besiegers, 
insomuch that Alexander deliberated more than 
once about raising the siege. A sea-fight at last 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 409 

ensued, wherein the Tyrians were defeated, and 
many of their ships sunk. Alexander took advan- 
tage of the consternation produced among the be- 
sieged by this defeat, to give a general assault. 
Both the attack and defence were most desperate. 
The battering rams make breaches in several parts 
of the wall : the Macedonians instantly rush for- 
ward by those breaches : Alexander exposes himself 
to the most imminent danger, performs prodigies of 
valour, and by his example encourages his soldiers : 
the Macedonians at last get possession of the ram- 
parts : the Tyrians fly on all sides, are put to the 
sword without distinction, and most of them are sa- 
crificed to the fury of the conquerors.* 

The Sidonians, compassionating the miseries of 
the unhappy Tyrians, saved the lives of more than 
15,000 of them, by conveying them privately aboard 
their ships. Alexander, exasperated to the highest 
degree by the length and obstinacy of the siege, 
crucified 2000 of the Tyrians along the sea-shore, 
and sold for slaves upwards of 30,000 of them whom 
he had made prisoners. Thus was taken the fa- 
mous city of Tyre, after a siege of seven months 
duration, and one of the most memorable recorded 
in ancient history. 

At this siege Alexander was wounded in the 
shoulder. Darius in the mean time sent Alexan- 
der another letter, offering him 1000 talents as the 
ransom of the princesses, with his daughter Statira 
in marriage, together with all the provinces he had 
conquered, as far as the Euphrates. Parmenio was 

* In the course of this siege, Alexander having made an in- 
cursion into the country of the Arabians who dwelt about Anti- 
libanus, involved himself in very imminent danger from an affec- 
tionate attachment to his preceptor Lysimachus, who being 
unable through age to keep up with the rest of the party, Alex- 
ander resolved to stay behind with him. Thus separated from 
the main body of the soldiers, they remained a whole night in 
a most disagreeable situation, surrounded by parties of the ene- 
my. But by Alexander's intrepidity and good fortune, they 
were extricated tram their dangerous dilemma. 



410 THE HISTORY OF BOOK I'll. 

t>f opinion, that Alexander ought to accept of these 
terms, declaring that if he were in Alexander's 
place, he would accept of them himself : H And so 
would I," answered Alexander, " were I Parmenio." 
In answer, he informed Darius, that he had no oc- 
casion for his money : that with respect to the con- 
quered provinces, he, Darius, offered with a bad 
grace what it was not in his power to bestow ; but 
that he might, whenever he pleased, venture ano- 
ther battle, which, in all probability, would decide 
which of them should remain the conqueror and 
master. This answer convinced Darius, that he had 
now no alternative but once more to try the fate of 
war. n^f^^f^^m m^m^t^'h^mm- 
Alexander, provoked against the Jews, for their 
having refused to supply his army with provisions 
during the siege of Tyre, under pretence of an oath 
of fidelity sworn by them to Darius, marched to- 
wards Jerusalem, with an intention to treat that city 
as he had treated Tyre. Jaddus, the high priest, 
hearing of his approach, had recourse to sacrifice 
and prayer ; and in consequence of a revelation 
made to him in a dream, clothed himself in his pon- 
tifical vestments, and taking with him all the ser- 
vants belonging to the temple, marched out in so- 
lemn procession to meet Alexander. That prince, 
on seeing the high priest, was struck with surprise 
and veneration ; and coming up to him, saluted him 
with a religious respect. His officers appearing 
confounded at this behaviour, Alexander told them, 
that it was not the man, but the great God, whose 
servant he was, whom he meant to honour by this 
respectful behaviour ; assuring them at the same 
time, that before leaving Macedonia, as he was anx- 
iously revolving in his mind his future expedition, 
he had seen in a vision this very high priest, dressed 
in the same robes he now wore, who encouraged 
him to prosecute his intended invasion of the Per- 
sian empire, and told him, that the God whom he 
worshipped would conduct his undertakings, and 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 411 

crown him with victory : that he recollected this 
vision the moment he had at this time set eyes on 
the high priest, and that therefore he entertained 
no further doubt of conquering Darius. 

It is most likely that this pretended dream of 
Alexander's was the child of political hypocrisy. 
The intention is obvious. Alexander wished his 
own soldiers, as well as the Persians^ to be persuad- 
ed that the gods had destined him to subdue the 
empire of the east a belief that must inspire his 
troops with additional confidence, and his enemies 
with despair. Several other passages of Alexan- 
der's conduct show very clearly that this was a prin- 
cipal point of policy with that prince : and it is pro- 
bable that the opinion he laboured to inspire, first 
of his divine mission, next of his divine descent, 
and finally of his own personal divinity, gradually 
broached as he advanced among more ignorant and 
more superstitious nations, contributed considera- 
bly to his subsequent conquests. I am therefore 
thoroughly persuaded, that in propagating this idea 
Alexander was less prompted by vanity than by 
policy. 

Alexander, delighted with the accomplishment 
of this flattering prediction, embraced the high 
priest, and entering Jerusalem, proceeded to the 
temple, and offered sacrifices, complying in every 
particular with the directions of Jaddus. After 
which the high priest laid before him the passages 
of Daniel's prophecies which respected himself and 
his conquests. 

Overjoyed at those wonderful prophecies, Alex- 
ander bestowed many marks of his kindness on the 
Jews, and desired them to ask of him some favour. 
They demanded permission to live in conformity 
with the laws of their fathers ; and Alexander 
granted the request. 

Alexander next directed his march towards Gaza, 
which he desired to subdue, that he might open to 
himself a way into Egypt. But Betis, the gover- 



412 THE HISTORY OF BOOK HI. 

nor placed there by Darius, thought it his duty to 
defend the place to the last extremity, by which 
means the Macedonian was stopped before it no less 
than two months. He took it however at last ; and 
out of resentment for the obstinate defence made 
by the inhabitants, he put 10,000 of them to the 
sword, sold the rest for slaves, and instead of shew- 
ing that respect for Betis which his bravery and his 
fidelity to his sovereign deserved, used him with the 
most disgraceful cruelty. Commanding his feet to 
be pierced, and a cord to be passed through the 
holes, he caused him to be dragged round the city 
till he died, affecting to imitate Achilles, who used 
the body of Hector in the same manner. 

Leaving a garrison in Gaza, Alexander advanced 
towards Egypt, and arrived before Pelusium. The 
Egyptians had long submitted with impatience to 
the Persian government. They entertained a strong 
resentment of the cruelty of Ochus, and desired 
nothing more ardently than an opportunity to throw 
off' the yoke under which they groaned. As soon 
therefore as Alexander appeared among them, they 
cheerfully submitted to his authority. Mazeus, 
Darius's governor at Memphis, seeing Alexander at 
the head of a powerful army, opened to him the 
gates of that capital, and put him in possession of 
8000 talents, and all the rich effects of the king. 

Every thing giving way in this manner to Alex- 
ander, his heart, elated by so many victories, was no 
longer proof against the baneful influence of pros- 
perity, which generally corrupts the heart, and ren- 
ders men blind to their real situation. The vanity 
of Alexander suggested to him the ridiculous pro- 
ject of imitating the example of some of the ancient 
heroes, by pretending to be the son of Jupiter. 
With this absurd view, he resolved to pay a visit 
to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, situated in the 
midst of the deserts of Lybia, at the distance of 
twelve days' journey from Memphis ; and he found 
means previously to corrupt the priests by large 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 413 

presents, to behave to him in the manner he de- 
sired. 

In this journey he observed beyond Canopus a 
spot very advantageously situated for being the 
foundation of a maritime city. He gave orders 
therefore for immediately beginning the work, and 
called the city after his own name, Alexandria. Its 
happy situation, and fine harbour, afterwards ren- 
dered it one of the most flourishing cities in the 
world, and evinced the singular penetration and 
comprehensive ideas of its great founder. 

The journey of Alexander proved as dangerous 
as its motive was extravagant ; for the road lay 
through deserts covered with mountains of burning 
sand. The soldiers seeing themselves environed on 
all hands with frightful deserts, were seized with 
consternation ; and their water having failed them, 
they were on the point of perishing for thirst, when 
a storm of rain coming on, relieved them from that 
distress. At length they arrived at the temple of 
the god, situated on a spot of pretty good ground, 
surrounded by a thick wood. The god was repre- 
sented under the figure of a ram, covered with pre- 
cious stones. Alexander, on entering the temple, 
was saluted as son of Jupiter by the chief priest ; 
who assured him that the god himself acknowledged 
him as such. Alexander received the appellation 
with joy, and worshipped Jupiter as his father. The 
priest likewise foretold him, that he should become 
sovereign monarch of the whole world. Here again 
we find vanity, ambition, and hypocrisy, united in 
this strange transaction and its consequences. 

Alexander constantly, after his return from this 
visit, assumed in all his letters and dispatches the 
title of son of Jupiter Amnion. His subjects pri- 
vately pitied this ridiculous folly ; but his mother 
Olympias rallied him pleasantly enough on his van- 
ity, begging of him in her letters to desist from 
promoting a quarrel between Juno and her. 

That prince, before leaving Memphis, settled a 
proper form of government for Egypt, conferring 



414 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

the principal military offices on Macedonians alone, 
and distributing the country into various depart- 
ments. But he permitted the Egyptians to make 
use of their ancient laws. 

Alexander, leaving Egypt, proceeded towards 
the east to pursue Darius. During a short stay 
which he made at Tyre, having been informed of 
the death of Statira, Darius's queen, he immediately 
paid a visit to Sysigambis and the other princesses ; 
testified much compassion for their misfortune, o- 
mitted nothing that might contribute to alleviate 
their grief, and celebrated the queen's funeral with 
vast magnificence. Darius, on receiving the news 
of his wife's death, from a eunuch who had made 
his escape from the Macedonian camp for that pur- 
pose, was extremely grieved, and inquired at the 
eunuch with the utmost earnestness, whether Alex- 
ander had ever attempted her virtue. The eunuch 
assured him with the most solemn oaths, that A- 
lexander had constantly behaved to Statira with 
the utmost delicacy and respect ; and that he had 
discovered on all occasions the highest attention and 
regard for the other princesses. Darius, on hearing 
this, beseeched the gods, in presence of his courtiers, 
that if by their immutable decree the royal line of 
Persia was destined to fail, Alexander alone might 
mount the throne of Cyrus. 

Alexander continuing his march, passed the Eu-r 
phrates, and advanced towards the Tigris with his 
whole army. Darius perceiving that the Macedon- 
ian would listen to no terms of accommodation, as- 
sembled an army more numerous still than any of 
the former. The plains of Mesopotamia were co- 
vered with his troops. Darius directed his march 
through the country of Nineveh ; but he dispatch- 
ed Mazeus with a detachment of 6000 men to op- 
pose Alexander's passage over the Tigris, the most 
rapid of all the rivers of the east. Alexander, in 
the mean time, having discovered a ford, effected 
the passage of his army, his foot being disposed in 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE, 415, 

the middle, and his cavalry on the two wings. The . 
passage was attended with much trouble and con- 
fusion, the soldiers being obliged to carry their arms 
and their baggage on their heads. If Mazeus had 
arrived in time, the Macedonians in all probability 
might have been defeated. But the singular good 
fortune that attended Alexander in all his enter- 
prises, saved him from this danger. 

Alexander encamped for two days on the farther 
side of the Tigris. As the army was preparing for 
their departure on the third, an eclipse of the moon 
happened. This occasioned a superstitious alarm , 
among the troops, which happily, however, pro- 
duced no bad consequences. The soldiers complain- 
ed loudly, that to satisfy the ambition of a single 
man, they should be obliged to travel to the extre- 
mities of the earth, and that even contrary to the 
will of the gods, who thus refused them the light 
of the heavenly bodies. But upon the soothsayers 
declaring, that the moon was the luminary which fa- 
voured the Persians, while on the contrary the 
Greeks were patronized by the sun, and that there- 
fore this eclipse threatened the former with some 
impending misfortune, the superstitious multitude 
approved of the interpretation, and resumed their 
courage. Letters in the mean time were intercept- 
ed, wherein Darius endeavoured, by vast promises, 
to persuade the Greek soldiers to assassinate Alex- 
ander. But that prince, by the advice of Parmenio, 
took no notice of these letters to the army. Darius, 
who was now only at the distance of seven or eight 
leagues, dispatched ten of his relations, to propose to 
the Macedonian new terms of peace, more advantage- 
ous still than any of the former. Alexander returned 
for answer, That Darius certainly pretended to treat 
of peace with an insidious intention, since he was at 
that very instant labouring to persuade his, Alex- 
ander's, own soldiers to murder him ; that therefore 
he was determined to use him, not as a generous 
enemv, but as a base assassin ; and he concluded 



416 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

with a ridiculous figure, telling him, that the world 
could no more admit of two masters than it could 
of two sons. 

Darius's army was encamped near the village of 
Gaugamella, in a large plain, at some distance 
from Arbela, a city of Assyria. Alexander, after 
halting some time to repose his troops and to fortify 
his camp, there deposited all his baggage, and ad- 
vanced in battle order towards the Persians. Par- 
memo advised to attack the enemy in the night, by 
which means they might obtain a more easy victory. 
But Alexander answered, that he disdained to steal 
a victory, and that he was resolved to fight and 
conquer in the face of day. The army of Darius 
passed the night under arms. Alexander, after of- 
fering up sacrifices to the gods, retired to rest, not 
without some anxiety ; but falling asleep at last, he 
continued to sleep so soundly, that they were ob- 
liged to awake him. Parmenio having expressed 
much surprise to Alexander that he could enjoy 
such perfect tranquillity and composure on the very 
point of coming to so important an engagement :— 
Why," answered Alexander, "should I be other- 
wise, since the enemy has come to deliver himself 
into our hands ?" 

Arming himself immediately, he mounted his 
horse, rode through the ranks, and exhorted his men 
to maintain their former reputation. Never did he 
discover more cheerfulness or resolution. The army 
of Darius, according to the most credible account, 
amounted to no fewer than 600,000 foot, and 40,000 
horse ; that of Alexander's to no more than 40,000 
foot, and between 7000 and 8000 horse. The troops 
on each side were drawn up in two lines, with the 
cavalry on the wings. Two hundred chariots arm- 
ed with scythes were ranged in the front of the 
Persian army; and Darius had taken post in the 
centre of the foremost line. Alexander had placed 
his archers at the head of his army ; and to prevent 
any bad effects from his being surrounded, he gave 



\ 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 417 

orders to the second line to face about in case i^ e y 
were attacked in the rear. 

The battle was begun by the cavalry. AlexaL 
der's being charged by those of the enemy, sustain- 
ed the first shock with difficulty ; but at last were 
so lucky as to repulse them. The Persian chariots 
armed with scythes were next let loose. Upon 
which the Macedonian archers discharged a shower 
of arrows, that galled and frightened the horses, and 
caused many of them to run back among the Per- 
sian troops, while the Macedonians, opening their 
ranks, permitted the rest of them to pass. 

In the mean time, the soothsayer Aristander, 
dressed in a white robe, advancing into the midst 
of the troops, cries out, that he sees an eagle above 
Alexander's head. This being a presage of victory, 
animated the troops with fresh courage. Alexan- 
der instantly rushes forward to support Aretus, who 
had put to flight the Persian cavalry ; and attack- 
ing, along with him, the left of the enemy, fairly 
breaks them, and then advances against the quarter 
where Darius fought. A very bloody and obstinate 
engagement ensued. The soldiers about the Per- 
sian monarch exerted extraordinary efforts in his 
defence. But that prince's armour-bearer being kill- 
ed by a javelin thrown from Alexander's own hand, 
. the Persian troops in that wing thinking it was the 
king himself who had fallen, set up a frightful cry, 
were filled with consternation, and began to give 
ground. Darius, afraid of falling into the hands of 
the Macedonians, consults his safety by flight. A 
dreadful slaughter followed. In the mean time, 
however, the left of the Macedonians, commanded 
by Parmenio, was in great danger. A detachment 
of the Persian cavalry having forced their way 
through them, galloped up to the very baggage. 
But the infantry in the centre of the second line 
facing about, attacked this body of cavalry in the 
rear, and obliged them to retreat. The danger, 
however, was not yet over.— Mazeus next fell upon 



41 & / THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

thep with all the cavalry under his command. 
Alexander, informed of the danger that threatened 
Jarmenio, returned from pursuing Darius, hurried 
/o support his own troops, and falling in with the 
/body of cavalry that had made the attempt on the 
camp, charged them with the greatest vigour. The 
battle was very obstinate. Alexander lost sixty of 
his guards ; but at length, the Persians were repuls- 
ed and put to flight. On the other hand, Mazeus 
hearing of the flight of Darius, and of the defeat of 
the troops that had fought about the king's person, 
was so confounded at the news, that he gave over 
the pursuit of the Macedonians, whom he had 
thrown into great disorder. Parmenio observing 
this change in the conduct of Mazeus, called out to 
his troops that the enemy was seized with a panic ,and 
that one bold effort would ensure them the victory. 
The Macedonians, animated by this information, 
advance against the enemy, charge them with irre- 
sistible fury, and put them to flight. Alexander 
perceiving that victory every where declared for 
him, returned to the pursuit of Darius, whom he ex- 
pected to find in Arbela, where great part of his 
treasures were deposited. But Darius, afraid to 
stop there, abandoned the city, together with an 
immense booty, to the Macedonians. 

Such was the event of this famous battle, , 
331. in which the Persians are said to have lost 
300,000 men : and the Macedonians no more 
than 200. Alexander, after expressing, by proper 
sacrifices, his gratitude to the gods for this great 
victory, distributed magnificent presents among 
the officers who had principally distinguished them- 
selves. He expressed particular satisfaction with 
the conduct of his Greek soldiers, and, by way of 
recompence, ordered all the Greek cities to be set at 
liberty, and every species of tyrannical government 
then prevailing among them, to be abolished. 

Darius, passing the river JLycus, hurried towards 
Media, by the way of the mountains of Armenia, 
attended by a very slender retinue. 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 419 

Alexander having taken possession of Arbela, 
found in that city 4000 talents of money (nearly 
£600,000 sterling) and other treasures to an im- 
mense value. — From Arbela he marched to Baby- 
lon, where Mazeus made his submissions, and de- 
livered up the city. Most of the Babylonians, im- 
patient to see their new master, went out of the city 
to meet him. Alexander made his entry at the 
head of his army. The walls of Babylon, so cele- 
brated in history, were covered with multitudes of 
spectators ; the roads were strewed with flowers by 
order of the governor of the citadel ; and on both 
sides of the way altars were erected, whereon were 
burnt perfumes of an exquisite flavour. Imme- 
diately behind the retinue of Alexander were carried 
the presents destined for him; among which were 
many wild beasts, such as lions, panthers, &c. con- 
fined in cages ; next came the magi singing hymns; 
then the Chaldeans, soothsayers, musicians, and the 
Babylonian horsemen ; Alexander was mounted on 
. a chariot surrounded by his guards, and marched 
- along in triumph. He distributed a great part of 
the money found in Babylon in presents among his 
soldiers ; every Macedonian horseman receiving a- 
bout £13 sterling; every other horseman about 
£4 ; and a foot soldier about £2. 

As Alexander possessed an extraordinary taste 
for the sciences, he passed some time in conversation 
with the Chaldeans, who entertained him with their 
most curious astronomical observations. He staid 
thirty-four days in Babylon. His residence in this 
city, which was then immersed in luxury and every 
species of voluptuousness, greatly corrupted his 
troops. While at Babylon, he was joined by a 
number of recruits sent him by Antipater. Alex- 
ander departing at last from Babylon, entered the 
province of Sitacena a very fruitful country. Here, 
to keep up a spirit of emulation among his soldiers, 
he appointed rewards to be distributed among the 
most valiant, by the officers who had been witnesses 

2d 2 



s 



420 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III* 

of the bravery displayed by each of them in the 
several battles. Here too, he made some necessary 
alterations in his military discipline. Then he pro- 
ceeded towards Susa, a city in Persia, and arrived 
there on the twentieth day after his departure from 
Babylon. The governor of the province sent his 
son to meet him, and followed soon after himself, 
with a present consisting of dromedaries and twelve 
elephants, which he delivered to Alexander on the 
banks of the river Choaspus, so celebrated in history 
for the delicious taste of its w r aters* Alexander en- 
tering Susa, found there 50,000 talents of money 
(upwards of £6,000,000 sterling), and rich furni- 
ture and effects to an immense value. Before quit- 
ting Susa, Alexander put a garrison into that city, 
consisting of 3000 men and 1000 of his veteran Ma- 
cedonian soldiers. He likewise left there Sysigam- 
bis and Darius's children, and made that princess a 
present of some beautiful purple stuffs that had 
been sent him from Macedonia. For Alexander 
constantly behaved to her with as high respect as 
if she had been his own mother ; and so far con- 
formed himself even to the Persian manners, that 
he never sat down in her presence till she gave him 
permission. 

Alexander next advanced into the country of the 
Uxii; where, after establishing his authority, he 
committed the greatest part of his army to P&r- 
menio. Taking none but the light-armed troops 
along with himself, he penetrated into Persia, 
through the mountains, till he reached the pass of 
Susa. Ariobarzanes, with 4000 men, having taken 
possession of the rocks that commanded that pass, 
rolled down from the top of them large stones, 
which crushed to pieces many of the Macedonians ; 
who finding it impossible to proceed, were obliged 
to stop short in the midst of their victorious career. 
In this dilemma, a Greek offered to conduct, the 
Macedonians by a secret unfrequented path to the 
summit of those rocks. Alexander accepted of his 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 421 

service ; and taking along with him a good part of 
his troops, set out on the attempt. But they met 
with incredible difficulties in their way, and nar- 
rowly escaped perishing among the snow. Arriv- 
ing, however, at the top of the mountain at last, 
and discovering the main body of the enemy, he in- 
stantly attacked and cut them in pieces. Where- 
upon Craterus, whom he had left at the bottom of 
the hill with the rest of the troops, took possession 
of the pass, and put the enemy to flight. 

Alexander having extricated himself from this 
dangerous situation, advanced towards Persepolis, 
the ancient residence of the Persian monarchs, and 
the capital of their empire, where a part of Darius's 
treasures were deposited. After passing the Araxus, 
he was met, not far from Persepolis, by about 800 
Greeks, all old men, who having been formerly 
made prisoners by the Persians, had been by them 
maimed and disfigured in their bodies with the most 
shocking inhumanity. They came to implore the 
protection of Alexander ; who, on seeing their 
miserable situation, could not refrain from shedding 
tears. He did all in his power to comfort them ; 
and offered to procure them a passage home to their 
native country. But the Greeks told him, that in 
their present frightful condition, they durst not ap- 
pear in Greece ; and that besides, they were unable 
to support the fatigue of so long a journey. Alexan- 
der, therefore, consented to let them stay in the same 
place where they had already spent so many years ; 
and after presenting each of them with three drah- 
mas, four oxen, and five suits of clothes, he strictly 
enjoined the governor of the province carefully to 
protect them from all bad usage for the future ; 
and granted them an exemption from every kind of 
tribute. 

Most of the Persians abandoned Persepolis on 
the approach of Alexander, who entered it at the 
head of his phalanx. The soldiers, recalling to 
their remembrance that it was from this city those 



422 



THE HISTORY OF 



BOOK III. 



immense armies of barbarians had proceeded, who 
had spread devastation through Greece, were seized 
with a furious spirit of resentment, and cut in 
pieces the remaining inhabitants. The treasures 
amassed in this city greatly exceeded all that had 
hitherto fallen into the hands of Alexander. One 
would have imagined that the whole riches of Persia 
had been here collected together. For besides effects 
of inestimable value, near £16,000,000 sterling were 
found in the royal treasury. This city was indeed 
the fountain of the Asiatic luxury. Besides the 
cities already mentioned, Alexander had got pos- 
session of several other very rich towns ; and in par- 
ticular, he had found at Pasagardus alone near 
£900,000 sterling. 

While Alexander remained at Persepolis, he 
gave a grand entertainment; at which, besides 
other ladies, a courtezan named Thais, a native of 
Attica, happened to be present In the height of 
their jollity, this Thais having indiscreetly declared, 
that she would account it a very great happiness to 
have the pleasure of setting fire, with her own 
hands, to the palace of Xerxes, the greatest enemy 
of Greece, and the destroyer of Athens, all the cour- 
tiers highly applauded the thought, and Alexander 
himself among the first. The whole company, 
therefore* instantly snatching up burning torches, 
rushed out ; and in a moment reduced that magni- 
ficent palace to ashes. A piece of extravagant folly, 
for which Alexander repented very sincerely after- 
wards. 

Darius had by this time reached Ecbatana, the 
capital of Media. Of all his mighty forces, no more 
than 30,000 now remained with him ; among whom 
were 4000 Greeks, 4000 archers, and 3000 horse, 
commanded by Bessus, satrap of Bactriana, The 
unhappy monarch, assembling his officers, returned 
them thanks, in the most moving manner, for hav- 
ing adhered to his fortunes, and for nbt having de- 
serted him like the rest ; a fidelity for which the 



CHAP. IV. ANCIENT GREECE. 423 

gods, he told them, must certainly reward them, 
though, perhaps, it might never be in his power. 
He assured them, at the same time, that, with their 
assistance, he would still boldly face the enemy ; 
that, for himself, he never would submit to the con- 
queror ; and that they had the means of defence in 
their arms and valour. Most of the officers ap- 
plauded this heroic resolution ; and assured him, 
that they would spend the last drop of their blood 
in his service. But Bessus had already formed a 
traitorous conspiracy with Nabarzanes commander 
of the horse, to seize the person of Darius, and 
either to deliver him up to Alexander, if so warmly 
pursued that they could not hope to escape, or, in 
case of escaping, to put him to death, and to usurp 
the sovereignty in his place. In prosecution of 
their plan, the traitors persuaded a part of their sol- 
diers to support their measures, by telling them 
that they were on the point of falling into the 
hands of Alexander. Darius got intelligence of 
this conspiracy ; and it is easy to imagine what ex- 
treme sorrow he must have felt on that occasion. 
Patro, the commander of the Greeks, and a man of 
strict honour, shocked at so base an instance of 
treachery, pressed Darius to commit the care of his 
person to his Greek soldiers, whose faithful attach- 
ment he had often experienced. But Darius de- 
clined the offer, that he might not affront his natu- 
ral-born subjects, by trusting his safety to strangers 
in preference to them. That unfortunate monarch 
soon became a victim to his tenderness for the Per- 
sians. The traitors seized him, and conducted him 
in a covered chariot towards Bactriana. 

Alexander arriving at Ecbatana, caused to be de- 
posited in the citadel all the treasures he had found 
in Persia, amounting, by Strabo's account, to about 
£22,500,000 sterling. Then he ordered Parmenio 
to march towards Hircania with the Thracians and 
the rest of the cavalry ; and sent orders to Clitus, 
who had been left behind at Susa, to come and join 



424 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

Mm in Parthia. In the mean time Alexander him- 
self went in pursuit of Darius, who had left Ecba- 
tana only five days before- Arriving at the Cas- 
pian defile, he encamped there, and halted all next 
day. Here he received intelligence that Darius had 
passed the defile, was seized by the traitors, and was 
dragged about in a chariot by Bessus. Alexander, 
shocked at the news, hastened his march. The bar- 
barians, though superior in numbers, had not cou- 
rage to stand their ground, but fled when they heard 
of his approach. Bessus ordered Darius to get on 
horseback, the more easily to escape from his ene- 
mies. But that prince refused to comply, telling 
Bessus that the gods were sending him an avenger 
in the person of Alexander. Bessus and his ac- 
complices, enraged at this answer, discharged their 
arrows at him ; and having wounded him mortally, 
they and their soldiers dispersed by different routes. 

The advanced guard of Alexander's army found 
Darius in a retired place, lying in his chariot at the 
point of death. He had still strength enough left 
to desire some drink ; which having been brought 
him by Polistratus, a Macedonian, he said several 
moving things to that officer. " Friend," says he, 
« the sense of my inability to reward thee for this 
kind office completes the sum of my misfortunes.* 
He begged of him to assure Alexander, that he died 
with a most grateful sense of his extraordinary 
kindness to his mother, his wife, and his children ; 
that he prayed to the gods to bless his arms with 
victory, and to make him monarch of the whole 
world ; and that he trusted to his generosity to take 
vengeance for his death on his treacherous murderer. 
Then laying hold on the hand of Polistratus, 
u Give him," added he, « thy hand in my name, as 
I now give thee mine, as the only token I can be- 
stow on him of my esteem and gratitude." After 

uttering these words he expired. Alexander 
330. arriving soon after, was penetrated with grief 

on seeing the mangled body of Darius, and 



CHAP. IV, ANCIENT GREECE. 425 

shed many tears. After causing the body to be 
embalmed, he sent it to Sysigambis, that she might 
cause it to be buried with all the funeral honours 
usually paid to the deceased kings of Persia. 

Darius at his death was not fifty years of age, and 
of that time he had reigned only six. He was a 
prince of a mild disposition. In his person ended 
the Persian empire, after having stood 206 years 
under thirteen kings, viz. Cyrus, who was the foun- 
der of it, Cambyses, Smerdis the magian, Darius 
the son of Hystaspis, Xerxes I. Artaxerxes Longi- 
manus, Xerxes II. Sogdianus, Darius Nothus, Ar- 
taxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, Arses, Darius Codoma- 
nus. 

The Persian empire was originally composed of 
two nations totally dissonant to each other, both in 
their tempers and manners. The Persians led a 
sober hardy life ; the Medes were effeminate and 
luxurious. The manners of the latter quickly cor- 
rupted those of the former; and the attention of 
both was solely directed to pleasure and magnifi- 
cence. The conquest of Babylon by Cyrus contri- 
buted greatly to this pernicious change, by supply- 
ing him with all the means of luxury and refine- 
ment. The Persians were so thoroughly degenera- 
ted from the original virtue of their forefathers, that 
of all the people on earth they were the most ad- 
dicted to luxury and voluptuousness, the most over- 
bearing, haughty, cruel, and perfidious. Add to 
this, that after the unsuccessful enterprises of Dari- 
us and Xerxes against Greece, they gave them- 
selves wholly up to indolence and sloth. Military 
discipline being quite negiected, their armies were 
no better than a confused multitude of men ignor- 
ant of war. The Greek soldiers retained in their 
pay formed their choicest troops ; and Mnemon the 
Rhodian was their best general. The command 
too of those armies was not committed to exper- 
ienced officers, but to grandees, without any other 
merit than their high birth or their superior inter- 



426 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

est at court. Their kings being in a manner buried 
in their palaces in sloth and debauchery, all public 
affairs were managed by the interposition of eu- 
nuchs and women. The very education of their 
princes was calculated to render them vicious and 
weak. For being accustomed from their ear- 
liest years to hear nothing but the basest adula- 
tion, they were incapable, for the rest of their lives, 
either to understand good and wholesome counsel, 
or to make the proper use of it. Their persons be- 
ing debilitated by effeminacy, and their minds cor- 
rupted by flattery, their resolutions generally want- 
ed wisdom, and their interprises vigour. 

C H A P. V. 

Affairs of the Greeks, Macedonians, and Persians, from the death 
of Darius Codomanus to that of Alexander the Great. 

Let us for a moment turn our eyes to Greece. 
The Lacedemonians, hearing that Antipater was 
gone with all his forces upon an expedition 
330. into Thrace, thought the opportunity favour- 
able for shaking off the Macedonian yoke ; 
and they formed a confederacy for that purpose 
with most of the states of the Peloponnesus. An- 
tipater, receiving intelligence of these proceedings, 
returned with all possible expedition, and led his 
troops against the Lacedemonians. The army of 
the latter amounted altogether to no more than 
20,000 foot and 2000 horse, while the troops of 
Antipater were double that number. An engage- 
ment ensued. Both parties fought with extraordi- 
nary bravery, and the action was most sharp and 
obstinate. But Antipater, having by an affected 
flight drawn the enemy into plainer ground, where 
he could more effectually employ all his strength, 
gained the victory at last. King Agis fell fighting 
valiantly, after having performed astonishing feats 
of bravery. The Lacedemonians lost more than 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 427 

3000 men, and the power of Sparta was thereby ir- 
retrievably ruined. Antipater communicated the 
news of this victory to Alexander in very modest 
terms, from an apprehension of exciting his jealousy. 
By the directions of Alexander, he punished some 
of the principal authors of the revolt. 

Some of the Greek troops having been about this 
time discharged by Alexander, the rest of the sol- 
diers imagining that he was preparing to return 
to Macedonia, were transported with joy at the 
thought, and instantly fell to packing up their bag- 
gage and loading the waggons. Alexander alarm- 
ed at this unexpected tumult, commanded the at- 
tendance of the officers, who endeavoured to calm 
his apprehensions, by assuring him that they could 
easily bring back the troops to a proper sense of 
their duty. Alexander, however, thought it neces- 
sary to assemble the whole army, and to make them 
a speech, which he delivered in the most prudent 
and artful terms ; commending exceedingly the bra- 
very of both officers and soldiers, and extolling their 
exploits ; but representing to them, that it was ab- 
solutely necessary firmly to establish his conquests ; 
and particularly, that it was highly worthy, both of 
him and his generous soldiers, to punish the treach- 
ery of Bessus, who had assassinated his king, with 
a view to deprive them of the glory of saving him ; 
a piece of justice which he was extremely impatient 
to discharge. 

The soldiers instantly exclaimed, with one voice, 
that they were ready to follow their prince where- 
ever he pleased. Alexander immediately led them 
into the country of Hyrcania, which he soon sub- 
dued; and, with equal celerity, he conquered the 
Mardes, Arii, and several other nations. About 
this time Nabarzanes surrendered himself to Alex- 
ander, and brought along with him to that prince 
the eunuch Bagoas, who had been the chief favour- 
ite of Darius. Quintus Curtius pretends, that it 
was much about this time too that Thalestris quee^ 



428 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

of the Amazons, who was desirous of seeing Alex- 
ander, came and paid him a visit at the head of 308 
women armed with lances. The same author tells 
us, that as soon as she saw Alexander, she dismount- 
ed from her horse ; but that after considering him 
attentively, she could not help taking notice, that 
his stature by no means corresponded with his fame ; 
that she testified, however, an inclination of becom- 
ing his wife for some time, that she might have a 
child of his begetting to inherit her kingdom, and 
that Alexander granted her request. But as the 
best authors, particularly Arian, take no notice of 
this adventure, the story of Quintus Curtius is just- 
ly accounted a fable. 

From this period Alexander begins to appear quite 
another man than we have hitherto seen him. His 
manners take a different turn. Henceforward he 
sets no bounds to his pleasures or to his passions, 
but abandons himself without reserve to voluptu- 
ousness and debauchery : and after having appeared 
superior to all the fatigues and dangers of war, he 
suffers himself to be overcome by the attractions of 
pleasure. So true it is, that too high a pitch of 
prosperity is a weight above the power of human 
strength to bear. Nothing now prevailed but an 
uninterrupted course of games and feasts, in which 
he and his officers consumed whole days and nights 
in the company of a great number of captive wo- 
men, who amused them with their singing and 
other female arts. Grown giddy with his good for- 
tune, and dazzled with these enchanting scenes, he 
begart to despise the austere and hardy manners of 
the kings of Macedonia, assumed the sumptuous 
dress of the Persian monarchs, and obliged his offi- 
cers and friends, much against their inclination, to 
dress after the same fashion. He desired, too, to 
imitate the pomp and effeminacy of the Persian 
kings. He filled his palaces with 360 concubines, 
and insisted on being addressed with prostration by 
those who were admitted into his presence. This 



CHAP* V. ANCIENT GREECE, 429 

behaviour excited murmurs among his troops, es- 
pecially among the oldest soldiers, who said that 
Alexander was become a satrap of Darius. To put 
an end to this discontent, he resolved to lead his 
army against Bessus. But, before departing, he or- 
dered all his own baggage and that of his soldiers 
to be brought to one place, where he set fire with 
his own hand to his own, and desired his soldiers to 
follow his example by setting fire to theirs. They 
obeyed, but with great regret, as they thus destroy- 
ed all their former booty. Then he set off towards 
Bactriana, where he still had much danger and fa- 
tigue to undergo. 

It was about this time that the pretended 
330. conspiracy of Philotas happened. Alexander 
imputed it as a crime to that officer, who was 
the son of Parmenio, that he had not informed him 
of a conspiracy against his life by one Dymnus, who 
had voluntarily put himself to death just as he was 
on the point of being apprehended. Philotas was 
tried by an assembly of the whole army, and, in ~ 
spite of the strongest reasons alleged by him in his 
justification, was condemned to the most cruel tor- 
ture. The intenseness of the pain not only extort- 
ed from him a confession that he himself was guilty, 
but even that his father was concerned in the plot. 
He was condemned and executed after the manner - 
of the Macedonians ; being stoned to death. 

It is true that some parts of the former beha- 
viour of Philotas had given umbrage to Alexander ; 
and that his haughtiness had procured him many 
enemies, of whom, unfortunately for him, several 
were his judges. But it is uncertain whether Alex- 
ander really believed Parmenio to be guilty, or wheth- 
er his subsequent treatment of him did not rather 
proceed from a dread of the resentment of so able a 
commander for the cruel injustice done to his son. 
However that might be, he resolved, in spite of the 
numberless important services performed for him 
by that excellent officer, to sacrifice him to his quiet 



430 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

and security ; and for that purpose he dispatched 
Polydamus into Media, where Parmenio then com- 
manded, with private instructions to the governor 
of the province and the principal officers. 

All the proper measures being accordingly con- 
certed, those to whom the execution was intrusted, 
went to Parmenio, whom they found walking in 
his park, and presented him with a letter as from 
Philotas. The old general immediately began to 
inquire very anxiously about the king, and to ex- 
press the highest admiration at his surprising acti- 
vity in pushing his conquests. But while thus pro- 
fusely bestowing praises on Alexander, the vener- 
able old man was, by the orders of that same Alex- 
ander, basely assassinated. Thus were rewarded the 
important services and inviolable attachment of a 
man seventy years old, who had constantly assisted 
Alexander with his best advice, and without whom 
it is highly probable that the warlike operations of 
that prince never would have been attended with 
such success ; and this ungrateful and inhuman treat- 
ment was inflicted on no better ground than a most 
improbable suspicion, unsupported by any evidence. 
This is one of the, actions that has thrown the deep- 
est stain on the memory of Alexander. 

Alexander persisted in his pursuit of Bessus ; in 
the course of which he had many fatigues to under- 
go, many countries to traverse, and many dangers 
to encounter. — The news of his approach determin- 
ed the Bactrians to desert Bessus, to whom they had 
hitherto remained firmly attached. Bessus, there- 
fore, was forced to betake himself to flight; and 
passing the river Oxus, he took refuge in Sogdiana 
with a small body of troops. Alexander having 
pursued him thither, Spitamenes, the accomplice 
and confidant of Bessus, formed a conspiracy of the 
principal officers against him, seized him, loaded 
him with chains, and delivered him up to Alexanr 
der. That prince highly commended the behaviour 
of Spitamenes ; and ordered Bessus to be delivered 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 431 

over to Axatres the brother of Darius, to be used 
with all the ignominy he deserved. But his pun- 
ishment was delayed till he should be tried in an 
assembly of the Persians. 

It was during his pursuit of Bessus, that Alex- 
ander committed an action of the greatest injustice 
and cruelty that occurs in history. He caused all 
the inhabitants of a small city where the Branchidse 
resided, to be put to death, although they had vo- 
luntarily surrendered themselves, and had received 
him with the highest demonstrations of joy. And 
for what cause this unprovoked inhumanity ? Un- 
der pretence that the ancestors of those citizens had 
behaved perfidiously to the Milesians, by delivering 
up to Xerxes the treasures of the temple of Idum- 
ean- Apollo, whereof the Milesians were the guar- 
dians. 

Alexander penetrated still farther and farther into 
Bactriana in search of new conquests. Upon his 
arrival at the Jaxartes, he was attacked by a barba- 
rous people, who, rushing down upon him from 
the mountains, made some of his men prisoners. 
Alexander resolved to force them from their strong 
holds ; but in the attempt was wounded in the leg 
by an arrow, and carried off to his tent. The bar- 
barians, astonished at the bravery with which they 
had seen him fight, believed him to be a god, and 
sent ambassadors to make their submissions. 

Having next made himself master of Maracanda, 
the capital of Sogdiana, he still continued his pro- 
gress, ravaging the country. In these parts he re- 
ceived an embassy from the Abian- Scythians, a 
poor nation, who placed their chief glory in the 
practice of justice, and never made war but in their 
own defence. They sent to inform Alexander that 
they submitted to him; and he received them under 
his protection. But in the mean time, the Sogdians 
and Bactrians having revolted at the instigation of 
Spitamenes, Alexander resolved to punish their 
treachery and that of their leaders. Laying siege, 



43^ THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

therefore, to Cyropolis the utmost city in the Per- 
sian dominions, he took it by assault, and gave it 
up to be plundered. Then he besieged the city of 
the Memaconians, who had put to death fifty of his 
horsemen, whom he had sent to them with friendly 
intentions. The besieged made a most desperate 
resistance. Many of Alexander's best soldiers per- 
ished in the enterprize ; and he himself narrowly 
escaped being killed by a stone. As difficulties 
served only to heighten his courage, he proceeded 
with more vigour than usual ; and having made a 
breach in the wall by means of a mine, entered the 
city, and destroyed every thing with fire and sword. 
He treated several other cities of Sogdiana in the 
same manner, to punish their revolt. Then he 
caused a town to be built on the Jaxartes, and call- 
ed it Alexandria. 

While his army was employed at the work, the 
king of the Scythians, taking umbrage at this new 
settlement, sent an army to interrupt their opera- 
tions, and to drive away the Macedonians ; and 
about the same time a detachment that had been 
sent to Maracanda against Spitamenes, was cut in 
pieces. This threw Alexander into some perplexi- 
ty ; but he instantly formed his resolution, and as- 
sembling his troops, encouraged them by a harangue 
to pass the Jaxartes. In the mean time, twenty 
ambassadors arriving from the Scythians were in- 
troduced into the tent of Alexander, where they de- 
livered the celebrated speech recorded by Quintus 
Curtius, which is so much admired for its solidity, 
ingenuity, and simplicity ; and it is perhaps the best 
piece of composition to be met with in the whole 
work of that frothy writer. These Scythian am- 
bassadors are made to address themselves to Alex- 
ander in very plain terms. They call him without 
any ceremony a robber, who employed himself in 
making war on people who had never injured him. 
" You," say they, " who boast of your coming to 
exterminate robbers, are yourself the greatest rob- 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 433 

ber in the world. You have plundered all the na- 
tions whom you have subdued. Are not those 
who live in the woods to be exempted from know- 
ing you, and from feeling your violence ? If you 
are a god, as you say you are, you ought to do good 
to mankind. If you are a man, you ought to hear- 
ken to the dictates of reason and humanity." 

To this speech Alexander made a very short an- 
swer, telling the ambassadors, that he would make 
the proper use both of his own good fortune and of 
their advice. He persisted, however, in his former 
resolution, and transported his army over the Jax- 
artes on rafts. This was a bold undertaking. The 
river was very rapid, and a powerful army appear- 
ed on the opposite bank prepared to dispute their 
landing. The passage accordingly was attended 
with much difficulty ; the Macedonians being obli- 
ged to engage before they could make good their 
landing. But the good fortune of Alexander sur- 
mounted all obstacles. The barbarians, unable to 
sustain the shock of the Macedonian cavalry, were 
broken and put to flight. Alexander lost in the ac- 
tion sixty horsemen. The fame of this victory ob- 
tained over the Scythians, made the Macedonians 
to be regarded as invincible. 

Alexander, eager to get hold of Spitamenes, re- 
turned towards Maracanda ; but Spitamenes fled on 
his approach. Having sacked the city of Sogdiana* 
he found there, among other prisoners, thirty young 
men of extraordinary beauty, with whose fortitude 
he was no less delighted than with their fine ap- 
pearance ; for they testified unshaken resolution on 
hearing that they were to be put to death. Alex- 
ander asked them, whether they would accept of 
life, on condition of engaging in his service. The 
young men consented, and afterwards served him 
with great fidelity. From thence he proceeded to 
Bactria, where he caused the nose and ears of Bes- 
sus to be cut off, and then sent him to Ecbatana. 



434 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

There the traitor's four limbs were tied to as many 
bended trees, which tore his body in pieces. 

About this time Alexander received a reinforce- 
ment of 16,000 men from Macedonia, with whose 
assistance he was enabled to subdue the rest of the 
country of Sogdiana, of which only one place called 
Petra Oxiana now held out. This being a strong 
fort, situated in the face of a steep rock, inaccessi- 
ble on all sides except by one narrow path, and being 
defended by a powerful garrison, its governor would 
listen to no terms of surrender. Any person but 
Alexander would have thought it madness to at- 
tempt the attack of such a place ; but he loved to 
contend with obstacles that appeared insurmounta- 
ble. Selecting therefore 300 of his most active sol- 
diers, he commanded them to climb this rock in the 
most accessible place. They complied with the or- 
ders of their king ; but about thirty of them lost 
their lives in the enterprise by falling from the pre- 
cipices. At last, however, after incredible labour 
and difficulty, they reached the summit of the rock, 
and displayed the appointed signal to the Macedo- 
nians below, who thereupon pointed out to Arima- 
zus the governor of the place, the soldiers who had 
taken post on the top of the rock above him. At 
the same time the whole army shouted for joy. 
Arimazus, astonished at the boldness of Alexander's 
troops, thought himself undone, and offered to de- 
liver up the place, on the sole condition of having 
the lives of himself and his garrison spared. But 
Alexander refused to grant him even that; and 
having got possession of the place, he crucified him 
at the foot of the rock. 

Then Alexander subdued the country of the Mas- 
sagetas and Dahse. In this country, having been at- 
tacked by a lion when hunting, he killed the furi- 
ous animal with one stroke. 

On his return to Maracanda he gave a grand en- 
tertainment ; at which being flustered more than or- 
dinary by the great quantity of wine he had drunk, 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 435 

he boasted very highly of his own exploits, under- 
valued exceedingly those of his father, and even ri- 
diculed some passages of Philip's life. The oldest 
officers who had served under Philip were much 
offended at this behaviour ; and Clitus in particular 
who had saved Alexander's life at the battle of the 
Granicus, could not conceal his dissatisfaction. It 
is true, that Clitus carried the matter too far ; for, 
not satisfied with extolling to the skies the actions 
of Philip, and setting them far above those of Alex- 
ander, he was rash enough to enter on the defence 
of Parmenio's memory, insisted on the particulars of 
his tragical fate with great acrimony, and conclud- 
ed with observing, that the officers of Alexander 
might judge from thence what sort of reward they 
had to expect for their past services. Alexander, 
though much exasperated, retained his passion for 
some moments, and commanded Clitus to leave the 
room. Clitus, accordingly, rising up, exclaimed, 
addressing himself to Alexander, u I see plainly 
you can no longer endure the conversation of men 
who are free ; and that you desire rather to live 
among slaves, disposed on all occasions to pay ho- 
mage to your Persian robe." Alexander, unable 
any longer to contain himself, seized a javelin to kill 
Clitus ; but some of the guests interposed and pre- 
vented him, while others forced Clitus away. A 
little while after, however, Clitus having returned 
singing verses injurious to Alexander, the enraged 
prince sprang forwards, transfixed him with a jave- 
lin, and threw him to the ground ; exclaiming, " Go 

then, and join Philip and Parmenio." But 
328. seeing Clitus dead, he was instantly struck 

with horror at what he had done, reflecting, 
that he had killed a man to whom he owed his life, 
and that for a few imprudent words which the power 
of wine alone had made him utter. Transported 
with grief, he threw himself on the body of Clitus ; 
and seizing the javelin with which he had killed 
him, attempted to plunge it into his own body. 

' ? ' ; - 2 e 2 



436 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

But his friends prevented him, and carried him into 
his chamber by force. There he continued nearly 
two days stretched on the floor, weeping and la- 
menting, and determined to let himself perish of 
hunger. But the soothsayer Aristander, assisted by 
the philosophers Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, ar- 
gued him out of this resolution. This tragical 
event exhibits a very signal proof of the dreadful 
effects of drunkenness and anger ; and shows the 
great importance of early avoiding those most dan- 
gerous vices, which obscured all the glory of Alex- 
ander's splendid actions, and enslaved that great con- 
queror of so many nations. 

Alexander having in a good measure recovered 
from his grief, again took the field, subdued a pro- 
vince on the borders of Scythia, and got possession 
of the rock Choriana, though not without very great 
labour and difficulty. It was after this expedition 
that the wife of Spitamenes, after endeavouring in 
vain by every sort of entreaty to persuade her hus- 
band to make his peace with Alexander, murdered 
him at last during the night, and brought his head 
to that prince ; who, shocked at so horrible an ac- 
tion in a woman, ordered her to be dismissed with 
ignominy. Still continuing his march, he was over- 
taken by a dreadful storm, which was succeeded by 
weather so excessively cold, that more than 1000 
soldiers died of it ; and if Alexander had not given 
orders to cut down a great number of trees, and to 
make fires of them, the whole army must have 
perished. 

Arriving in the country of the Sacse, he was re- 
ceived in a most respectful and magnificent manner 
by Oxiartes their king, who gave him a grand en- 
tertainment, at which his daughter Roxana was 
present. This lady, besides the most exquisite 
beauty, possessed a great deal of gaiety and wit, and 
captivated Alexander so highly, that he made her 
his wife. But the marriage gave much dissatisfac- 
tion to the Macedonians. 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 437 

Alexander, insatiably bent on conquest, resolved 
to penetrate into the Indies, which was accounted 
the richest country on earth. . With this view he 
ordered the shields of his soldiers to be indented 
with plates of silver, their coats of mail to be adorn- 
ed with gold, and the bridles of the horses to be 
gilded. But before setting out, he resolved to put 
in execution a scheme that he had long revolved in 
his mind, namely, to obtain divine honours to be 
paid him by his soldiers. For this purpose he gave 
a most magnificent entertainment, to which he in- 
vited his whole court, as well Greeks and Macedo- 
nians as Persians. After remaining some time at 
table himself, he retired. Then Cleon, one of the 
most servile of his flatterers, in consequence of a pre- 
vious concert, began a pompous oration ; in which 
he expatiated on the wonderful merit and extraor- 
dinary exploits of Alexander, enumerated with ex- 
treme ostentation the many obligations conferred 
by him on all who were present, and concluded with 
a proposal to acknowledge him for a divinity. For 
this he cited the example of former great conquerors 
placed among the number of the gods, such as Her- 
cules and Bacchus. He assured the company, that 
on Alexander's returning, he himself would be the 
first to salute him as a god ; and he exhorted all the 
other guests, and particularly the best and wisest 
among them, to follow his example. By these last 
words he hinted at the philosopher Callisthenes, a 
man very highly esteemed for his knowledge in the 
sciences, and for the purity of his manners. Callis- 
thenes perceiving the eyes of the whole company 
fixed on him, stood up, and made a speech ; in 
which, after observing that the king himself, if he 
had been present, would never have permitted 
Cleon to utter such gross flattery, he declared, that 
though that prince was worthy the highest honour 
and praise, yet there was an immense difference be- 
tween the honour merited by the most perfect mor- 
tal and the worship due to the almighty gods ; 



438 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

that to the last, no man living coulcL ever be in- 
titled, nor could presume to accept that divine title, 
till he had thrown .off mortality ; that the practice 
of the Persians, which had been urged as a prece- 
dent by Cleon, ought, on many accounts, to be of 
no weight here, since it was impossible that the van- 
quished could ever give law to the victors, Alex- 
ander, who was concealed in an adjoining apart- 
ment, overheard every syllable of what passed ; and 
returning soon after into the hall of entertainment, 
was immediately adored by the Persians. 

Callisthenes soon received the reward of his ge- 
nerous sentiments. A plot having been discovered 
against the life of Alexander, whereof one Hermo- 
laus was the principal author, Callisthenes was 
comprehended in the number of conspirators on ac- 
count of his friendship with Hermolaus, was thrown 
into prison, and put to the torture ; under the tor- 
ments of which he expired, protesting his innocence 
with his last breath. What horrid barbarity ! This 
instance of unjust vengeance is a perpetual dishonour 
on the character of Alexander. Seneca calls it, 
with great justice, an eternal reproach, and a crime 
that never can be wiped out by the greatest talents 
and most shining exploits : " For (adds the philo- 
sopher) if we mention Alexander's having slain 
with his own hand 1000 Persians ; his having de- 
throned the most powerful king in the world ; his 
having penetrated to the ocean ; still the remem- 
brance of his having unjustly murdered Callisthenes 
will recur upon our minds, and efface the splendour 
of all those great actions." 

Independent of the eager desire for conquest en- 
tertained by Alexander, he had learned from the 
fabulous traditions of the Greeks, that Hercules 
and Bacchus, both sons of Jupiter, had carried their 
arms into the Indies; which, of itself, was a sufficient 
motive for him to undertake the same expedition. 
The danger and difficulty that attended such an en- 
terprise, was to Alexander an additional motive 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 439 

still. We will not pretend to say how far his con- 
duct in that respect was justifiable. But thus far 
we may venture to assert, that true glory never can 
consist in increasing human misery, too great al- 
ready through the unavoidable accidents of life, by 
diffusing ruin and destruction over the face of the 
earth, and wantonly disturbing the peace and quiet 
of mankind. 

As soon as Alexander entered India, many petty 
sovereigns paid him their homage and obedience. 
One nation, however, had the courage to oppose 
him. But they were defeated after a slight engage- 
ment ; and Alexander, to strike terror into others 
who might be inclined to follow their example, be- 
sieged their capital city, took it, and put all the in- 
habitants to the sword. Then he marched against 
the city of Nysus, which surrendered at discretion. 
And now nothing was heard of but the daily re- 
duction of cities on all sides, and that in spite of 
a thousand difficulties. But Alexander surmount- 
ed every obstacle of art and nature, by such an un- 
interrupted series of good fortune, as appeared alto- 
gether supernatural. Happening to be wounded in 
the leg by an arrow, at the siege of one of those 
towns named Magosa, the pain extorted from him 
these remarkable words ; " the whole world calls me 
the son of Jupiter, but this wound makes me sen- 
sible that I am still a man." 

Arriving at the river Indus, he passed it without 
any difficulty, the necessary preparations having 
been made by Ephsestion, who had gone before for 
that purpose. The king of that country, named 
Taxilus, came to meet him, and put into his power 
both his person and dominions, " knowing (as he 
said) that Alexander fought only for glory." On 
being asked by Alexander, who was highly pleased 
with his address, of what he stood most in need ? 
he answered, " Of soldiers because he had a war 
to maintain against two neighbouring kings, Abi- 
sares and Porus ; of whom the latter, who lived be- 
yond the Hydaspes, was the most powerful. Taxi- 



440 THE HISTORY OF BOOK HI. 

lus sent a present of fifty elephants to Alexander, 
who, in return, bestowed on that prince magni- 
ficent marks of his bounty. 

Abisares followed the example of Taxilus, and 
sent ambassadors to put all his dominions under the 
power and protection of Alexander. But Porus 
was a prince of sentiments too generous and elevat- 
ed to stoop to so mean a behaviour. Alexander, 
surprised at neither receiving a visit from Porus 
himself nor from any person in his name, sent to in- 
form him that he must pay him tribute, and come 
in person to make his submissions. Porus answer- 
ed, that if he were to pay him a visit it should be 
with his arms in his hand. Alexander then advan- 
ced to the river Hydaspes, which was very broad, 
deep, and rapid ; and on the opposite bank, Porus 
appeared ready to dispute the passage, at the head 
of a formidable army, with a number of elephants 
ranged in its front. But the danger of passing the 
river was what terrified the Macedonians the most; 
for they could no where find a ford. Alexander 
had previously caused a great number of boats to 
be so constructed that they could be taken to pieces, 
and by that means be easily transported from place • 
to place. As the river was full of islands, the 
youngest and most vigorous of the Macedonians 
threw themselves into the water with no other arms 
than their javelins, and swimming to one of those 
islands in which the enemy had made a lodgement, 
attacked and killed a great number of them. But a 
fresh reinforcement arriving to the assistance of the 
Indians, they advanced against the Macedonans, 
overwhelmed them with their darts, and obliged 
them to swim back again to the rest of their army. 
Porus, who beheld this skirmish, was much elated 
with its success. 

Alexander, anxious to cross theriver, had recourse 
to a stratagem to effect his purpose. He gave or- 
ders to make a bustle and noise in several different 
places, as if he had a mind there to attempt a pas- 



V 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 441 

sage. By these means he distracted the attention 
of Porus, who immediately hurried towards those 
places. Alexander, in the mean time, after com- 
mitting the charge of the camp to Craterus, with 
part of the troops, to impress the enemy with a be- 
lief that the whole army still continued in its former 
position, marched away with the rest, and passed, 
undiscovered, in boats, into a small island over- 
grown with wood. A violent storm of rain and 
thunder coming on, capable of discouraging any 
other person than Alexander, favoured his passage. 
While passing the river in a boat, he is said to have 
let drop these striking expressions : " O, Athenians ! 
could you believe that I would willingly expose 
myself to so great dangers in order to attract your 
commendations ?" 

While Porus kept a strict eye on Craterus, who, 
by his motions, seemed determined to attempt the 
passage, Alexander reached the farther side with- 
out molestation : and immediately drawing up his 
army in battle order, although it consisted of no 
more than 6000 men and 5000 horse, made the pro- 
per dispositions for fighting. 

Porus hearing that Alexander had made good his 
passage, detached against him a considerable party 
of cavalry under the command of one of his sons. 
But Alexander attacking this detachment with 
great vigour, cut off the greatest part of them, and 
killed their commander. Porus informed of the 
death of his son, and of the defeat of his troops un- 
der his command, advanced against Alexander with 
his whole army, consisting of 30,000 foot, 4000 
horse, 600 chariots, and 200 elephants, which he 
drew up in battle order, with the elephants in the 
front. Alexander made various evolutions with 
his cavalry, to protract the time till the rest of his 
infantry should arrive. Then, instead of attacking 
the main body of the enemy, he dispatched 1000 
archers to assail the cavalry, on their left wing in 
front ; ordered Csenus to make a sudden evolution, 



442 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

and to attack the same cavalry in the rear, and he 
himself charged them in flank. 

The Indians, thus harassed on all sides, gave 
ground and retreated towards their elephants. In 
the mean time, the Macedonian infantry having 
formed themselves into their phalanx, advanced 
against those dreadful animals, and assailed them 
with their spears. The elephants, rendered furious 
by their wounds, broke through the thickest of the 
Macedonian battalions. But Alexander, after throw- 
ing the enemy's left wing into confusion, united his 
cavalry, which was superior to that of the enemy, 
into one body, and carried terror and disorder 
throughout. The elephants, now deprived of their 
conductors, ran about at random, and overthrew 
every thing that came in their way. At last the 
Macedonian infantry formed again, made a vigor- 
ous effort, completed the disorder among the Indian 
cavalry, and cut most of them in pieces. Craterus 
having by this time passed the river with the rest 
of the army, fell upon those who were retreating, 
and made a great slaughter. The Indians 
327. lost in this battle, 20,000 foot ; and most of 
their elephants were either killed or taken. 
Alexander lost no more than 112 men. 

Porus, after behaving with surprising bravery, and 
being wounded in the shoulder, was obliged at last, 
when he saw his army totally defeated, to retreat on 
his elephant. Alexander, desirous to save him, sent 
Taxilus to persuade him to surrender. But Porus, 
instead of listening to his persuasions, cried out, on 
seeing him approach, "is not that Taxilus, the 
traitor of his subjects and his native country !" 
Other officers, therefore, being dispatched to Porus 
with the same intention, at last, with much diffi- 
culty, prevailed upon him to consent ; and Alex- 
ander himself advanced to meet him. Porus ap- 
proaching him with a resolute undaunted air, was 
asked by Alexander, " how he desired to be treat- 
ed ?" — " As a king," answered Porus. " Do you 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 443 

wish for nothing else ?" replied Alexander : — " No," 
said Poms, " that comprehends every thing." Alex- 
ander, struck with admiration at his magnanimity, 
left him in possession of his kingdom, and behaved 
to him with the highest marks of honour and es- 
teem. Alexander ordered a city to be built on the 
field of battle, and called it Nicea. 

Advancing still further into the Indies, he sub- 
dued many nations. Alexander now seemed to re- 
gard himself as commissioned by the gods to en- 
slave the universe, and to exterminate those who 
should presume to oppose his power. Marching a- 
gainst the Chateans, a valiant people, who had unit- 
ed for the defence of their common liberty, he de- 
feated them in a great battle near a city called 
Pangala, which he next took and destroyed. It 
was there that he found the brachmans, who were 
both the philosophers and likewise the ministers of 
religion in India, and were very highly reverenced 
and esteemed by their countrymen. These brach- 
mans led a most austere life : they drank nothing 
but water, subsisted on herbs and roots, spent much 
of their time in singing hymns to the gods, fasted 
often, continued all their lives in a state of celibacy, 
and when oppressed by decrepitude, or the infirmi- 
ties of old age, voluntarily and cheerfully burnt 
themselves to death. Cicero relates several instan- 
ces of their astonishing patience. They believed 
that the world had a beginning, and that it shall 
have an end. They entertained the same opinion 
as Plato with respect to the immortality of the 
soul ; but they adopted the doctrine of the metem- 
psychosis. 

When these philosophers saw Alexander, they 
stamped on the ground with their feet. Being ask- 
ed their reason for this behaviour, they informed 
that prince, that no person could really possess more 
of that element, the earth, than the small space of 
it which he actually occupied ; that Alexander dif- 
fered not materially from other men, except in being 



444 TIfiE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

more restless and ambitious ; and that when he 
should die, as die he must, he could then occupy 
no greater a part of all his vast conquests than any- 
other man. One of these philosophers, named Ca- 
lanus, at the earnest intreaty of one of Alexander's 
officers, agreed to accompany that prince in his ex- 
peditions. These philosophers commonly made use 
of allusions and metaphors, the better to explain their 
meaning. Their chief, to give Alexander a more live- 
ly idea of the state of a great empire, having laid on 
the ground a large dry ox's hide, pressed with his 
foot each of its corners, one after another ; and de- 
sired the king to remark, that, on his doing so, the 
other parts of the hide rose up ; but at last placing 
his foot in the middle, he kept the whole level. By 
this he meant to insinuate, that a king ought to re- 
side in the centre of his dominions, so as to be able 
to prevent all revolts and disorders in the remotest 
quarters of it ; and that he ought never to undertake 
such distant expeditions as that which Alexander 
was then prosecuting. 

The Macedonians perceiving, in the mean time, 
that Alexander, whose intention was still to push 
forward, was taking measures for passing the river 
Hyphasus, could no longer conceal their discontent. 
They complained loudly, that their king seemed de- 
termined to set no bounds to his expeditions ; that 
he was still advancing farther and farther from their 
native country ; and that he seemed quite uncon- 
cerned at the excessive dangers and fatigues to 
which he was continually exposing his troops. A- 
lexander hearing of this commotion, assembled the 
whole army, and made a long speech, wherein he 
laboured to persuade them to pass the Hyphasus ; 
telling them, that to retreat at present would appear 
a disgraceful flight ; that all his hopes were placed 
on their courage and resolution ; that by their assis- 
tance, he assured himself of success in all his enter- 
prises ; and he begged of them not to frustrate his 
glorious expectations, of rivalling the exploits of 



/ 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 445 

Hercules and of Bacchus. Perceiving, however, 
that his arguments produced no effect on his sol- 
diers, who held down their heads in mournful silence, 
he exclaimed, " What ! not one of you answer me ? 
then I am abandoned, betrayed, delivered over to 
my enemies. Be it so, then ; but still I will pass 
this river, should not a single man of you accompany 
me. The Scythians, the Bactrians, more faithful 
than you, will follow me wherever I lead them. 
Return, return to your native country, base betray- 
ers of your king, and boast of having deserted him 
amidst barbarous and hostile nations. As for me, I 
shall either find here the victory of which you des- 
pair, or a glorious death." 

In spite of this pathetic address, both officers and 
soldiers persisted in their silence. At length their 
grief burst forth in sighs and tears, insomuch that 
Alexander himself could not refrain from weeping. 
Then Caenus advancing forward to the throne, and 
taking off his helmet, pled the cause of the army. 
He assured Alexander, that the affection entertain- 
ed for him by his soldiers was nowise diminished ; 
that they were ready to march whithersoever he de- 
sired to lead them ; but he begged him to listen ta 
their respectful representations. " We have per- 
formed every thing for you," continued he, " that it 
is in the power of men to perform : We have tra- 
versed the earth in your service, we have arrived 
victorious at the end of one world, and yet you 
meditate the conquest of another; look on these 
disfigured countenances, and on these limbs covered 
with scars ; the poor remains of us that have escap- 
ed from so many dangers and fatigues want strength 
to follow you farther. We all earnestly desire to 
revisit our native country, there to enjoy the fruits 
of our toils. Forgive this desire, which nature has 
implanted in the breasts of all men." These words 
were accompanied by the groans and tears of the 
whole army, who called Alexander their lord and 
father. The officers next addressed him to the same 



1 



446 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

purpose. Still, however, he remained inflexible, and 
shut himself alone in his tent But finding the 
soldiers obstinate in their resolution, he at last issu- 
ed orders for their preparing to return. This news 
spread inconceivable joy through the troops ; and 
the camp resounded with the praises of the king. 

Before setting out, Alexander caused twelve 
326. altars of an extraordinary height to be erected; 

a camp of far greater dimensions than the one 
he really occupied, to be marked out ; and a bed 
seven feet and a half in length, to be made in each 
tent. By these extravagant operations, he intended 
to impress posterity with a belief that he and his 
men exceeded in stature all the rest of the human 
race. The necessary preparations being made, the 
army embarked aboard a fleet of 800 vessels, and 
proceeded to the conflux of the Hydaspes and A- 
cesinus. 

After suffering greatly from the violence of those 
rivers, Alexander entered the country of the Oxy- 
dracae and Mallians, two warlike nations. Having 
defeated them in several engagements, he marched 
against the capital of the Oxydracae, and besieged 
it. He r e he was the first man that mounted the 
wall ; his men hastened to support him ; but the 
ladders break, and he is left alone. To avoid the 
darts hurled at him from all quarters, he jumps into 
the city amidst the enemy.- Here he ran the great- 
est danger he was ever exposed to. He places his 
back to the trunk of a large tree, wards off with his 
shield the darts aimed at him, and with his sword 
keeps the nearest of his enemy at bay : At last he 
is deeply wounded with an arrow, and his arms fall 
from his hands. An Indian believing him dead, 
approaches to strip him of his armour. Alexander 
recovers himself, and plunges a dagger into the In- 
dian's body. His principal officers arriving in the 
mean time, performed prodigies of valour to save 
their king, and sustained all the efforts of the ene- 
my till the rest of the army forced the gates, and 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 447 

rushing in put all they met to the sword. Then 
Alexander was carried off to his tent ; but as the 
surgeons were obliged to enlarge the wound before 
they could extract the arrow, he fainted under the 
operation, and his men imagined him dead. It was 
several days before he recovered of this wound. As 
soon as he was able to go abroad, he presented him- 
self to his soldiers, to dispel their apprehensions. 

In the mean time deputies arrived from the Oxy- 
dracae and Mallians, bringing him presents, promis- 
ing to pay him tribute, and offering to deliver him 
hostages. Alexander accepted of those tokens of 
submission, and appeared well pleased with the em- 
bassy. Craterus seizing this favourable moment, 
represented to him the terror into which his late 
danger had thrown the army, intreated him to be 
more careful of so precious a life for the future, and 
to reserve his bravery for some occasion worthy of 
it. We shudder with horror, added he, at the very 
idea of the extreme danger to which you exposed 
your important life in a dispute for so paltry a place. 
Alexander, delighted with this strong mark of the 
affection of his officers, embraced them one after 
another ; and made them an excellent speech, in 
which he discovered all his greatness of soul. He 
assured them, that he entertained the most grateful 
sense of the repeated marks of affection they had 
shown him : " but," continued he, " you and I think 
of this matter very differently : you desire to enjoy 
my society for a long while ; but I do not estimate 
life by the length of its duration, but by the oppor- 
tunities it affords me of gaining glory. I might in- 
deed, circumscribe my ambition within the narrow 
limits of Macedonia, and spend my life in inactivity 
and sloth ; 'and I confess too, that counting by my 
victories, and not by my years, I may be said to 
have lived long already. But were it not unbecom- 
ing in me, after making but one empire of Europe 
and of Asia, to stop short in so noble a career, and 
to relinquish the path of glory, in which I have re- 



448 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

solved for ever to tread? Only protect me from 
base treachery and domestic enemies, by which 
most princes have perished, and I myself will take 
care of what remains." 

The magnanimity that shines through this dis- 
course is sufficiently expressive of the great soul 
that animated the Macedonian hero ; and whatever 
our opinion of his conquests and ambition may be, 
it is impossible for us not to admire his noble and 
elevated sentiments. 

Alexander next led his army into the country of 
the Sarbacse; who, though a powerful nation, were 
struck with terror at his arrival, and immediately 
made him their submissions. Thence continuing 
his route, he arrived at Patala, where he caused a 
citadel and harbour to be built. In this place the 
river Indus divides itself into two large branches. 
Seized with a desire to see the ocean, he embarked 
his whole army at this place upon the right-hand 
branch of the river. When he approached the 
ocean, his heart exulted with joy, and he assured 
his soldiers, that they were now at the end of their 
labours, and that their exploits had reached to the 
farther bounds of nature. His fleet, in the mean 
time, was exposed to great danger by the ebbing and 
flowing of the ocean. Ignorant of the cause of this 
phenomenon, both officers and soldiers were thrown 
into the greatest consternation. Alexander, however, 
still proceeded forward with part of the fleet, to get 
a view of the extent of sea that was before him ; 
and arriving at the ocean at last, he performed a so- 
lemn sacrifice to Neptune. After having thus, as 
he imagined, pushed his conquests to the remotest 
corners of the earth, he returned to join the rest of 
his army in the neighbourhood of Patala. 

He then seriously gave orders for making the 
necessary preparations for his return. He em- 
barked the best of his troops on board of his fleet, 
of which he gave Near ch us the command; and 
with the rest he himself set out for Babylon by 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE* 449 

land. Nearchus, being obliged to wait till the sea- 
son became favourable, did not leave India till 
about the end of September. Alexander suffered 
much on his march by famine and the inclemency 
of the weather, insomuch that three-fourths of his 
army, which at his departure amounted, by Arrian's 
account, to 120,000 foot and 15,000 horse, perished 
on the way. They were obliged to eat even the 
beasts of burden ; and, to crown their miseries, the 
plague broke out among the troops. After continu- 
ing his journey for sixty days, he arrived at last in 
the fruitful country of Gedrosia, where he halted 
some time to repose his troops, and to recruit his 
cavalry, receiving every kind of provisions in great 
abundance from the neighbouring princes. Being 
now on the confines of Persia, he gave his soldiers 
most beautiful arms ; and he traversed the province 
of Carmania, not so much like a conqueror 
325. as like another Bacchus ; affecting to imitate 
the pretended triumph of that god in his pro- 
gress through Asia, after his conquest of the Indies. 

Alexander was mounted on a chariot drawn by 
eight horses, and appeared sitting at a table, where 
he spent the whole day in feasting and debauchery. 
This chariot was preceded by several others, of 
which some were covered with rich tapestry in the 
form of tents, and others with branches of trees, dis- 
posed in the form of arbours. Along the road the 
soldiers found large casks full of wine, ready broach- 
ed, of which they drank as much as they pleased. 
The whole country re-echoed with the sound of 
musical instruments, and with the noise of baccha- 
nals, running about in the most frantic manner, with 
their hair loose and dishevelled. This procession, 
which presented nothing to the eyes but people 
drunk with wine, lasted seven days. 

Nearchus in the mean time prosecuted his voyage, 
by coasting along the shores of the ocean. Arriv- 
ing at last at a place distant, as he was told, only 
five days journey from where Alexander happened 

2 F 



450 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

to be ; he set out to find him, and informed him, 
that the fleet, about the fate of which Alexander 
began to be very uneasy, was out of all danger. 
After acquainting Alexander with this agreeable 
piece of news, Nearchus returned to his fleet, and 
sailed up the Euphrates till he reached Babylon. 

While Alexander remained in the country of 
Carmania, he received grievous complaints against 
several of his governors of provinces ; who, conclud- 
ing that he never would return to call them to ac- 
count for their conduct, had exercised every sort of 
tyranny and rapine during his absence. Alexander 
thinking it proper, by a speedy execution of jus- 
tice, to ensure the affections of the conquered pro- 
vinces, caused to be put to death all the governors 
convicted of oppression, together with those who 
had acted as the ministers of their violence. What 
a happiness for a state, when its prince applies the 
sword, which he ought not to carry in vain, to 
punish the oppressors of his subjects, and to take 
vengeance on the instruments of tyranny and in- 
justice ! 

Alexander arriving at Pasagarda, a city of Per- 
sia, was met by Orsinus, the governor of that coun- 
try, a man possessed of immense riches, who brought 
to the king a great number of magnificent pre- 
sents, among which were many fine horses, cha- 
riots adorned with gold, several precious pieces of 
furniture, golden vases, and 4000 talents of silver. 
Besides these presents to the king, Orsinus bestow- 
ed marks of his bounty on all the principal officers 
of Alexander, except the eunuch Bagoas, that 
prince's chief favourite, for whom he entertained a 
thorough contempt. Servants employed about 
princes as the instruments of their vilest passions, 
are always endued with souls as sordid as their sta- 
tions, and are capable of sacrificing to their base re- 
sentments the most sacred considerations. This in- 
famous eunuch omitted no means to ruin Orsinus in 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 451 

the opinion of the king, and was perpetually accus- 
ing him of treason and of rapine. Not satisfied 
with employing calumny for this villanous pur- 
pose, he suborned some of Orsinus's retainers to 
become at a proper season the accusers of their mas- 
ter. After having by these means instilled into 
the mind of Alexander suspicions against his sub- 
jects, and by that means having artfully disposed 
him to give credit to the grossest accusations against 
him, he at last got him accused to the king, of hav- 
ing plundered the tomb of Cyrus, within which 
Alexander, in place of the immense riches which 
he was made to expect, found nothing but a shield 
and some arms. The magi, who were entrusted 
with the care of the tomb, were put to the torture 
in vain. Bagoas at last prevailed with the followers 
of Orsinus, whom he had corrupted, to accuse their 
master of having stolen those treasures ; and Orsinus 
was thereupon seized and put to death, without 
being allowed to make any defence. A striking 
example to princes of the danger of suffering them- 
selves to be too easily prepossessed against any of 
their subjects or dependants by the insidious arts 
of their favourites. 

While Alexander remained at Pasagarda, the 
brachman Calanus who had accompanied that 
prince in many of his expeditions, having been at- 
tacked by a violent fit of the cholic, resolved to put 
an end to his days ; and, by the most earnest en- 
treaties, at last obtained permission to cause a fune- 
ral pile to be erected, upon which he might burn 
himself. After offering up his prayers to the gods, 
and performing the other ceremonies practised in 
his native country, he embraced his friends, begged 
of them to spend the day in feasting and making 
merry with Alexander, mounted the funeral pile, 
covered his face, and suffered himself to be burnt 
with all the marks of cheerfulness and satisfaction. 
Alexander, in compliance with the request of Cala- 
nus, assembled his friends, and having proposed a 



452 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

prize to him who should drink the most, the whole 
company indulged themselves in so great an excess 
of wine, that forty-one of them died of it. What a 
monstrous scene !* 

Then Alexander visited Persepolis, and was 
struck with great regret for having burnt that fine 
city. From Persepolis he proceeded to Susa, where 
the fleet and army met. In this city, Alexander 
took to wife Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius, 
and bestowed the youngest on Ephaestion. Most of 
his principal officers followed the example, and mar- 
ried the daughters of the noblest Persians. Alex- 
ander gave a grand entertainment to all the new 
married, at which 9000 guests are said to have been 
present. The king, on this occasion, resolved to 
discharge all the debts of his soldiers : a generosity 
worthy of Alexander, for they amounted to 10,000 
talents. He did not even desire them to specify 
the particular debts that each of them owed. As 
the soldiers seemed at first to doubt the sincerity 
of his intentions, he expressed to them that excel- 
lent sentiment, " That a king ought never to break 
his word with his subjects, nor ought subjects ever 
to suspect the sincerity of their sovereign's profes- 
sions." 

While Alexander continued at Susa, he was 
joined by 30,000 young Persians, destined to supply 
the place of the old decayed soldiers. They were all 
strong and well made, and were armed and disci- 
plined after the Macedonian manner. They passed 
in review before the king, who was delighted to see 
the fine appearance of this new army. 

Harpalus, whom Alexander had left governor of 
Babylon, had dissipated, in the most extravagant 
manner, the immense riches that had been commit- 
ted to his care, indulging himself in all kinds of de- 

* The conqueror in this abominable contest was named Pro- 
machus. He is said to have drunk on this occasion fourteen bot- 
tles, or fourteen English quarts ; and to have survived his vic- 
tory but three days. 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 453 

bauchery, on the supposition that Alexander never 
would return to call him to an account. But get- 
ting notice at last of his arrival, and of the severity 
with which he had treated the other governors who 
had been guilty of malversations in their duty, he 
quitted the service of Alexander, and taking with 
him 5000 talents, the remains of his former wealth, 
retired to Athens. On his arrival there, the mer- 
cenary orators immediately offered him their best 
services. Harpalus, finding that Phocion possessed 
great credit with the people, offered him a present 
of 700 talents. But that virtuous republican re- 
jected his offer with disdain, and desired him to de- 
sist from corrupting his fellow- citizens with his 
money. This was not the first time that Phocion 
had given proof of his disinterestedness and integri- 
ty. He had rejected with the same firmness, the 
offers both of Philip and Alexander. Harpalus at- 
tempted likewise to corrupt Demosthenes. But his 
attempts at first were ineffectual ; afterwards, how- 
ever, Demosthenes having one day expressed great 
admiration at the sight of a sumptuous cup that 
had belonged to one of the kings of Persia, of which 
Harpalus had got possession, the Persian sent him 
that same night the cup, together with twenty ta^ 
lents, the value of it. This coming to the know- 
ledge of the people, threw them into a violent rage 
against Demosthenes ; who, to avoid the effects of 
their displeasure, fled from Athens, and remained 
in exile till some time after the death of Alexander, 
residing for the most part at Trezene. In the opi- 
nion of Pausanias, it is far from being sufficiently 
proved, that Demosthenes really gave way to this 
temptation of Harpalus. 

Alexander, in the mean time, desirous of indulg- 
ing his eyes with another view of the ocean, de- 
scended to it by the river Elea ; and after coasting 
along the Persian gulf to the mouth of the Tigris, 
he remounted that river till lie arrived at the place 
where his army was encamped. At his return he 



454 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

issued a proclamation, permitting such of the Ma- 
cedonian soldiers as were unable any longer to sup- 
port the fatigues of war, to return to Greece. The 
troops gave an unfavourable interpretation to this 
indulgence of their king, believing that he intend- 
ed to fix the seat of his empire in Asia instead of 
Macedonia, and that he desired to free his hands al- 
together of his Macedonian soldiers, to whom he 
preferred his late Persian levies. Rendered furious 
at this thought, they hurried in a tumultuous man- 
ner to find their king, and demanded of him, that 
since he no longer valued his Macedonian soldiers, 
he would discharge them all, for they were resolved 
to serve him no longer. This seditious address 
threw Alexander into so violent a passion, that he 
ordered thirteen of the ringleaders to be instantly 
seized and put to death. This instance of authori- 
ty so terrified the rest, that they durst not look up 
nor utter a syllable. Then Alexander, mounting 
his tribunal, reproached them in very severe terms, 
with the many marks of kindness he had bestowed 
on them ; and concluded with these words : ¥ You 
require your discharge; I grant it; depart, and pub- 
lish to the world, that you have abandoned your 
king to the mercy of the nations he has conquered*, 
who have shown greater attachment to him than 
you." Having spoken thus, he retired to his tent. 

The Macedonians, now sensible of their folly, 
burst out into sighs and lamentations, hastened to 
the tent of the king, threw down their arms, and 
confessed their fault with tears. Alexander, seeing 
them in this situation, could not himself refrain 
from weeping. Coming out of his tent, therefore, 
he told them, that he restored to them his friend- 
ship. Then he discharged all who were unable 
longer to bear arms ; made each of them large pre- 
sents, and gave orders that the foremost seats at all 
public games should be reserved for them. Crate- 
rus was appointed to conduct them home ; and, at 
the same time, he was created governor of Macedo- 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 455 

nia in place of Antipater; whom Alexander, in 
compliance with the earnest request of his mother, 
who was continually teasing him with accusations 
against that officer, desired to have him near his 
own person. 

Thence proceeding to Eebatana in Media, he ce- 
lebrated numberless games and feasts, at which the 
whole court gave themselves up to the most extra- 
vagant excesses of drinking. These debauches 
proved fatal to Ephsestion, the most intimate 
324. friend of Alexander, and whom he used to 
call another self. As Ephsestion was modest 
and benevolent, and employed his influence with 
great discretion, his death was universally regretted. 
Even Alexander himself, forgetting his dignity, 
gave way to the most tender feelings of friendship, 
and appeared quite inconsolable. To divert his 
grief, he undertook an expedition against the Cos- 
seians, a warlike nation ; and having conquered 
them, he set out for Babylon. 

Before he arrived at that city, the astrologers and 
Chaldean soothsayers sent him word, that great dan- 
ger threatened his life in case he entered Babylon. 
This denunciation alarmed Alexander very much 
at first. But the Greek philosopher having, on the 
principles of Anaxagoras, demonstrated to him the 
folly of astrology, he immediately advanced towards 
Babylon with his whole army. But he had still 
another motive for hastening towards that city, 
namely, that he might there receive the homage of 
many ambassadors, who had come thither for that 
purpose, from different kingdoms of the world. 
Alexander, therefore, made his entry into Babylon 
with the utmost pomp imaginable. He received, 
with equal dignity and complaisance, the congratu- 
lations of all the ambassadors, but particularly of 
those from the states of Greece. Upon the deputies 
from Corinth making him an offer of the freedom 
of their city, he could not help smiling at the sin- 
gularity of such an offer to so mighty a prince. But 



456 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

on being informed, that this privilege had never 
been before bestowed on any stranger but Hercules 
alone, he immediately received it with joy. Then 
he applied all his attention to celebrate the funerals 
of Ephsestion ; which were attended with such pomp 
and magnificence, as to surpass every thing of the 
same kind that had ever appeared in the world 
before. He got together the most skilful architects 
from all quarters, and bestowed great pains on level- 
ling the spot whereon the pile was to be placed. 

The edifice formed a square consisting of thirty 
divisions ; in each of which was erected a similar 
building to that in the rest, covered and embellished 
with extraordinary magnificence. Along the front 
were disposed 240 prows of ships ; on which were 
placed figures of archers and warriors six and a half 
feet high ; the spaces between the prows were hung 
with purple stuffs : above the prows was a range of 
torches twenty-four feet high, forming a sort of 
colonade, adorned with fifty-three crowns of gold : 
the capitals of this colonade consisted of figures in 
the shape of eagles ; above this colonade stood ano- 
ther, representing a hunting match ; above this "ap- 
peared a fourth, exhibiting the battle of the Cen- 
taurs. The roof of the edifice was decorated with 
trophies and urns ; and on the entablatures were 
placed figures representing syrens, within which 
were concealed musicians, who sung mournful airs 
in honour of the deceased. This edifice was up- 
wards of 200 feet high ; and the whole expence of 
the funeral amounted to about £1,500,000 sterling*. 

What folly, thus to consume in empty show such 
an immense sum, produced by the toil and labour 
of the most useful subjects. But not satisfied with all 

* The principal architect of the monument erected by Alexan- 
der to the memory of Ephaestion, is said to have been named 
Stesicrates. This artist had some time before proposed to Alex- 
ander to cut mount Athos into a statue representing him, which 
should in its right hand hold a large river, and in its left a city 
containing 10,000 inhabitants. 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 457 

these marks of honour paid to the memory of his 
beloved Ephsestion, Alexander resolved to offer sa- 
crifices to him as a god, and that under the autho- 
rity of a response of the oracle of Jupiter Amnion ; 
to obtain which a proper person was dispatched 
with the necessary instructions. He himself set 
the example ; after which, in order to please the 
prince, numberless temples were every where erect- 
ed to Ephaestion, and it was reckoned criminal even 
to doubt of his being a god. 

As Babylon was the greatest and the most beau- 
tiful city of the east, Alexander resolved to beautify 
it still more, and to make it the seat of his empire. 
In the first place, therefore, he gave orders to repair 
the bulwark formerly constructed to confine the Eu- 
phrates to its channel, but which that river had in 
a great measure demolished. This useful project, 
however, as well as that of rebuilding the temple of 
Belus, which had been ruined by Xerxes, as the 
idol worshipped in it had been Cyrus, together with 
all his other projects, were put a stop to by his death. 

The melancholy idea of approaching dissolution 
had now laid fast hold on the imagination of Alex- 
ander. Every accident struck him with terror, and 
carried an evil presage along with it. He became 
a downright slave to superstition, and was perpe- 
tually offering up sacrifices to render fate propitious, 
and to obtain the knowledge of futurity. To divert 
the constant stings of apprehension, he employed 
his time in an uninterrupted course of feasting and 
drinking, particularly the latter, in which he indulg- 
ed himself to such excess, that he thereby greatly ac- 
celerated his death. After having at one of these 
feasts already drunk to great excess, he resolved never- 
theless to empty the cup of Hercules, which contain- 
ed six bottles. But he had no sooner swallowed it 
than he fell to the ground, and was seized with a vio- 
lent fever, which quickly reduced him to the point 
of death. Finding that there was no hope of recovery 
left, he delivered his ring to Perdiccas, and permit- 



458 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

ted all his soldiers to kiss his hand. On being ask- 
ed to whom he left his empire? "To the most 
worthy," answered he. He added that he foresaw 
with what strange rites they would celebrate his fu- 
neral. Perdiccas having asked him, how soon he 
desired they should pay divine honours to his me- 
mory? He answered, "when you shall be happy." 
These were his last words. He died at the age of 
thirty-two, after reigning twelve years. 

Some authors, and Quintus Curtius among 
323. the rest, pretended that he died by poison. But 
this opinion is by no means properly support- 
ed 5 and it is far more probable that he died of ex- 
cessive drinking. 

As soon as his death was known, nothing was 
heard but weeping and lamentation. The victors 
and the vanquished equally bewailed his death. 
The Persians extolled him as the mildest and the 
justest of their monarchs ; the Macedonians pro- 
claimed him to have been the best and the bravest 
prince in the world. The grief of the latter was 
heightened by their present melancholy situation 
beyond the Euphrates, and in the midst of their 
enemies. They foresaw, too, the wars and divisions 
that must unavoidably arise from his having named 
no successor. Sysigambis mourned his death as 
sincerely as she had done that of her own son ; and 
finding herself, by this event, without further re- 
source or hope, she gave way to the suggestions of 
despair, and starved herself to death. 

The officers, after disputing for seven days, at last 
agreed, that Arideus, the brother of Alexander, 
should be declared king ; and that his person (for 
he was a poor weak man) should be intrusted to the 
care of Perdiccas. The body of Alexander, after 
being embalmed by the Chaldeans, was, according 
to his own directions, conveyed to the temple of 
Jupiter Amnion. But two years intervened before 
the necessary preparations could be gotten ready. 

Alexander's character is marked by numberless 



CHAP. V. ' ANCIENT GREECE. 459 

blemishes. On due consideration, however, it may 
perhaps appear to some readers, that his great and 
good qualities predominatedover his vicious and bad. 

He was born with the finest natural parts ; and 
his magnanimity and lofty sentiments were almost 
without example. He early discovered marks of 
the greatest generosity ; but he as early gave proofs 
of an unequalled ambition. He received a perfect 
education under the most skilful of masters, Aris- 
totle, who took great pains to cultivate his genius ; 
and he instructed him not only in the fine arts, but 
in the most sublime sciences. The scholar's progress 
corresponded with the zeal and skill of his instructor. 

While young, he discovered very singular pru- 
dence, and found means, during the absence of his 
father, to pacify some dangerous commotions that 
had broken out in Macedonia. At the age of twenty 
years, he subdued his most formidable enemies, 
namely, all the states of Greece combined against 
him. In the opinion indeed of some, the first years 
of his reign were the most glorious of his life. He 
supported the same character in his expedition a- 
gainst Darius ; which was not undertaken with a 
youthful rashness, but with all the vast preparations 
that the greatness of the enterprise required ; mag- 
nanimity, prudence, temperance, courage. 

To judge how far he possessed every talent of a 
complete general, it is only necessary to contemplate 
his passage of the Granicus, his battle at Issus and 
Arbela, and his siege of Tyre. We shall there per- 
ceive his skill at drawing up an army in battle or- 
der, his presence of mind in the heat of action, his 
intrepidity in the midst of danger, and his firmness 
and constancy under disappointments. His father 
Philip studied. to subdue his enemies by stratagem 
and circumvention. Alexander practised open force 
and bravery alone. His behaviour, after the battle 
of Issus, is perhaps the action of his whole life that 
did him the most honour ; for, on that occasion he 
gained a more difficult victory over his own passions 
than that over the Persian monarch. 



460 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

His conduct to the wife and daughters of Darius, 
who found in his very camp an asylum for their 
honour and virtue, places him in a most amiable 
point of view, and bespeaks him truly great. It 
likewise does honour to Alexander, that he was sus- 
ceptible of the most tender and constant friendship ; 
a character which he invariably maintained to the 
last period of his life; and he was rewarded by finding 
several sincere and real friends, a happiness rarely in- 
cident to persons of high rank. His familiarity with, 
and his kindness to, his soldiers, convinced them 
that they were beloved by their king ; and grati- 
tude for that honour, prompted them to exert their 
utmost efforts to please him, and to obey his com- 
mands with the highest ardour. Nothing was 
wanting to render the glory of Alexander complete, 
had he known how to set proper bounds to his am- 
bition. But, infatuated by an uninterrupted and 
dazzling course of prosperity, he soon became en- 
tirely different from what he had formerly been. 

After the siege of Tyre, we perceive the good 
qualities of Alexander to be daily degenerating. 
On seeing him expose his own life, and that of his 
troops, in a journey through the burning deserts of 
Lybia, with the absurd view of procuring himself 
to be acknowledged the son of Jupiter Ammon, we 
are amazed at his folly and imprudence. We are 
shocked to see him give himself up in Asia to such 
immoderate excesses of drinking. By this vice, 
equally despicable and dangerous, we see him insti- 
gated to dip his hands in the blood of a friend who 
had saved his life. We likewise see his understand- 
ing so much affected by his intemperance, that he 
was not ashamed to vilify the glory of his father, 
and to undervalue his actions. This was equally 
vain-glorious and uncandid. For on due considera- 
tion we shall perceive, that Philip was not only 
the sole author of his own power, but likewise of 
that of his son. He transmitted to him the king- 
dom of Macedonia enlarged exceedingly on all sides: 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECFl 461 

he left him master of Greece ; and above all, he put 
into his hand a powerful army of veteran soldiers, 
admirably disciplined, and commanded by a great 
number of brave and experienced officers. Nor can 
it be disputed that Philip gave the most indubitable 
proofs of his ability to effect the conquests effected 
by his son ; while, on the other hand, it is not so 
clear that Alexander could have performed what 
his father performed. 

But what numberless actions of violence and in- 
justice have we not to arraign him with, after he 
had subverted the Persian empire by his victory at 
Arbela and the death of Darius ? Thenceforward 
he shows himself an unprovoked persecutor of na- 
tions who desired only to live in peace. He appears 
no longer in the light of a conqueror, still less in that 
of a hero ; he is a downright usurper, a robber, a 
scourge sent by the almighty Disposer of all things 
to execute his vengeance on mankind. For his carry- 
ing the war into Asia, he had indeed a very spe- 
cious pretext, namely, to revenge the numberless 
miseries brought upon the Greeks by the kings of 
Persia. But what pretence could he allege for spread- 
ing ravage and destruction among nations who 
had never injured him, and to whom the very name 
of Greece was unknown; and for putting to the sword 
all the inhabitants of cities, guilty of no other crime 
than the defending of their lives and liberties, with 
the bravery inspired by the most natural of all pas- 
sions, self-preservation ? But Alexander placed his 
glory in making himself the terror of mankind ; 
and his extravagant ambition confined itself neither 
by rule nor measure. On hearing the philosopher 
Anaxarchus give it as his opinion, that the universe 
contained an infinity of worlds, he is said to have 
wept, because it was impossible for him to conquer 
any more of them than one. His rashness too de- 
serves to be numbered among his faults. We see 
him on all occasions exposing his life like a simple 
volunteer ; advancing the first to the assault, climb- 



462 HflE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

ing along steep and dangerous precipices, and con- 
stantly studying to perform the most hazardous 
and daring exploits. Such is far from being the 
glory at which a sovereign ought to aim. He 
should always bear in mind, that he is responsible 
for his life to his soldiers and to his subjects. 

Eminent Writers, Philosophers, Artists, &c. 

This third age of Greece produced a great num- 
ber of philosophers. At the head of all these, 
Socrates deserves to be ranked ; but as Ave have 
already spoken of him at great length, we shall say 
no more of him here, but pass on to others, and be- 
gin with 

Plato, a native of Athens, and the most famous 
disciple of Socrates. Plato did not confine himself 
like his master, to the subject of morals alone, but 
studied every branch of philosophy. His thirst 
after knowledge prompted him to travel into E- 
gypt, where he learned from the priests various 
branches of knowledge generally unknown. His 
accurate notions about the existence of God, and 
the immortality of the soul, are generally thought 
to have been communicated to him in that country. 
We shall have occasion afterwards to mention his 
journeys to Syracuse at the request of the younger 
Dionysius. At last he fixed his constant residence 
at Athens, where he delivered his lessons in the fine 
garden called the Academy. Hence his disciples 
got the name of Academicians. 

Among his principal tenets may be reckoned the 
following ; that there is but one world ; that there 
is but one God, the author of all things ; that the 
soul is immortal ; that men ought to resist their 
passions ; that after this life the good and virtuous 
shall be rewarded, and the wicked and vicious pun- 
ished. Plato delivered his doctrines in the form of 
dialogues. He appears to have possessed a strong 
imagination. His style is extremely florid and sub- 
lime, and is particularly distinguished by a delica- 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 463 

cy known to the Greeks by the name of Atticism* 
His works abound with the most lofty sentiments, 
and with the most useful maxims for the conduct 
of life, and for the science of government. He de- 
clined engaging in the affairs of the republic ; pre- 
ferring the calm unruffled life of a philosopher. He 
was very highly esteemed for the mildness of his 
manners ; and was so much admired on account of 
his vast extent of knowledge, and his sublime senti- 
ments, that he was honoured with the name of the 

Divine Plato. Even kings desired to be 
348. directed by his counsels. He died at eighty 

years of age. His nephew, Speusippus, suc- 
ceeded him in his school. But his scholars, after 
his death, distinguished themselves into two sects ; 
the followers of the one taking the name of Aca- 
demicians, and continuing to teach in the same place 
where Plato had taught ; and reasoned under that 
of Peripatetics, who walked and reasoned under 
the shade of the pleasant groves of the Lyceum ; 
and thence obtained that appellation. Plato deserv- 
ed likewise to be ranked in the class of rhetoricians, 
on account of the excellent principles of rhetoric 
laid down in his dialogues, and especially in the 
Georgics. 

Aristotle was a native of Stagira, a city of Ma- 
cedonia. He came to Athens at the age of seven- 
teen, and studied philosophy under Plato, with such 
industry and success, that he became the soul of 
his school. On the birth of Alexander, Philip wrote 
him, that he intended to make him preceptor to his 
son. " I account," says Philip, in his letter, " the 
favour of the gods greater in sending me this son 
during the life of Aristotle, than in bestowing him 
upon me at all." 

After spending several years on the education of 
Alexander, he returned to Athens, opened a school 
in the Lyceum, and became the founder of the Pe- 
ripatetic sect. His lectures drew together a vast 
crowd of hearers. He carried to a wonderful <le- 



464 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

gree of perfection the art of dialectic, whereof Zeno 
was the inventor. But he did not confine himself 
to matters of philosophy. He gave lessons on rhe- 
toric, and composed a treatise on that subject, which 
has been justly regarded by the learned of all ages 
as the most accurate and complete that has ever 
appeared. It is on this account that Aristotle, as 
well as his master Plato, is numbered among the 
rhetoricians. • ■ 

Aristotle met with the fate of most great men. 
i He attracted the envy of his contemporaries, who 
accused him of impiety ; and one Eurymedon ap- 
peared as his prosecutor. To disappoint the malice 
of his enemies, and to avoid the unhappy fate of 
Socrates, he fled to the island of Euboea, where he 
ended his days. His works, after remaining more 
than 200 years buried in oblivion, during which 
time they had passed through various private hands, 
had suffered much by damp and other accidents, 
and had been greatly corrupted and obscured by 
ignorant transcribers, were at length discovered by 
the famous Sylla at Athens when he sacked that 
city, and were by him brought to Italy. When 
generally known, they were justly adopted as the 
most perfect standard on every topic of which they 
treated. The surprising diversity of those subjects, 
the profound erudition, the acuteness, and the sin- 
gular accuracy with which every point is there 
handled, sufficiently evince' the comprehensive gen- 
ius of the author. A course of observations and 
experiments, for many ages, has indeed produced 
the discovery of various secrets of nature, of which 
Aristotle seems to have been ignorant, and which 
no force of genius ever could divine. But in every 
matter of science, those who are the best acquainted 
with his philosophy, and with that of the most ap- 
proved modern philosophers, are struck with amaze- 
ment at his vast superiority. 

Xenocrates succeeded Speusippus in the school 
of Plato. Being a man of a gloomy austere dispo- 

. ' " ■ : '■■ "-' ' '•' ' " '. ■ 1 f'frwam 



CHAP- V. ANCIENT GREECE. 465 

sition, Plato, whose scholar he was, used to advise 
him to sacrifice to the graces. His contempt of 
riches is much talked of. He carried it so far, as 
voluntarily to reduce himself to poverty. Having 
been sent by the Athenians in quality of deputy to 
negociate some matters with Philip king of Mace- 
don, that crafty prince attempted to corrupt him by 
presents, but found all his endeavours ineffectual. 
Alexander made the same attempt with thIPllame 
success. Xenocrates refused a present he offered 
him of fifty talents ; but, apprehensive lest that 
prince might interpret his refusal as an effect of 
pride, he accepted of thirty minae. The Athenians 
entertained the highest opinion of his integrity ; in- 
somuch, that one day, when he was to have given 
testimony about a certain affair, the judges dispen- 
sed with demanding his oath, satisfying themselves 
with his simple affirmation. He was so fond of 
solitude and study, that he seldom appeared abroad. 
His lectures on virtue were attended with amazing 
effect. They often reclaimed the Athenian youth 
from every kind of debauchery. 

Diogenes lived in the time of Alexander the 
Great, and was of the sect of the cynics, founded 
by Antisthenes, a disciple of Socrates. The philo- 
sophers of this sect lived a most rigid life ; wearing 
no other clothes than a cloak ; and carrying about 
with them no other conveniences than a sort of knap- 
sack, a staff, and a kind of two-eared bowl of wood 
or metal. Diogenes distinguished himself more than 
any other of this sect by his cynical behaviour ; 
which he carried to such an extravagant pitch as to 
become ridiculous. He walked bare-footed, and 
lodged in a tub. But under this beggarly equipage, 
he entertained a more than kingly pride, and a so- - 
vereign contempt for all mankind. The reader has 
already seen his answer to Alexander the Great. 
He is celebrated for many witty sayings, and for 
some excellent maxims of morality. But his con- 
duct evinced, that he was at no pains to practise 



466 THE HISTORY OF BOOK III. 

those precepts himself; for never did man carry im- 
pudence in point of morals to a greater pitch. This 
impudence, his contemptuous airs, and his satirical 
remarks, were his distinguishing characteristics. 
Hence came the name of cynic, a Greek word de- 
rived from the name of dog, to denote, that the phi- 
losophers of this cast took deligh t in railling, or rath- 
er barking and snarling like dogs, at the rest of 
mankind. 

Zeno was the founder of the sect of stoics. He 
was originally a disciple of Crates, a cynical philoso- 
pher. But disgusted at the impudence of that sect, 
he attached himself to Xenocrates and Polemon, 
and established a new sect at Athens, namely that 
of the stoics, as already observed. This sect deriv- 
ed its name from a gallery in which they taught, 
called in Greek stoa. Zeno soon acquired great re- 
putation. He was much esteemed by the Athen- 
ians for the purity of his precepts, which he himself 
practised with the greatest exactness; and for the zeal 
with which he inculcated the principles of virtue. 

Cleanthus, Chrysippus, and Possidonius, were 
scholars of Zeno. They all valued themselves on 
their perfect contempt of riches. Zeno was the in- 
ventor of dialectic, the art that teaches us to deduce 
certain conclusions from certain principles. The 
stoics piqued themselves much on their excelling 
in this art ; but their reasoning often degenerated 
into sophistical arguments. 

The stoics maintained, that the sovereign good 
consisted in living virtuously according to the dic- 
tates of conscience. In other words, they placed all 
happiness in the practice of virtue. Their chief aim 
was to render themselves insensible to the miseries 
incident to human life. For that purpose they la- 
boured to convince themselves, that " every thing 
that happens is for the best ;" and thence argued, 
that our distinctions between good and evil are 
merely chimerical. — A perfect stoic, therefore, did 
not regard even pain as an evil. Their philosophy 
was calculated to render them entirely devoid of 



CHAP. V, ANCIENT GREECE. • 467 

passion and of frailty. But it should seem, that, 
to reform nature, they meant to extinguish it alto- 
gether ; for they must have known that passion is 
constitutionally inherent in man. It must, however, 
be allowed, that the stoics were, of all the ancient 
philosophers, the most virtuous both in point of 
principles and of practice, and that some of the 
greatest and wisest men of antiquity were formed 
in their school. 

The peripatetics entertained nearly the same opi- 
nion with the stoics as to the chief good ; but they 
esteemed riches and health to be good, and poverty 
and disease to be evil. 

Epicurus was founder of the epicurean sect of 
philosophers. He was a native of a village in At- 
tica, and opened his school in a delightful garden at 
Athens, where he was attended by a vast concourse 
of hearers and arrived at a distinguished reputation. 
None of his many works having been transmitted 
to us, it is from the poem of Lucretius that we learn 
the system of his philosophy. Lucretius may be 
ranked at the head of those poets, wlio would have 
been happier to have been born without genius, 
than to have perverted their talents to subvert re- 
ligion and sound reasoning. 

Epicurus maintained, that pleasure was the sove- 
reign good. By pleasures, according to Cicero, he 
meant the pleasures of sense, such as the contem- 
plation of beautiful objects, eating and drinking, 
shows and diversions. Cicero thinks, that he did 
not believe in the existence of gods, although he 
spoke in very pompous terms of the respect to be 
paid them. He maintained, that the sovereign evil 
consisted in pain ; to which, although his age was 
liable, yet he said, that he found sources of happi- 
ness even in pain itself. On the other hand, in point 
of the moral duties of man, he delivered very ad- 
mirable precepts, and extremely opposite to those 
we should expect from a philosopher who placed 
the sovereign good in pleasure. But the most ex- 



O rs L) 



468 • the history of book hi. 

traordinary circumstance of all is, that he lived a 
pure and irreproachable life. 

Pyrrho, a philosopher of the sect of sceptics, was 
a native of Ellis in the Peloponnesus, and lived in 
the time of Alexander. He maintained, that, with 
respect to the qualities of every subject about which 
the human mind is conversant, there is ground for 
affirmation and denial ; that, therefore, there can be 
no certainty ; and we must of course never form a 
positive decided judgment of any thing. Hence 
this doctrine has obtained the name of Pyrrhonism. 
Pram those principles he deduced the most perni- 
cious consequences ; that nothing was in itself hon- 
ourable, shameful, just, or unjust ; these distinctions 
depending entirely on human institution. This was 
opening a door to every sort of crime. It would 
therefore have been for the honour and happiness 
of mankind, that these opinions had gone out of the 
world with their author. But such is the depravi- 
ty of the human heart, that even in our days they 
find abettors and supporters among men of genius 
and learning. 

In this third age of Greece flourished Menander 
the poet, who is regarded as the father of polite co- 
medy. He was perfectly free from the faults of 
Aristophanes, who respected neither decency nor 
modesty, nor even the gods themselves ; and who 
gratified the malevolence of his audience by scur- 
rilous reflections against the best men in the state. 
In the judgment of Quintilian, Menander outshone 
all those who had applied to comedy before him ; 
his humour being exquisite, graceful, and delicate. 
From a despair, no doubt, of equalling him, Te- 
rence, who applied to the same study, satisfied him- 
self with translating, in a manner, the productions 
of Menander, and with presenting them to the Ro- 
man people, set off with all the graces and purity of 
the Latin tongue. 

Protogenes, the famous painter, flourished in the 
time of Aristotle, with whom he was connected by 
the most intimate friendship. He was a native of 



CHAP. V. ANCIENT GREECE. 469 

Cauna, a city on the sea-coast of Rhodes. His ex- 
cellency in his profession induced the Athenians to 
employ him in several pieces of work, which after- 
wards attracted universal admiration. His master- 
piece was his Jalisus the son of Apollo, and a great 
hunter. 

Praxiteles, the celebrated statuary, likewise lived 
in this age. He wrought principally on marble. 
His masterpiece was a statue of Cupid, which he 
gave as a present to the courtesan Phryne, of whom 
he was very fond. She set it up at Thespia, her 
native country, whither numbers of the curious re- 
paired to view it.* 

Polycletes, another statuary, and a native of Si- 
cyon, was famous for his statues of brass, His mas- 
terpiece was a Doriphorus, the name of those who 
served in the Persian king's guards. This statue 
was so much admired for the extraordinary justness 
of its proportions, that it was called the Canon or 
Rule, and as such was carefully studied by succeed- 
ing sculptors. 

Apelles, the celebrated painter, w r as a native of 
the island of Cos, but resided for the most part at 
Ephesus. He is placed at the head of all the an- 
cient painters, and is said to have contributed no 
less to the perfection of painting by his writings on 
that subject, than by his admirable performances. 
The particular in which he principally excelled, was 
the grace, or an easy noble air, tempered with sweet- . 
ness ; but which is more easily felt than expressed. - 
He executed several portraits of Alexander; where- 

* This is supposed to be the antique mentioned in De Thou's 
Memoirs. He tells, that having gone to Italy, when young, with 
De Foix, they saw at Pa via, in the collection of Isabella D'Este, 
a statue of a sleeping Cupid executed by M. Angelo ; which, 
after the most attentive consideration, appeared supremely ex- 
cellent, and filled them with inexpressible admiration. After ad- 
miring it for some time, another statue of a Cupid was shown 
them, still soiled with the earth out of which it had been digged. 
On comparing this with the former, all present were ashamed of 
their first judgment, and agreed that the ancient statue seemed 
to be an animated substance, and that the modern, compared w ith 
it, was but a block of marble without expression. 



470 THE HISTORY, &C. BOOK III. 

of that which represented him launching the thun- 
der was the most highly finished. His engaging 
manners even procured him the friendship of the 
Macedonian hero, who did not disdain to visit him 
frequently, that he might see him work, and enjoy 
the pleasure of his conversation. Alexander prohi- 
bited any other person than Apelles from presum- 
ing to paint him. The singular merit of Apelles 
exposed him to much envy, and stirred up many 
enemies against him during his stay at the court of 
Ptolemy king of Egypt. On returning to Ephesus, 
he revenged himself* upon his detractors by his fa- 
mous picture of Calumny, which was reckoned one 
of his capital performances. His Venus rising from 
the sea was accounted his masterpiece. 

Lysippus, the famous statuary, likewise lived in 
the time of Alexander. He was a native of Sicyon. 
He said, that Polycletus's Doriphorus at first 
served him instead of a master ; but having after- 
wards consulted the painter Eupompus, which of 
the preceding sculptors was the most worthy of his 
imitation, he received for answer, " None of them, 
but Nature herself." Lysippus followed the advice, 
and carried the art of statuary to the summit of per- 
fection. It is well known that Alexander prohi- 
bited any other person but Lysippus from attempt- 
ing to make his statue, as he had forbidden any 
body but Apelles to draw his portrait : for he did 
not doubt that the singular merit of those artists, as 
it would immortalize their own names, would be- 
stow additional fame even on his. Lysippus is said 
to have wrought with much ease and quickness, 
and to have executed more works than any other 
statuary whatever. His two capital performances 
were, 1st, The statue of a man rubbing himself after 
coming out of the bath ; which Agrippa afterwards 
caused to be placed before his baths at Rome* 
%dly, A statue of Alexander in brass, of exquisite 
beauty. The emperor Nero, from a most depraved 
taste, resolved to have this last statue gilded, 



I 



THE 

HISTORY 

OF 

ANCIENT GREECE 



BOOK IV. 

CONTAINING THE HISTORY OF THE FOURTH AGE 

OF GREECE. 

From the death of Alexander the Great till Greece became a 
Roman province, some time after the destruction of Corinth. 

The beautiful days of Greece, so fruitful in great 
men and in great actions, are now past; and the 
few traces of ancient virtue that shall still appear, 
may be compared to bursts of lightning in a dark 
night, which shine but for a moment, and serve only 
to make the gloom more conspicuously dismal. 

We shall now see the chief officers of Alexander, 
to the number of ten or twelve, making war on each 
other for the space of twenty years, to procure an 
independent establishment in some portion of his 
vast empire. Sometimes pretended friends, some- 
times declared enemies, they embrace now one side, 
now another, just as interest or caprice inclines 
them. We shall see Macedonia change its master 
five or six times. We shall perceive that Alexan- 
der, by pushing his conquests to so immense an ex- 
tent, was the occasion of the utter ruin of his own 
family, and of the total extirpation of his relations ; 
that murder and destruction were the fruits of his 
conquests, about which his generals slaughter one 
another with the most shocking cruelty ; and that 



472 THt HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

the states of Greece were victims of their quarrels. 
To enter on a detail of the various events resulting 
from these disputes among Alexander's captains, 
would be in effect to write the history of all the 
then known world instead of that of Greece. We 
shall therefore confine ourselves to the particulars 
immediately respecting that country, and pass over 
the rest in silence ; which we do with the greater 
pleasure, as those other transactions would present 
little else to the reader than one continued scene 
of murder and the basest perfidy. 

The Greeks still made some efforts for regaining 
their former independency. But these are only the 
weak exertions of expiring liberty ; and the princes 
to whom they apply for protection, instead of de- 
livering them from their miseries, take advantage of 
their weakness to enslave them the more, and to 
make them subservient to their own designs. At 
last the Romans, whose power insensibly swallowed 
up that of all the other states in this hemisphere, 
subjected them imperceptibly, proclaiming them- 
selves all the while to be the deliverers of man- 
kind, and that they never made war but to reinstate 
nations in their natural rights and liberty. But 
they soon changed their tone, and dictated their 
pleasure as conquerors and sovereigns. The de- 
struction of Corinth at last convinced the Greeks of 
the necessity they were under of submitting to that 
warlike people ; who, under various pretences, to- 
tally subdued all the states of Greece, and added 
the whole of that country to the rest of their great 
empire. 



CHAP. I. 



Affairs of Greece, from the death of Alexander the Great to the 
reduction of Sparta by Antigonus, after the battle of Selasia. 

The generals of Alexander, after much alterca- 
tion and dispute, at length agreed to divide among 
them the provinces of his empire in the following 



CHAF. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 473 

manner. Macedonia, Epirus, and Greece, were as- 
signed to Antipater ; Thrace, and the neighbouring 
provinces, to Lysimachus ; Egypt, Arabia, and Li- 
bya, to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, whose successors 
in that government were on that account called the 
race of the Lagidse ; Lycia, Phrygia, and the pro- 
vinces of Asia Minor, were given to Antigonus ; 
Caria to Cassander ; Lydia to Menander ; Little 
Phrygia to Leonatus ; Armenia to Neoptolemus ; 
Cappadocia and Pamphylia, provinces not yet 
thoroughly conquered, to Eumenes ; Syria and 
Phenicia to Laomedon ; the two Medias to Perdic- 
cas and Atropatus ; Persia to Peucestes ; Babylonia 
to Archon ; Mesopotamia to Arcesilas ; Parthia and 
Hircania to Phrataphernes ; Bactriana and Sogdia- 
na to Philip. Higher Asia and the Indies were left 
to those put in possession of them by Alexander. 
Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, was made general 
of the horse ; and Cassander, son of Antipater, of 
the guards. 

Of these governors several distinguished them- 
selves by their extraordinary merit ; but above all 
Eumenes, a native of Thrace ; obscurely born in- 
deed, but whose magnanimity and elevated senti- 
ments amply supplied that defect, if it may be ac- 
counted one. His eminent abilities procured him 
the esteem, first of Philip, and afterwards of Alex- 
ander, with whom he possessed a high degree of 
credit. 

Statira, the widow of Alexander, and daughter of 
Darius, soon followed her unhappy father to the 
grave. Her death was brought about by the pro- 
curement of Roxana, who suspected her to be with 
child. Perdiccas was an accomplice in this murder. 

The Greek colonies settled by Alexander in high 
Asia, weary of living at such a distance from their 
native country, resolved to return home ; and unit- 
ing to the number of 20,000 men, prepared for their 
departure, without asking permission of Perdiccas. 
But intelligence of their resolution coming to the 



474 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

ears of that governor, he dispatched against them a 
general called Python ; who having found means to 
bribe 3000 of them to desert to him, easily defeated 
the rest ; of whom the greater part were, in conse- 
quence of orders from Perdiceas, cut in pieces by 
the Macedonians. 

In the mean time, the news of Alexander's death 
having reached Greece, occasioned an universal joy 
among the Athenians, who immediately resolved 
upon war, and used their utmost endeavours with 
the rest of the states of Greece to persuade them to 
enter into a general confederacy for their common 
liberty. A powerful fleet is immediately fitted out ; 
all the citizens able to carry arms are inlisted ; and 
an army under the command of Leosthenes is sent 
against Antipater. Demosthenes, then in exile at 
Megara, having employed his eloquence to prevail 
on the states of Sicyon, Argos, and Corinth, to ac- 
cede to the confederacy, the Athenians, struck with 
this instance of his generosity, recall him from ba- 
nishment ; and on his return march all out of the 
eity to meet him, to welcome him back, and to show 
him every mark of honour and distinction. It is ob- 
servable, that Phocion opposed this war. Antipater, 
informed of these transactions, took the field with 
no more than 13,000 Macedonians and 600 horse ; 
and advanced towards Thessaly, a fleet of 110 gal- 
leys attending him along the coast. But the army 
of the Athenians and their allies being more nume- 
rous than his, defeated him in the first engagement, 
and obliged him to retreat. 

The Athenians having next year formed the siege 
of Lamia in Macedonia, both besiegers and besieged 
behaved at first with great bravery. But Leonatus 
arriving to the assistance of Antipater, an engage- 
ment ensued; wherein the Greeks, by means of 
their cavalry, of which the greater part was raised 
in Thessaly, obtained the victory, slew Leonatus, 
and obliged the city to capitulate. Antipater how- 
ever escaped out of Lamia, and put himself at the 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 475 

head of his troops : but carefully avoided another 
engagement, till Craterus should come to his assis- 
tance with a fresh reinforcement of troops. These 
arriving soon afterwards, formed, on their junction 
with those of Antipater, an army of 40,000 foot, 
5000 horse, and 3000 bowmen ; while that of the 
Athenians amounted to no more than 25,000 men 
and 3500 horse. A battle ensuing, the Greeks were 
defeated, owing almost entirely to the want of disci- 
pline among their soldiers. The allies having ap- 
plied to Antipater for terms of accommodation, re- 
ceived for answer, that he would treat separately 
with each of the states. Upon this the negociation 
was broken off; and the allies, instead of remaining 
united, having dispersed, Antipater presented him- 
self with his army before each of their cities sepa- 
rately, and dictated his pleasure to the inhabitants. 

The Athenians, thus deserted by their allies, upon 
hearing that Antipater was advancing against them 
from Thebes, deputed Phocion to go and meet him. 
Antipater insisted that the Athenians should sub- 
mit themselves entirely to his mercy ; and with this 
hard condition they found themselves obliged to 
comply. But Antipater afterwards condescended 
to enter into an alliance with them, on condition of 
their delivering up to him Demosthenes and Hy- 
perides ; of their restoring the government to its 
ancient state, when the public employments were 
conferred on the wealthier sort alone ; of their re- 
ceiving a garrison of his troops : and of their repay- 
ing him the expences of the war. 

After this, hearing that Demosthenes #nd Hy- 
perides had fled, he dispatched Archias in pursuit 
of them ; who finding Hyperides in Egina, dragged 
him from the temple, whither he had betaken him- 
self for sanctuary, and sent him to Antipater, by 
whom he was put to death. Archias having like- 
wise discovered Demosthenes in the island of Ca- 
lauria, where he had taken refuge in the temple of 
Neptune, endeavoured to persuade him to go along 



476 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

with him to Antipater, by assuring him that he 
would do him no harm. But Demosthenes, 
822. justly distrustful both of the servant of the 
tyrant, and of the tyrant himself, drank off 
the poison that he constantly carried about with 
him, which in a few moments afterwards put a pe- 
riod to his glorious life. 

Demosthenes was the prince of orators, as we have 
already had frequent occasion to observe, and as 
may be more fully seen from the comparison drawn 
up by Quintilian between his eloquence and that of 
Cicero. He was likewise a profound politician, ac- 
tuated by the warmest zeal for the interest of his 
country, and the most violent detestation of every 
thing that savoured of tyranny. Had the Athe- 
nians followed his advice, Philip never would have 
been able to arrive at the sovereignty of Greece. 

But it was the most extraordinary circumstance 
of all in the character of Demosthenes as an orator, 
that he never made a vain or ostentatious parade of 
his genius, nor ever indulged himself in any flourish 
with the sole intention of shining. His constant 
aim was to engage the attention of his audience to 
the merits of his cause, and convince their judg- 
ments. Some time after his death the Athenians 
erected a statue of brass to his memory. 

The Athenians soon became sensible, that, by 
subjecting themselves to Antipater, they had assunf- 
ed a very severe and imperious master. As the 
virtue of Phocion compelled in a manner the admi- 
ration of this new tyrant, several exiled citizens 
were peiynitted to return on the intercession of that 
celebrated Athenian. But a great number of the 
poorer inhabitants voluntarily abandoned the city. 
The government, however, of Antipater was exer- 
cised with great justice; and public employments 
were conferred on persons of merit alone. At the 
same time it is true, that men of factious disposi- 
tions, from whom Antipater apprehended distur- 
bance, were excluded from all offices in the state ; 



I 



CHAP, to ANCIENT GREECE. 477" 

a measure, however, that might perhaps redound no 
less to the happiness of Athens, than to the quiet 
and security of the tyrant. 

Eumenes, in the mean time, was put in posses- 
sion of Cappadocia. Ptolemy, Craterus, Antipater, 
and Antigonus fall out, form confederacies against 
one another, and Craterus perishes in the dispute. 
Perdiccas dies in an expedition against Egypt. 
Antipater likewise dies, after naming Polisperchon 
his successor in the government, in preference to his 
own son Cassander, who was by no means destitute 
of merit. This behaviour of Antipater, in choosing, 
preferably to his own son, Polisperchon, a stranger, 
but the oldest of all Alexander's generals, and a 
man of such experience as the nation stood in need 
of, cannot be too highly commended. But Cassan- 
der, provoked at what he called his father's injus- 
tice, resolved to form a party against Polisperchon, 
and engaged in his favour Ptolemy and Antigonus ; 
of whom the latter, having the command of the 
provinces of Asia Minor, was the most powerful of 
Alexander's successors. Polisperchon, on the other 
hand, laboured to strengthen his party ; and the 
better to dispose Greece to assist him, he re-esta- 
blished the states in their ancient independency, 
and recalled such citizens as were in banishment. 
But Nicanor, arriving in the mean time at Athens 
on the part of Cassander, took possession of Pyreus. 
Soon after, Alexander, the son of Polisperchon, 
having come thither likewise, under pretence of as- 
sisting the inhabitants, but really to make himself 
master of the place, found the inclinations of the 
citizens much divided. 

The moderation of Phocion proved his ruin. 
Wishing always to act as a mediator, he made it a 
rule to behave with candour and with mildness to 
the enemies of his country. This was at last im- 
puted to him as a crime. He was most unjustly 
accused of keeping up a treasonable correspondence 
with Nicanor; and was on that account degraded 



478 TKtE HISTORY OF BOOK IV* 

from his office of general. Phocion having present- 
ed himself before the people, with an intention to 
convince them of his innocence ; they refused to 
hear him, and condemned him to die. Every per- 
son of sense and virtue was shocked at seeing the 
man, who, by way of distinction, used to be called 
the honest man, treated in so cruel and unworthy a 
manner. His friends took their last farewell of him 
in tears. Phocion himself behaved on the occasion 
with the same tranquillity that had distinguished 
his most glorious days, and with that confidence 
^yhich innocence alone inspires. After beg- 
317. ging of one of his friends to in treat his son, in 
his name, to pardon this piece of injustice in 
the Athenians, he swallowed the hemlock juice. 

We shall be the less surprised at this glaring in- 
stance of injustice, when we consider, that all power 
was at that time in the hands of the most base and 
unworthy members of the state; who being with- 
out any person of sense and spirit to direct them, 
gave themselves up without controul, to dictates of 
caprice and passion. To the injustice and folly of 
such tumultuous assemblies as that by which Pho- 
cion was condemned, did the most virtuous men of 
this republic in former times owe their ruin. 

Phocion was educated in the school of Plato ; and 
was perhaps one of the most virtuous men that ever 
lived. Though almost all his life at the head of ar- 
mies, his love of mediocrity still remained with 
him, and no man ever carried disinterestedness to a 
higher pitch. Inflexible in every point that regard- 
ed the interests of the commonwealth, as well as his 
own conduct in life, he constantly preferred the 
good of the state to all concerns of his own ; and in 
private life, although he was of the mildest and 
most benevolent temper, yet he never in any parti- 
cular would depart from the stoical peculiarities in 
his character, to conform himself to the luxurious 
manners of the age. His exemplary sobriety pre- 
served him vigorous and healthful to a very advan- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 479 

ced age ; and when eighty years old, he command- 
ed armies. The temper of his wife, too, was per- 
fectly correspondent to his own. An Ionian lady 
having made an ostentatious display of her fine 
clothes and jewels before her, " As for me, (said 
she) I esteem my husband, who has commanded the 
Athenian armies these twenty years, as my finest 
ornament." Phocion was chosen general no fewer 
than four and-forty times. But it was a fixed 
maxim of his, that the justest wars weaken a state, 
and that peace ought to be the object of every wise 
government. It was not till some time after his 
death, that his ungrateful country, ashamed of her 
treatment of him, erected a statue of brass to his 
memory, in order as much as possible to wipe away 
the ignominy of so unjust and so disgraceful a con- 
demnation. 

With every virtue that could dignify a private 
character, Phocion possessed in an eminent degree 
the most important qualifications of a complete 
statesman and of a skilful general ; united in his 
person the political abilities of Themistocles, and 
the military talents of Miltiades ; and he might have 
been as serviceable to his country as those great 
men, had not faction excluded him from the com- 
mand in the most critical times, and preferred to him 
persons who were hardly worthy of being his scho- 
lars, either in the science of government or of war. 

The Athenians, finding themselves now in a de- 
fenceless situation, were obliged to submit to Cas- 
sander, to put him in possession of the citadel, and 
to receive from him a governor, on whom, accord- 
ing to the language of the age, they bestowed the 
appellation of tyrant. The man advanced by Cas- 
sander to this dignity, was Demetrius Pha- 
319. lerius, who w r as much esteemed at Athens 
for his eloquence, and who first interfered in 
the affairs of government about the time that Har- 
palus had deserted from Alexander. 

During their subjection to Cassander, the Athe- 



I 480 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

i 

nians enjoyed a state of much tranquillity under the 
administration of Demetrius, who, so far from abu- 
sing his power, behaved with such moderation that 
they hardly perceived him to be their master. He 
not only augmented the revenues of the republic, 
but retrenched in every department, except that of 
religion, all expences which seemed calculated sole- 
ly for luxury and ostentation. He remedied the 
abuses that prevailed in the matter of raising sepul- 
chral monuments, and restrained, as much as possi- 
ble, extravagance in furniture and in dress ; and the 
poor citizens profited greatly by his prudence and 
attention. Demetrius distinguished himself as high- 
ly in his philosophical as in his political capacity. 
All the ancient authors are unanimous in praising 
his virtue and the wisdom of his administration : 
and they rank him among the greatest men that 
Athens ever produced. 

Polisperchon, hearing that Cassander had gotten 
possession of Athens, marched and laid siege to that 
city ; but the besieged made so brave a resistance, 
that he was forced to relinquish the enterprise. 

Eumenes having been about this time defeated 
in an engagement by Antigonus, was taken prison- 
er, and soon after put to death. Of all the officers 
of Alexander, this was the wisest and most virtu- 
ous ; the best commander, the most artful politician. 
He seems to have been, on the whole, the most ac- 
complished man of his time, and the worthiest of 
becoming Alexander's successor. But he had the 
misfortune to lead an army composed of different 
nations, furnished him by the governors of provin- 
ces, each of whom aspired to be commander-in- 
chief. He remained to the last inviolably attached 
to the royal family. No consideration whatever 
could shake his integrity ; and he appeared, upon 
all occasions, to be actuated by the justest senti- 
ments of honour. But these extraordinary quali- 
ties rendered him the more obnoxious to the satraps, 
who envied the superior accomplishments of so skil- 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 481 

ful an officer, especially as he owed his advancement 
not to birth or intrigue, but to his singular merit 
alone. 

Olympias having been, by Polisperchon, recalled 
into Macedonia, made herself mistress of that king- 
dom, and put to death Arideus, who had borne the 
empty title of king for the space of six years. Eu- 
ridice the wife of Arideus, Nicanor the brother of 
Cassander, together with a great number of Cas- 
sander's other friends, were likewise the victims of 
the cruelty of that princess. But those cruelties did 
not long remain unpunished. Cassander having be- 
sieged her in Pidno, and obliged her to surrender 
at discretion, the relations of the persons she had 
caused to be murdered, demanded vengeance for 
those murders in the assembly of the Macedonians. 

She was accordingly condemned and put to 
317. death bv the hands of her accusers them- 
selves ; the soldiers sent for that purpose not 
daring to lay hands upon her. 

Cassander having led his army into Boeotia, was 
moved with compassion for the Thebans, who, since 
the destruction of their city by Alexander, wander- 
ed about from place to place, without any fixed ha- 
bitation. Cassander resolved to rebuild their city. 
Several states of Greece contributed to forward this 
generous and humane undertaking. The Athen- 
ians, in particular, rebuilt a part of the walls ; and 
Thebes soon recovered its former splendour. After 
this Cassander having marched against Argos, that 
city surrendered to him without making any resis- 
tance ; and those in the territory of Messene follow- 
ed its example. 

About this time Demetrius, the son of Antigon- 
us, began to make a figure. Plutarch draws an ad- 
vantageous character of this prince, and distinguish- 
es him by the title of Poliorcetes, which signifies, 
the taker of cities. He was the handsomest man of 
is time. His majestic air, tempered by a pleasant 
affable look, struck the spectators at once with awe 

2 H 



482 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IT, 

and pleasure. He employed his leisure in giving 
most magnificent feats and entertainments. But as 
soon as business called him to the cabinet or the 
camp, none exceeded him Jn diligence and activity, 
nor better supported fatigue and pain. He behav- 
ed with the highest respect to his parents, by whom 
he was most tenderly beloved. 

Seleucus having conquered Nicanor, and reduced 
under his power Media and Susiana, made a public 
entry into Babylon. From this period is dated the 
era of the Seleucidse, by which the orientals reckon- 
ed their chronology, as the christians do by that of 
Christ. Seleucus rendered himself beloved by his 
subjects, by the mildness of his government, by his 
justice, and by his humanity. Demetrius the son 
of Antigonus attempted in vain to expel him from 
the province of Babylon. Seleucus, indeed, having 
been absent in Media, Demetrius attacked and re- 
duced the castles of Babylon ; but was soon after 
obliged to retreat to his father in Asia Minor. 

The Macedonians, growing weary of the divi- 
sions that prevailed among the generals of Alexan- 
der, required that the young king, now about four- 
teen years old, who was the son of Roxana, and bore 
the same name with his father, should be set at 
their head. Cassander, dreading lest that might 
interfere with his ambitious designs, put to death 
privately both the young prince and his mother ; 
and next year, in concert with Polisperchon, he 
dispatched, in like manner, another son of Alexan- 
der, called Hercules, then a boy about seventeen 
years of age, who had been born to that prince by 
Barsine, the widow of Mnemon the Rhodian. An- 
tigonus, on the other hand, secretly put to death 
Cleopatra the sister of Alexander the Great, and 
widow of Alexander king of Epirus. Thus the 
generals of Alexander had the cruelty to extirpate 
the family of their sovereign, that they might have 
no master, and might hold their governments in 
perfect independence. Ambition stops not at the 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 483 

most detestable crimes. But the prosperity of those 
monsters was of short duration ; while, on the con- 
trary, Seleucus and Ptolemy, who acted on princi- 
ples of justice and clemency, became the founders 
of lasting empires. 

While Athens enjoyed a state of perfect 
306. tranquillity under the administration of De- 
metrius Phalerius, the deputy of Cassander, 
Demetrius Poliorcetes appeared off Pyreus, and 
blocked it up with a fleet of 350 ships. The A- 
thenians being taken unprepared, with their har- 
bour unguarded, Demetrius entered the harbour 
without opposition, and intimated to the Athen- 
ians by a herald, that he was come to set them at 
liberty, and re-establish their ancient form of go- 
vernment. The Athenians thinking it best to sub- 
mit, sent ambassadors to treat with him, whom he 
received in the most polite and obliging manner. 
Demetrius proceeded to lay siege to the fortress of 
Munichia, took it, dismissed the Macedonian gar- 
rison, and razed it to the ground. Then he made 
his entry into Athens, and re-established the demo- 
cratical form of government, which had been inter- 
rupted for the space of thirteen or fourteen years. 

As Demetrius Poliorcetes entertained a high es- 
teem for Demetrius Phalerius, he sent him, at his 
own request, to Thebes. For though the Athen- 
ians had erected 300 statues to his memory, that 
philosopher was very justly apprehensive of the 
change which this revolution might produce in the 
disposition of that fickle people. The Athenians, 
with a view of making their court to the conqueror 
condemned their late virtuous governor to death, 
used every means to render his memory odious, and 
overturned all the statues they had a little while 
before erected to his honour. On the other hand, 
they heaped the most extravagant honours on De- 
metrius Poliorcetes and his father Antigonus, call- 
ing them their kings and tutelary gods, and carry- 
ing their pictures in the procession at the feast of 

2 h 2 



484 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IT. 

Minerva. What a worthless, unaccountable, and 
degenerated people t Demetrius Phalerius took re- 
fuge with Cassander ; and after Cassander's death, 
he put himself under the protection of Ptolemy 
Soter in Egypt, who was the protector of all men 
of genius and learning. Demetrius soon gained the 
friendship of that prince, and employed himself, 
during his retreat, in the composition of several 
works on the subject of government. 

Demetrius Poliorcetes departed from Athens 
with a numerous fleet, to make the conquest of 
Cyprus. Having made good his landing in the isl- 
and, he immediately advanced against Salamina ; 
defeated Menelaus who defended that city; and 
battefed its walls with extraordinary warlike en- 
gines, and particularly the helepolis, to which how- 
ever the besieged found means to set fire in the 
night. Ptolemy, informed by Menelaus of the 
danger he ran of losing the island, hastened to its 
relief with a powerful fleet. But he was totally de- 
feated by Demetrius in a sea-fight. The conse- 
quence of this victory was the reduction of Salam- 
ina: of which, when Antigonus received intelli- 
gence, he was seized with such a transport of joy, 
that he sent his crown to Demetrius, and gave him 
in the letter the title of king. The Egyptians, on 
the other hand, bestowed the same title on Ptolemy. 

No man was more active or laborious in war than 
Demetrius ; who being uncommonly skilful in the 
mechanic powers, had an extraordinary turn for 
sieges, and for the construction of engines. His 
galleys of fifteen benches of oars, and the engine 
called helepolis, were striking proofs of his mecha- 
nical genius. 

After gaining the victory just mentioned, 
304. Demetrius resolved to besiege Rhodes, the 
capital of the island of the same name, a very 
rich trading city, forming by itself a powerful state, 
firmly attached to Ptolemy. Demetrius sailed a- 
gainst it with a numerous fleet, and an army of 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 485 

40,000 men. The engines used by him in this siege 
are much celebrated. The Rhodians took the wis- 
est precautions for making a vigorous resistance. 
Nothing could exceed the violence of the assaults 
made on the city by Demetrius, except, perhaps, 
the efforts of the besieged to sustain those assaults, 
and to repulse the enemy. The besieged made 
much use of engines, by which they threw fire- 
brands and darts. Demetrius, finding his attacks 
on the side of the harbour ineffectual, attempted it 
next on the land side, where he made use of an he- 
lepolis which exceeded in size any that had hitherto 
appeared. It consisted of nine storeys, each furnish- 
ed with catapultae and balistse ; it bore likewise two 
battering rams of a monstrous size, fortified w r ith 
iron ; which, when moved by the united strength 
of 1000 men, had a prodigious force. But while he 
was assaulting the city with this dreadful engine, 
several transports loaded with provisions arrived to 
the relief of the Rhodians. Demetrius, after car- 
rying on the siege for the space of a whole year, and 
performing incredible actions of personal valour, 
was at last obliged to raise it, and to agree to a trea- 
ty with the Rhodians, extremely honourable for the 
latter. For it was thereby declared, that the re- 
public of Rhodes should remain in possession of all 
its rights, privileges, and liberties, without being 
subject to any power whatever. 

The celebrated painter Protogenes happening to 
be at Rhodes during the course of this famous siege, 
quietly prosecuted his business, without being in 
the least disturbed by the noise of arms or the a- 
larms of the siege. Upon Demetrius asking him 
how he came to enjoy such tranquillity ? " Because," 
answered Protogenes, " I knew well that you had 
declared war against the Rhodians, not against the 
arts." Demetrius went often to see him when at 
work. The masterpiece of this painter was, as we 
have mentioned above, the picture of Jalisus, which 
even Apelles himself admired ; and in which a dog 



486 • THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV* 

was represented panting and foaming at the mouth 
as if after a hard chase. It is reported of Protogen- 
es, that after having long endeavoured to paint the 
foam issuing from the mouth of the dog, without 
being able to execute it as he desired ; losing pa- 
tience at last, he suddenly threw the sponge that 
he made use of for rubbing away what seemed amiss, 
on the canvas, which exactly produced the effect 
that the painter desired. 

Cassander about this time laid siege to Athens* 
Demetrius hastened to the relief of that city 
303. with a numerous fleet, and drove Cassander 
from Attica. On this occasion the Athenians 
lavished upon him the highest honours and the 
most extravagant flattery ; assigning him for an 
apartment a quarter of the temple of Minerva ; 
which Demetrius, whose debauches dishonoured his 
warlike exploits, polluted with every sort of profa- 
nation, even erecting in it altars to his courtezans. 
But not satisfied with that, he obliged the Athe- 
nians to furnish him without delay with the sum of 
150 talents ; which was no sooner delivered to him, 
than he bestowed it in a present on Damia his fa- 
vourite courtezan. At this time Demetrius pro- 
cured himself to be declared commander-in-chief of 
the Greeks, by an assembly of their states holden at 
the isthmus of Corinth. 

In the mean time, Antigonus aimed at nothing 
less than to dispossess the other successors of Alex- 
ander, namely, Cassander, Lysimachus, Seleucus, 
and Ptolemy, of their respective governments. But 
those other governors perceiving his intentions, 
formed a confederacy against him and his son De- 
metrius. A great battle was fought in the 
302. neighbourhood of Ipsus in Phrygia, where 
Antigonus was slain, and the confederates ob- 
tained a signal victory. 

In consequence of this victory, the confederated 
princes added the dominions of Antigonus to their 
former possessions; and, after much controversy ? 



CHAP, I. ANCIENT GREECE. 487 

they resolved to divide the whole empire of Alex- 
ander in the following manner : Egypt, Libya, 
Arabia, and Palestine, were assigned to Ptolemy ; 
Macedonia and Greece to Cassander ; Bithynia and 
Thrace to Lysimachus ; and Asia, as far as the river 
Indus, to Seleucus. This last territory, which com- 
prehended all the provinces of the ancient Persian 
empire, was called the kingdom of Syi~ia, because 
the Seleucidse, its kings of the race of Seleucus, re- 
sided at Antioch, a city of Syria. 

In the mean time, Demetrius appeared before 
Athens, and demanded admittance into that city. 
But the unfortunate situation of his affairs encour- 
aged the Athenians to refuse to comply with his 
request. They returned him for answer, that they 
would receive within their gates no king whatever. 

About the same time Cassander died, leaving two 
sons, who quarrelled about the succession to his 
kingdom. Demetrius having effected a reconcilia- 
tion with Seleucus, applied himself to the re-esta- 
blishment of his affairs. He marched against A- 
thens, full of resentment for the ungrateful treat- 
ment he had met with from its inhabitants ; and he 
blockaded the city so closely that he soon reduced 
them to the last extremity, and obliged them to 
open their gates, and to receive him as their con- 
queror. Having assembled the inhabitants in the 
theatre, he surrounded it with armed men. But 
after throwing the Athenians into the most violent 
terror imaginable, he suddenly assumed an air of 
affability, and declared that he freely forgave them. 
From Athens he marched against the Lacedemo- 
nians, with an intention to subdue that warlike 
people ; and coming to an engagement with their 
king Archidamus, who had marched out to oppose 
him in the neighbourhood of Mantinea, he gained 
a great victory. In a second engagement near Spar- 
ta, he cut in* pieces 200 Spartans. After this, it was 
not doub^Sv iiiai Sparta, which had never hitherto 
been in possession of any enemy, should be taken by 



f 



488 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

Demetrius. But some other affairs suddenly re- I 
quiring his appearance in another quarter, Sparta 
escaped once more* 

It was about this time that Seleucus built on the 
banks of the Tigris the city of Seleucia, which after- 
wards became so famous. 

Pyrrhus the renowned king of Epirus, who in the 
sequel distinguished himself as the best general of 
his time, began already to appear. He was the son 
of Eacides king of the Molossi. Having, while yet 
an infant, narrowly escaped from the hands of the 
rebels who had dethroned his father, he was carried 
into Illyrium, and there educated. After being re- 
stored to his kingdom, he was again driven out of 
it by the Molossi, who had taken advantage of his 
absence to rise in rebellion ; and he was obliged to 
take refuge with Demetrius his brother-in-law, with 
whom he was present at the battle of Ipsus, where 
he greatly distinguished himself. 

He went afterwards to the court of Ptolemy ; 
where he displayed extraordinary skill in every 
kind of manly exercises, became a favourite of the 
whole court by his generous and obliging behavi- 
our and showed that he was possessed of remarka- 
ble abilities. He had great command of temper, 
was mild and accessible, delighted every body by 
his affability, and in point of military skill, was 
generally preferred even to Demetrius. But he was 
of a lively impetuous disposition; and his restless 
temper and unbounded ambition never would per- 
mit him to remain in quiet. Here he took to wife 
Antigona, the daughter of Bernice, the wife of Pto- 
lemy ; and having by the intercession of that prin- 
cess obtained a fleet and some money from Ptolemy, 
he with that assistance regained possession of his 
kingdom. After this he made an alliance with Ly- 
simachus ; and attacked Macedonia, then in posses- 
sion of Demetrius, on the one side, while Lysima- 
chus attacked it on the other. The army of the % 
latter, disgusted by the haughtiness of his deport- 



CHAF. 1. ANCIENT GREEcfi. 489 

ment, deserted from him, joined Pyrrhus, and pro- 
claimed him king of Macedonia, But he soon lost 
that kingdom, and was obliged to return into 
Epirus. 

Cineas, a native of Thessaly, who had been a scho- 
lar of Demosthenes, and was a man of an excellent 
understanding, was the favourite and confidant of 
Pyrrhus. This man frequently represented to Pyr- 
rhus, in the most striking manner, the inutility of 
his ambitious projects ; and proved to his convic- 
tion, that it was as much in his power to enjoy, at 
the time he was arguing with him, the quiet and 
good cheer which Pyrrhus himself professed to be 
the end of all his undertakings, as it would be after 
he should have exposed himself to the numberless 
toils and dangers that he was continually meditat- 
ing. But though Pyrrhus was obliged to assent to 
his opinion, yet he found it impossible to re- 
280. strain his turbulent ambition ; which, after a 
variety of other exploits, prompted him to 
undertake an expedition even into Italy against the 
Romans, with whom he fought three battles* 

After gaining, by the means of his elephants, the 
first battle, Pyrrhus sent Cineas to Rome with 
offers of peace, which, by the advice of Appius 
Claudius, were rejected by the senate. Cineas, on 
his return, gave his master the most lofty idea of 
the Roman people, describing the senate as an as- 
sembly of so many kings. The Romans, in their 
turn, sent ambassadors to Pyrrhus, to convince him 
of his folly in making war upon them, and of the 
danger in which it might eventually involve him. 
Pyrrhus made the most tempting offers to Fabriei- 
us, who happened to be one of the ambassadors, to 
engage him to enter into his views : but Fabricius 
discovered by his answer a greatness of soul infi- 
nitely superior to all corruption. " Do you retain 
your wealth," said he, " and I will preserve my po- 
verty and integrity." Pyrrhus, however, persisted 
in his practices on Fabricius, and made more tempt- 



490 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

ing offers still to bring him over to his side. But 
that generous Roman rejected them all with the 
same firmness and magnanimity. Next year Fa- 
bricius transmitted to Pyrrhus, a letter written by 
the physician of that prince, wherein he offered to 
poison the king his master, provided the Romans 
would reward him suitably for his pains. Pyrrhus, 
struck with so high an instance of Roman genero- 
sity, set all his prisoners at liberty without a ran- 
som, and offered more advantageous terms of peace 
than before ; to which, however, the Romans would 
by no means hearken. 

A second battle was then fought between Pyr- 
rhus and the Romans near the city of Asculum : 
where both parties exerted extraordinary efforts of 
bravery, and the night alone put an end to the en- 
gagement. The loss was nearly equal on both sides, 
but the best troops of Pyrrhus were cut off. 

About this time happened a famous irrup- 
278. tion of the Gauls into the more polished and 
fruitful countries of the southern parts of 
Europe. A vast swarm of those barbarians, leaving 
their native regions of the north, proceeded south- 
wards, and appeared very unexpectedly on the fron- 
tiers of Macedonia ; where Ptolemy Ceraunus, who 
then possessed that kingdom, having ventured to 
give them battle, was totally defeated and slain. 
The victorious Gauls, after this success, divided 
their forces into two parties : one of which took the 
rout towards Thrace ; while the other, under Bren- 
nus, directed their course to Greece. Brennus hav- 
ing made himself master of the pass of Thermopy- 
lae after some opposition, he advanced to Delphos, 
with an intention to plunder the rich temple of 
Apollo. But the Greeks, anxious for the preserva- 
tion of so sacred a place, quickly assembled a power- 
ful army, charged the Gauls with their usual bra- 
very, further heightened on this occasion by all the 
fury of religious zeal, and obtained a complete vic- 
tory. Brennus, out of despair for the loss of the 



CHAP. I. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 



491 



battle, killed himself. Such of the Gauls as re- 
mained, endeavoured to retreat by the same road 
that had conducted them into Greece ; but they i 
were mostly destroyed, either by famine or by the 
sword. 

The Syracusans having applied to Pyrrhus for as- 
sistance against the Carthaginians, that prince left 
Italy, passed over to Sicily, and took possession of 
Syracuse ; where, having received money and a fleet 
from the Syracusans, he fell upon the Carthagini- 
ans, and ruined their power in that island. En- 
couraged by an uninterrupted course of prosperity, 
Pyrrhus began to meditate the conquest of Africa, 
intending to make his son Helenus sovereign of 
Sicily. But his good fortune had greatly altered 
his temper. He was now grown overbearing and 
tyrannical ; and his sole aim being to procure mo- 
ney to support the expence of his luxury and ex- 
travagance, he employed the most oppressive mea- 
sures for that purpose ; bestowed all offices on his 
own favourites ; and, instead of judging according 
to the laws, was guided by interest and caprice 
alone. This conduct soon alienated from him the 
affection of the people ; and Pyrrhus perceiving 
himself to be the object of public hatred, became a 
downright tyrant, put to death under various pre- 
tences the most illustrious citizens, and rendered 
himself detested by all the Sicilians. Having un- 
dertaken another expedition into Italy, at the insti- 
gation of the Samnites and Tarentines, he plunder- 
ed on his way the temple of Prosperine at Locri. 
But being overtaken by a violent tempest, his su- 
perstition was alarmed, and he sent back the riches 
lie had thence abstracted. 

Pyrrhus gave battle to the Romans a third time, 
near Beneventum, and was defeated. But this dis- 
aster by no means discouraged him. For it was a 
distinguishing circumstance in the character of 
Pyrrhus, that he remained firm and undismayed 
in the midst of the greatest misfortunes. Though 



492 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

he had now but a small army remaining, and no 
money at all to support it, he nevertheless passed 
i over into Macedonia, where Antigonus the son of 
Demetrius was then reigning, attacked that prince, 
defeated him, and in a short time reduced all the 
cities of Macedonia. 

While the other states of Greece ignominiously 
bowed the neck beneath the yoke of Alexander's 
successors, Sparta alone appeared to be re-animated 
by the ancient spirit of the country, and by that 
noble intrepidity which had formerly procured her 
the pre-eminence over all her neighbours. Cleony- 
mus, the son of Cleomenes king of Sparta, provoked 
at some part of the behaviour of his fellow-citizens, 
solicited Pyrrhus to march with an army against 
Sparta. That prince complied with the invitation ; 
and entering Laconia with an army of 25,000 men, 
ravaged and plundered the country round. The 
Lacedemonians sent ambassadors to treat. But 
Pyrrhus, without coming to the point, amused the 
ambassadors with flattering speeches and compli- 
ments, and advanced that same night to the very 
gates of Sparta. 

Though the Spartans, who expected nothing less, 
were much surprised at this step, yet they were by 
no means discouraged, but laboured for the remain- 
ing part of that night with the utmost expedition 
to throw up entrenchments. In this work they 
were assisted by their wives and young women ; who, 
after completing a third part of the entrenchment 
by themselves, presented arms to all the young men, 
and exhorted them to acquit themselves as they 
ought. Next day Pyrrhus made dispositions for 
attacking the city ; but met with a far more vigo- 
rous resistance than fee expected. A young Spar- 
tan, of a very handsome person, named Acroates, 
the son of king A reus, distinguished himself particu- 
larly on this occasion. All the Spartans indeed fought 
with the most remarkable bravery ; and after a long 
contest repulsed the troops of Pyrrhus. Next day 



CHAP. U ANCIENT GREECE* 493 

the attack was renewed ; and the Spartans, instead 
of failing or being discouraged, seemed rather to 
be inspired with additional valour. Their wo- 
men attended them during the whole engage- 
ment, supplied them with arms and drink, and car- 
ried off the wounded. But this desperate resistance 
only made Pyrrhus redouble his efforts. At length 
he was shocked at the dreadful carnage occasioned 
by his obstinacy, and resolved to retire. 

Pyrrhus, solely intent on war, marched, upon the 
invitation of Aristeas, the head of a faction in Ar- 
gos, against that city, which was distracted by in- 
testine dissensions. Areus king of Sparta laid an 
ambuscade for him on his way thither, and cut in 
pieces his rear guard, together with Ptolemy his 
son. Pyrrhus, exasperated by the loss of his child 
to a degree of despair, throws himself into the midst 
of his enemies, drives his horse against Evalcus the 
commander of the Lacedemonian cavalry, transfixes 
him with a javelin, and commits a frightful slaugh- 
ter among the best troops of the enemy around the 
body of Evalcus. Pyrrhus on all occasions was 
terrible in battle, but that day he surpassed himself. 
In this engagement the Spartans lost the flower of 
their soldiers. 

As soon as Pyrrhus arrived from Argos, he was 
admitted into the city by Aristeas and his faction. 
The Argives fled to the citadel, and begged assis- 
tance of Antigonus, who lay encamped hard by the 
city, King Areus having come likewise to the re- 
lief of the Argives with a choice body of Spartan 
soldiers, Pyrrhus resolved to march out and give 
them battle. But happening to embarrass himself 
in a narrow lane, where he could neither advance 
nor retreat, and being at the same time attacked by 
the enemy, he throws himself into the midst of 
them, and is wounded by a javelin thrown from the 
hand of a common soldier. Pyrrhus turned about 
to strike the soldier ; but a poor woman, who was 
looking at the engagement from the top of a house, 



494 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

perceiving that it was her own son whom Pyrrhus 
was going to strike, discharged a large tile at the 
head of Pyrrhus, who fell mortally wounded from 
his horse, and a soldier cut off his head. Antigonus 
soon got possession both of the camp and army of 
Pyrrhus, but behaved with great generosity to his 
son Helenus. 

Thus fell Pyrrhus, one of the most skilful com- 
manders of his time. Of this we cannot doubt, 
since Livy informs us, that Hannibal, on being ask- 
ed by Scipio, Whom he esteemed the best general 
that had ever lived ? made answer, that he account- 
ed Alexander the best, Pyrrhus the second, and 
himself the third. He added, that no general ex- 
celled Pyrrhus in the art of drawing up an army ; 
of choosing the most advantageous ground ; and of 
gaining the esteem and confidence of his soldiers. 
It is certain, however, that Pyrrhus was not possess- 
ed of all the qualifications requisite in a great com- 
mander. He committed innumerable blunders, 
continually exposed his person like a simple volun- 
teer, blindly undertook expeditions without proper 
examination or reflection, and acted upon no fixed 
plan. Hence we see him perpetually fluctuating 
and changing from one project to another, just as 
his restless ambition inclined him*. 

Antigonus, to dissolve an alliance conclud- 
268. ed between the Spartans and Athenians, laid 
siege to Athens, and took it. 

The Achean republic, composed of twelve incon- 
siderable towns in the Peloponnesus, had been 
subdued like the other states of Greece in the time 
of Alexander. It had remained subject to the Ma- 
cedonian power ever since ; but had often changed 
its master of late, having been sometimes under the 
power of Demetrius, sometimes under that of Cas- 
sander, and sometimes under that of Antigonus. 

* In the year before Christ 2(54 the first Punic war began, and 
continued twenty-two years. 



CHAP, L ANCIENT GREECE. 495 

At last they found means, in the time of Fyrrhus, 
to expel the tyrants imposed upon them by Anti- 
gonus; and they formed a strict union under the 
form of a single republic governed by a general 
council. 

About this timeSicyon groaned under the tyranny 
of Nicocles. But Aratus, the son of Nicias, one of 
the principal citizens, though then only twenty years 
of age, conceived the design of setting his country 
at liberty. Having concerted the necessary measures 
with the utmost prudence, he scaled the walls of 
the city ; and after effecting by that means, his en- 
try, he called aloud on the inhabitants to assert 
their liberty. They immediately obeyed the wel- 
come summons, set fire to the tyrant's palace, and 
recalled such of their number as were banished. 
Aratus, to render the liberty he had thus procured 
to his country more durable, persuaded the Sicyo- 
nians to accede to the Achaean league. For though 
the small republics united in that league were but 
weak, yet, by the wisdom of their general council, 
and by their perfect union, they were enabled to 
maintain their independency. 

Aratus, by his virtuous and prudent conduct, ac- 
quired still more and more the esteem of his fellow- 
citizens. He was not, however, a man of a perfect 
or of an equal character. He was in particular very 
deficient in military merit. For though at some- 
times he acted with great vigour and resolution, 
yet, the view of danger often rendered him timorous 
and irresolute. Being chosen a second time general 
of the Achaeans, he recovered from Antigonus the 
citadel of Corinth, whereof that prince had gotten 
possession. This was a place of great importance. 
Being situated on a hill, in the middle of the isth- 
mus, which separated the Peloponnesus from the 
continent, it commanded the sea and land on both 
sides, and in a great measure prevented all commu - 
nication with the Peloponnesus. By these means 
it gave its possessor the highest influence in the af- 



496 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV* 

fairs of Greece, and was therefore an object of jea- 
lousy among all the neighbouring powers. 

Aratus had promised sixty talents to an inhabi- 
tant of Corinth, who undertook to conduct him to 
the citadel, by a small path cut out of the rock on 
which the fortress was built. But being unable to 
advance the whole sum immediately, he was obliged 
to pawn the greatest part of his plate, together with 
his wife's jewels, for the balance. This was an in- 
stance of magnanimity, comparable, in the opinion 
of Plutarch, to any of the most shining actions of 
Grecian heroism. For here Aratus not only sacri- 
ficed his whole estate to the welfare of his country, 
but likewise exposed his life to most imminent dan- 
ger. Aratus resolved to make the attempt in the 

night, taking along with him 400 soldiers. 
243. He succeeded in the enterprise, drove out the 

enemy, and took possession of the citadel. 
The Corinthians thereupon joyfully opened their 
gates to him, acceded likewise, by his persuasion, 
to the Achaean league, and put a garrison into the 
citadel. This daring and successful exploit procured 
Aratus great reputation, and induced the Mega- 
reans, together with several other states, and even 
king Ptolemy himself, to join the Achaean league. 
The Achaeans, sensible that the sole aim of Aratus 
was their common advantage, that he was a profess- 
ed enemy of every species of tyranny, and highly 
desirous of restoring their cities to their ancient li- 
berty, continued him without interruption in the 
chief military command. 

About this time the Romans began to make their 
power respectable even among the Greeks. They 
sent an embassy to the Achseans and iEtolians, to 
persuade them to guarantee a treaty of peace that 
they had concluded with Teuta the widow of one 
of the kings of Illyrium. This country was then 
governed by a parcel of petty princes, who pestered 
all their neighbours with their piracies ; and having 
lately ventured to meddle with the effects of some 



CHAP, I. ANCIENT GREECE. 497 

of the Roman citizens, they had provoked that re- 
public to attack queen Teuta, whom the Romans 
obliged to abandon Illyrium entirely. On account 
of this important service, the Corinthians passed a 
public decree, admitting the Romans to the isth- 
mic games ; and the Athenians presented them 
with the freedom of their city. 

A set of tyrants having been planted in many of 
the cities of Greece by the power of the Macedo- 
nian princes, Aratus directed his principal attention 
to the extirpation of that vermin, who oppressed 
and ruined the respective states in which they had 
been placed. ; On this account one of those tyrants, 
and the most wicked of them all, called Aristippus, 
who domineered at Argos, employed many schemes 
to accomplish the destruction of Aratus. This 
Aristippus lived in continual apprehension, and was 
constantly busied in contriving precaution, for se- 
curing his life. For that purpose he retained a 
body of armed men to guard his house night and 
day. He slept in an upper chamber, to which he 
mounted by a ladder ; the only entry being by a 
trap -door, which was shut when the tyrant entered, 
and his bed placed above it. It is probable how- 
ever, that he slept never the sounder for all these 
precautions ; while Aratus, on the contrary, appear- 
ed always in public, without arms and without fear, 
attended by no other guard than the affection of his 
fellow-citizens. That virtuous republican having 
at last come to an engagement with Aristippus, 
gained a complete victory over the tyrant, who was 
killed in the battle. Aratus next persuaded Ly- 
siades, tyrant of Megalopolis, voluntarily to resign 
his sovereignty, and to restore that city to its for- 
mer liberty. 

Agis king of Sparta, though no more than twenty 
years of age, laboured to bring about a reformation 
in that city, where luxury and avarice had of a long 
while acquire da footing, and to enforce the system 
established by Lyeurgus. Such an undertaking re- 
quired a man of a very different character from 

2 i 



498 t THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

Agis : who, besides his want of years and expe- 
rience, was of too mild and irresolute a disposition. 
The youth, however, and the people in general, 
highly applauded the design. But it was opposed 
by the rich, who were headed by his colleague Leo- 
nidas. The reformation, therefore, took place only 
in part, Agis himself having set the example, by 
sharing all his wealth with his fellow- citizens. 

While things were in this situation at Sparta, 
the Achaeans being at war with the iEtolians, beg- 
ged assistance from the Lacedemonians ; who sent 
them an army under the command of Agis. 
The Lacedemonian auxiliaries joined Aratus at 
Corinth ; but, upon the Achaean s declining to 
come to an engagement w r ith the enemy, Agis 
returned to Sparta. On arriving at that city, 
he found the people exasperated and spirited up a- 
gainst him by the machinations of Agesilaus, one 
of the principal citizens, who accused him of having 
imposed on the people, by persuading them that an 
equal division of effects. would be brought about. 

Leonidas, who had been deposed, and in whose 
place Cleombrotus his son-in-law had been made 
king, was recalled and replaced on the throne. 
Leonidas, highly enraged against Cleombrotus for 
having usurped his dignity, vented against him the 
bitterest reproaches, and expelled him the city. Then 
he applied himself to accomplish the ruin of Agis, 
who, being decoyed from his asylum, was thrown in- 
to prison. Leonidas, having gained over the ephori 
to his side, brings Agis to trial for attempting to in- 
troduce innovations in the government. Agis was 
condemned to death, without so much as being al- 
lowed the privilege of defending himself, and with- 
out being tried by his fellow- citizens: and he was 
afterwards strangled in prison. The people hearing 
what was passing, were provoked at the injustice of 
the proceedings against their king, and made an 
insurrection to save his life. But their zeal served 
only to hasten the fate of that unfortunate 
244. prince ; whose mother and grandmother, hav 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 499 

ing gone to the prison and demanded access to 
him, were laid hold of and put to death likewise. 
What accumulated horror ! And what a change in 
Sparta. 

Leonidas having died soon after, his son Cleo- 
menes mounted the throne. This prince, being of an 
active enterprising disposition, and extremely desi- 
rous of glory, beheld with pity the citizens of Sparta 
abandoned to luxury and indolence, and careless 
about the public welfare. Perceiving the whole 
power of the state to be in the hands of the ephori, 
he resolved to attempt to change the form of go- 
vernment ; and hoping that war should enable him 
to accomplish his designs, he took occasion, from 
some acts of hostility committed by Aratus on the 
territory of the Arcadians, to declare war against 
the Achaeans; and immediately taking the field 
with an army, offered the enemy battle. Aratus, 
dismayed at the boldness of Cleomenes, whom he had 
hitherto considered as an inexperienced youngfman, 
retreated ; and thereby incurred severe reproaches 
from his own soldiers. Cleomenes, emboldened by 
his success against Aratus, pushed his advantage, 
and beat the Achaeans in several skirmishes. 

Having by these means greatly advanced his 
authority at Sparta, he no longer hesitated to put 
his design in execution. But before entering that 
city, he sent forward privately a body of armed 
men, who, surprising the ephori while at table, kill- 
ed four of them. Then Cleomenes assembling the 
people, representing to them how enormously the 
ephori had abused their power, acquainted them 
with his design of reviving the laws of Lycurgus ; 
and to convince them of the sincerity and upright- 
ness of his intentions, immediately made an equal 
division of his own wealth, and prevailed on his 
friends and relations to follow his example. Then 
he applied himself to restore the laws of Lycurgus, 
touching the education of the youth, the exercises, 
and the public tables ; and the citizens cheerfully 
conformed themselves to this change of life. 
K ^ 2 I 2 ' 



500 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

At the same time, to show his enemies that these 
innovations had not diminished the affection enter- 
tained for him by his countrymen, he attacked and 
laid waste the territory of Megalopolis, and carried 
off a considerable booty. 

Besides all this, the plainness and simplicity of his 
, . dress, the frugality and sobriety of his table, and the 
affability of his deportment, showed that he meant to 
form the citizens by his own example. But he 
studied, above all, to gain the confidence and affec- 
tion of his troops ; and with success, for they testi- 
fied great ardour to fight under his command. 
Availing himself of this favourable disposition in the 
soldiers, he took the field against the Achseans, gain- 
ed a great victory over them, and forced them to 
sue for peace ; which Cleomenes consented to grant, 
on condition of their choosing him commander-in- 
chief of the forces of the league. 

The Achseans seemed disposed to comply with this 
condition. But Aratus, who had now enjoyed the 
command three-and-thirty years, regarding it as an 
affront, resolved to engage Antigonus in the affair. 
For this purpose he made application to that prince 
in an indirect manner, by two citizens of Megalo- 
polis; which city being in the neighbourhood of 
Sparta, was much exposed to the incursions of the 
enemy* Those two Megalopolitans represented to 
Antigonus that Cleomenes aspired at the conquest* 
not only of the Peloponnesus, but of all Greece ; 
that it was the interest of Antigonus to prevent the 
execution of these ambitious designs ; that they had 
good reason to believe that Aratus would be inclin- 
ed to co-operate with him in proper measures for 
that end; and that as a security for the sincerity 
and attachment of the Achaeans, they would put 
him in possession of the citadel of Corinth. Anti- 
gonus, to whom this afforded a fair opportunity of 
intermeddling in the affairs of Greece, listened with 
pleasure to the proposals of the Megalopolitans, and 
promised to assist them, providing the agreement 



CHAP. I. ANCIENT GREECE. 501 

were approved of by the Achseans ; who being ac- 
cordingly informed of the dispositions of Antigonus, 
resolved by the persuasion of Aratus to continue 
the war. Cleomenes having thereupon seized on 
several cities in the Peloponnesus, theAchseans im- 
mediately begged of Antigonus to come with all 
diligence to their assistance. 

That prince obeyed the invitation ; advanced to 
support them with an army of 20,000 foot and 1400 
horse ; and after several events, of which it would 
be too tedious to enter into a minute detail, made 
himself master of Mantinea and Orchomene, and re- 
duced Cleomenes to the necessity of defending La- 
conia. This did not, however, discourage Cleome- 
nes ; who setting at liberty a great number of the 
Helots, on their paying him a certain sum of money, 
armed 2000 of them after the Macedonian fashion, 
and carried by assault the city of Megalopolis after 
a faint resistance. Then he offered to the Megalo- 
politans, who had taken refuge with the Messenians, 
to restore to them their city on condition of their 
renouncing the Achaean league. But the Megalo- 
politans rejected the proposal, being resolved to ad- 
here to their engagements, though at the expence of 
their city and territory, Cleomenes, provoked at 
their refusal, gave the city up to be plundered, and 
demolished its walls. 

The Achseans at length discovering, that instead 
of an ally in Antigonus, they had given themselves 
a master, repented when too late of their conduct. 
Perceiving, however, that submission was now their 
safest course, they behaved to Antigonus with the 
grossest and basest flattery. They even offered sa- 
crifices to him. Aratus no longer possessed any 
power; nor could he so much as prevent Antigonus 
from replacing the statues of the tyrants, which he 
himself had overturned. Thus was Aratus justly 
punished for his jealousy of Cleomenes. That gal- 
lant Spartan, early in the spring, before the Mace- 
donians had left their winter-quarters, made an in- 
cursion into the territory of Argos, and laid waste 



502 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

the country. Hitherto he had had the glory of hold- 
ing at bay the whole Macedonian power, and of pre- 
serving Laconia from invasion. But in the ensuing 
summer, Antigonus advanced against that country 
at the head of 28,000 men. 

The two armies met in the neighbourhood 
223. of Selasia, where Cleomenes had his army very 
strongly encamped. Antigonus immediately 
attacked Cleomenes, who had only 20,000 men. 
The battle began near Olympus, and both parties 
fought with the greatest obstinacy. But at last the 
Macedonian phalanx rushing forwards on the La- 
cedemonians with their spears couched, drove them 
from their entrenchments. Most of the auxiliary 
troops fell in this battle ; and Plutarch says, that of 
6000 Spartans, only 200 remained alive. Antigo- 
nus owed his victory in a great measure to the 
courage of Philopcemen, yet a very young man, 
who fought at the head of the Achaean cavalry. 

Though the loss of this battle threatened Sparta 
with utter ruin, yet that people supported their de- 
feat with the same constancy and magnanimity 
that they had displayed in the most flourishing 
times of their republic. Every individual there ap- 
peared to be more affected by the public misfortune 
than by his own private loss. Wives did not mourn 
the death of their husbands, nor fathers that of their 
sons ; but, on the contrary, they esteemed them 
happy in having died in the cause of their country. 

Cleomenes, unable to bear the sight of Sparta af- 
ter this dreadful misfortune, only touched at that 
city, and immediately afterwards set sail for Egypt. 
Antagonus, arriving soon after at Sparta, took pos- 
session of it as conqueror. But his resentment being 
satisfied with his victory, and with the flight of 
Cleomenes, he treated the inhabitants with great 
kindness. He overturned, however, every thing 
done by Cleomenes for reviving the institutions of 
Lycurgus. 

This fatal defeat at Selasia utterly ruined the 
Spartan power, and deprived that people of all pos- 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 503 

sibility of ever arriving again at their original splen- 
dour. Antigonus, after remaining a few days at 
Sparta, set out for Macedonia, where the barbarians 
were committing great devastations. But falling into 
a languishing disorder, he died about two or three 
years after. 

Cleomenes arriving at Alexandria, soon procured 
by his singular merit the esteem of king Ptolemy, 
who loaded him with presents, and, by way of con- 
solation, promised to assist him with money and a 
fleet to regain his throne, and to assert the liberty 
of his country. Death, however, which soon after 
carried off that prince, prevented his good intentions 
towards Cleomenes from taking effect. 

About this time there happened at Rhodes 
222. a dreadful earthquake, which did immense 
damage, and threw down the famous Colos- 
sus, a brazen statue of a prodigious size. The Rho- 
dians, finding themselves ruined by this disaster, 
implored the clemency of the neighbouring princes. 
Hiero and Gelo, kings of Sicily, and Ptolemy king 
of Egypt, sent them very large sums of money, and 
behaved to them with the noblest humanity. An- 
tigonus, Seleucus, and Mithridates, followed their 
example ; ,and Rhodes, by the bounty of those prin- 
ces, was soon restored to a more opulent and flou- 
rishing condition than it had ever enjoyed before. 

CHAP. II. 

Affairs of Greece, from the capture of Sparta by Antigonus, till 
the whole country became a Roman province. 

The iEtolians, the most unpolished people of 
Greece, who were inured to all the hardships of war, 
and lived by robbery &nd plunder, had lately begun 
to make a distinguished figure in that country. 
Taking advantage of the exhausted situation of the 
Peloponnesians, who were greatly reduced by the 
late war, and since the battle of Selasia were desir- 
ous of peace and quiet, they made an irruption into 



504 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

the territory of Messene, and qommitted great ra- 
vage and devastation. Upon this Aratu,s marched 
against them with the Ach^eans. But having been 
defeated near Caphia, that general became more 
timorous and irresolute than ever, and the Achaeans 
were obliged to apply for assistance to Philip the 
young king of Macedon, who had succeeded to that 
kingdom on the death of his father Antigonus. 

About this time, too, discord prevailed at Sparta, 
where one of the ephori was killed in an insurrec- 
tion of the inhabitants, because he and his colleagues 
favoured the cause of Philip. That prince, upon 
the solicitatiqn of several cities who complained to 
him of being harassed by the iEtolians, having come 
to Corinth, where a general assembly of the Achae- 
ans was then holden, procured war to be declared 
against the iEtolians. This happened during the 
siege of Saguntum by the famous Hannibal, who 
passed from thence into Italy. 

Cleomenes in the mean time ended his days 
miserably in Egypt. Having been rendered sus- 
pected to the new king, who attended to nothing 
but his pleasures, he was thrown into prison. His 
friends found means to deliver him from his con- 
finement, set him at their head, and attempted to 
excite a rebellion in the city, by inviting the peo- 
ple to assert their liberty. But no person daring to 
join them, they were seized with despair ; and, to 
avoid the shame of a disgraceful public punishment, 
agreed to kill one another. When the king was in- 
formed of what had passed, he most inhumanly or- 
dered the mother and children of Cleomenes to be 
put to death ; and the body of that brave but un- 
fortunate prince to be affixed to a cross. 

Philip having made preparations for attacking the 
iEtolians, engaged several of the princes of Illyrium 
to assist him, and, among the rest, Demetrius of 
Pharus, a bold and enterprising, but a rash man, 
who, on being expelled his own territories by the 
Romans, had chosen the court of Ptolemy for an 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 505 

asylum. The Achaeans likewise applied for assist- 
ance to their allies ; but the people of Acarnania 
and Epirus alone granted them the succours de- 
manded. Philip, setting out from Macedonia with 
an army of 15,000 men, entered iEtolia, and redu- 
ced a great number of towns. On the other hand, 
Dorimachus the iEtolian general ravaged the coun- 
try of Epirus. Philip being joined at Caphia by a 
body of troops under Aratus the younger, formed 
in conjunction with him the siege of Psophis, a city 
of Arcadia ; and having in the height of winter 
made himself master of the fort, which by its situa- 
tion was accounted impregnable, he delivered it to 
the Achaeans, to whom it was a place of very great 
importance. After this Philip proceeded to lay 
waste the country of Elis. 

The Achaeans in the mean time were very harshly 
used by Apelles, who having been formerly Phi- 
lip's tutor, was in great favour with that prince. 
This man intended to make the Achaeans altogether 
dependent on the pleasure of Philip's ministers. 
But on the representations of Aratus, Philip com- 
manded him to do no business which regarded that 
people, except in concert with their general. Hither- 
to Philip had displayed much mildness and affabi- 
lity, and a skill in the art of war much above his 
years. But we shall soon see him acting in a very 
different manner. 

Sparta was at this time distracted by intestine 
commotions, and a prey to a set of petty tyrants, 
who contended with one another for the throne. 
One of those tyrants, named Chilo, having entered 
the city at the head of a body of armed men, under 
pretence of his title to the throne being preferable 
to that of Lycurgus, put to death all the ephori. 

Apelles, intent on prosecuting his designs against 
the Achaeans, and finding continual opposition from 
Aratus, resolved to rid himself of that patriot. To 
effect his ruin, he practised so many arts on Philip, 
that at last he made him suspicious of Aratus. Phi- 



506 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

lip, however, was soon sensible of the want of the 
prudent counsel of that great man ; and therefore 
having given him an opportunity of justifying him- 
self, he restored him to his confidence and friend- 
ship. Apelles thereupon resumed his practices ; 
racked his brain to invent calumnies against Ara- 
tus ; and even took secret measures to disappoint 
the enterprises of Philip, in order to bring his ene- 
my into disgrace. That prince having at present 
the iEtolians, Lacedemonians, and Eleans, on his 
hands all at once, resolved to attack them by sea, to 
oblige them to divide their forces. Having made 
a descent on Cephalonia, an island in the Ionian 
sea, he besieged the city of Palea. But by the fault 
of Leon this, a man devoted to Apelles, he was 
obliged to raise the siege. Apelles and Leontius, 
who acted in concert, were continually suggesting 
schemes to Philip, which but for the prudent coun- 
sels of Aratus, must have infallibly ruined his af- 
fairs. 

Philip, having returned to the continent, secretly 
marched by an unfrequented way through rocks to- 
wards Thermae, a considerable city, where most of 
the riches of the iEtolians were deposited, and 
where they kept their fairs. Arriving before the 
city, he immediately attacked it, and entering it 
with his army, found an immense booty. The Ma- 
cedonians, calling to mind the outrageous behaviour 
of the JEtolians at Donona, resolved to take their 
revenge here. They set fire therefore to their tem- 
ple, and destroyed a great number of their statues. 
Philip concluded this expedition by a very skilful 
retreat ; which he effected without any disorder, 
and with very little loss. Polybius informs us that 
Aratus was the contriver and the conductor of this 
enterprise. That great man was singular in this 
respect, that he could form an extraordinary plan of 
this kind, and execute it more skilfully in concert 
with another general, than by himself alone. The 
whole army bestowed the highest applause on the 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 507 

conduct of this expedition, except Leontius alone, 
the confidant of Apelles, and one of Philip's princi- 
pal officers ; who was so heartily vexed at its suc- 
cess, that he could not restrain himself from break- 
ing out into the most insolent reproaches against 
Aratus. 

Philip, departing from Leucades, arrived at Co- 
rinth, disembarked his troops, and proceeded by the 
way of Argos to Tegeum in Laconia. The Lace- 
demonians were much surprised on hearing that 
this young prince, whom they imagined to be at a 
great distance, was in the heart of their country. 
Philip indeed usually accomplished his marches 
with such diligence that the Greeks were amazed at 
it. After ravaging Laconia, Philip returned to 
Corinth. In the mean time, Apelles, and his son, 
having, by their insolent conduct, quite exhausted 
the patience of that prince, were, by his orders, ap- 
prehended and put to death * 

The iEtolians, greatly exhausted by the war, 
grew at last very desirous of peace. On the other 
hand, Philip not only prevailed on the allies to con- 
tinue the war, but, after making a journey into Ma- 
cedonia, returned himself into Greece, and laid siege 
to Thebes in Phthiotis, which he took after a vigor- 
ous resistance. At last, however, upon the earnest so- 
licitations of the people of Chios, Rhodes, and By- 
zantium, to grant peace to the iEtolians, he march- 
ed with his army to Naupactus, where he entered 
into a conference with the iEtolian deputies, and at 
last concluded peace with them, on condition that 
each party should retain possession of the 
217. places in their hands. In this year happened 
the famous battle between Hannibal and the 
Romans, near the lake Thrasimene, where the lat- 
ter were totally routed with great slaughter. 

The temper of Philip, in the mean time, appear- 
ed to be greatly altered. He gave himself up to 

* In the year 218 before Christ the second punic war began, 
and continued seventeen years. 



508 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

every sort of debauchery ; treated the cities and 
states in alliance with him with un supportable 
haughtiness ; and after receiving the check at Ap- 
pollonia from the Romans, he seemed determined 
to vent his resentment for that defeat on his con- 
federates, by ravaging the country of Messene. 
Aratus having remonstrated pretty smartly against 
this extraordinary conduct, was from that moment 
, regarded by Philip as an impertinent censurer ; and 
was basely poisoned by the procurement of that 
prince, who by this time was hardened in cruelty, 
and hesitated at no crime, however base or detesta- 
ble. Such was the end of this illustrious patriot, 
and such the reward received by him from 
Philip for the many important services he had ren- 
dered him. The Aehasans and Sicyonians contend- 
ed for the honour of raising a tomb to his memory ; 

but the latter prevailed, on account of his 
21e. being a native of their city. His funeral 

was celebrated with the highest magnifi- 
cence, and the Sicyonians even offered sacrifices at 
his tomb, as the saviour of their city, and the restor- 
er of the Achaean republic. 

Philip next seized on the city of Issus belonging 
to the Illyrians, and took by stratagem its citadel, 
which was thought impregnable. The Romans, 
- whose affairs began now to wear a better aspect by 
the reduction of Syracuse and Capua, taking um- 
brage at the growing power of Philip, formed the 
scheme of stirring up against him of new the iEto- 
lians, then accounted the most powerful people of 
Greece. For that purpose, Valerius Levinus ha- 
ving been dispatched in the quality of ambassador 
to the iEtolians, exhorted them by a long oration, 
to enter into alliance with the Romans, whose power 
he highly extolled. His advice being seconded, 
and his arguments enforced, by Scopas, one of their 
chiefs, the treaty was agreed to. Then the iEtolians 
invited several other states, and particularly the 
Spartans, to accede to this alliance ; but they were 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 509 

zealously opposed by the Acarninians, who, having 
declared for Philip, used their utmost endeavours 
to prevent the Spartans from embracing the con- 
federacy. These representations, however, were 
ineffectual. 

Sparta was at this time distracted by tw r o factions. 
That of Machanidas having prevailed, and made 
him master of the city, he declared against Philip, 
and attacked the Achreans, who thereupon implored 
the protection of that prince. Philip came to their 
assistance, and defeated in two engagements the 
iEtolians, who were supported by king Attalus. 
But Ptolemy king of Egypt, the Rhodians, and A- 
thenians, apprehensive lest Philip should make a 
conquest of all Greece, sent ambassadors, earnestly 
desiring him to make peace with the iEtolians. 
This produced a conference to deliberate on the 
terms of peace. But the iEtolians insisting on con- 
ditions more agreeable to the situation of conquer- 
ors than of the conquered, Philip called on the am- 
bassadors present to bear witness, that the iEtolians 
themselves had frustrated their good intentions. 
The conference was thereupon broken off. 

A few days after, Philip, being joined by the A- 
chseans, advanced towards the city of Elis, where 
the iEtolians had a garrison, and laid waste the 
neighbouring country, to provoke the enemy to 
come to an engagement. His operations had the 
desired effect. The enemy, among whom were 
4000 Romans, commanded by the proconsul Sul~ 
picius, attacked him ; and the battle was very brave- 
ly and obstinately fought. Here Philopoemen, who 
led the Achaean cavalry, struck dead with his lance 
the commander of the jEtolian cavalry, by whom 
he had been attacked. Philip, seeing his army 
giving ground, threw himself into the midst of the 
Roman infantry. By this rash action he occasioned 
a dreadful carnage ; and it was with the utmost 
difficulty that the Macedonians disengaged and 
saved their king. Philip, after laying waste the 



I 



510 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

country, and carrying off a great booty, was obliged 
to march into Macedonia to protect it against the 
barbarians, who had lately made a desperate incur- 
sion into that kingdom. 

Next year, Sulpicius and king Attalus joining at 
Lemnos, advanced with their combined fleet to- 
wards Eubcea, laid siege to Orea, and took it by 
the treachery of the commanding officer. Intend- 
ing next to attack Chalcis, they proceeded to that 
place ; but thinking it too well fortified, they desist- 
ed from that undertaking. Besides its strong si- 
tuation on the land-side, that city derived great 
security from its lying on the famous strait of Eu- 
ripus, where the waves are always violently agita- 
ted, sometimes from one quarter, sometimes from 
another, occasioned by an irregular current which 
renders the bay extremely unsafe for shipping. 
Then Attalus laid siege to Opontum ; and, in spite 
of the great expedition made by Philip to relieve 
it, took it before his arrival. 

In the mean time Machanidas, tyrant of Lacede- 
mon, having levied a considerable army, formed a 
scheme for making himself master of all the Pelo- 
ponnesus ; and advanced into the territory of Man- 
tinea. The allies, too, were ready to take the field ; 
and Philopoemen being chosen general of the Achse- 
ans, assembled their troops, and, after exhorting 
them to second his zeal by their obedience, ardour, 
and courage, led them on to action. 

This celebrated hero is commonly called the last 
of the Greeks, because it is observed, that after him 
Greece produced no leading man worthy of her for- 
mer glory. As he will make a considerable figure 
in the sequel, it may not be improper here briefly 
to lay before the reader the most distinguished par- 
ticulars of his character. Philopoemen was a na- 
tive of Megalopolis, a city of Arcadia. He had re- 
ceived an excellent education, having been carefully 
instructed in the philosophy of Arcesilaus, chiefly 
calculated to inspire men with a spirit of patriotism, 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 511 

and to prepare them for state employments. Philo- 
pcemen had early proposed Epaminondas for his, 
model. From his infancy he showed a strong pro- 
pensity for war, discovering a peculiar fondness for 
men distinguished by their military exploits, and for 
all warlike exercises. As soon as he was able to 
bear arms, he entered himself among the troops us- 
ually sent into Laconia to* pillage. During the in- 
tervals of leisure, he applied himself to the exercises 
proper for strengthening the body, such as hunting 
and agriculture, often holding the plough with his 
own hands. For, in those times, the most polite na- 
tions set the highest value on tillage, and the great- 
est men employed themselves in the manual labour 
requisite in husbandry. 

Philopcemen took great delight likewise in the 
study of philosophy, and in perusing the poems of 
Homer and the life of Alexander, which furnished 
him with the most animating lessons of bravery. 
He applied himself particularly to the study of tac- 
tics, or the art of drawing up an army in battle or- 
der ; and he often amused himself with putting his 
precepts in practice on all the varieties of ground 
through which he happened to pass with his troops. 
When Cleomenes king of Sparta attacked Megalo- 
polis, Philopcemen signalized his courage very high- 
ly in the defence of that his native country. He 
likewise distinguished himself at the battle of Sela- 
sia. After that he went to Crete, an island then a- 
bounding with men skilful in the art of war ; and 
having there completed his education in the mili- 
tary art, he returned into his native country, and 
was soon after chosen general of the Achaean cavalry. 

As soon as he received the command, he applied 
himself to restore a strict discipline among the sol- 
diers, employing for that purpose earnest remonstran- 
ces, and, when these failed, severe chastisement. He 
accustomed the young men to all the exercises of 
war ; rendered them expert at the necessary military 
evolutions ; and, by distributing prizes among those 



512 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

who made the greatest proficiency, he kept up a- 
raong them a spirit of diligence and emulation. At 
the battle of Elis, mentioned above, he gave a sig- 
nal proof both of his valour and military skill. A- 
ratus had raised the Achaean republic to that pitch 
of power at which it then stood. Philopoemen was 
destined to make them soldiers. He introduced 
great alterations in the armour used by the troops, 
which he made heavier than it was before. He 
taught them a new method of fighting ; and accus- 
tomed them to close engagements. 

He considerably restrained the luxury and expen- 
sive turn of his fellow-citizens, in point of equipa- 
ges and dress. But finding it impossible to reform 
them altogether, he endeavoured to direct their 
taste to the objects most worthy of men generally 
exposed to war, namely, to the purchase of fine hor- 
ses, elegant arms, helmets adorned with beautiful 
feathers, and embroidered coats of mail ; hoping, by 
these means, to heighten their valour and love of 
arms. In this Csesar followed his example. As for 
himself, he carried his simplicity, in point of dress, 
so far, that he appeared to be nothing less than the 
general of an army. Plutarch tells us, that Philo- 
poemen happening one day to arrive alone at the 
house of a friend, by whom he had been invited to 
dinner, the mistress of the house, though she knew 
of his coming, was so far from imagining that a per- 
son in his dress was the general of the Achgeans, that 
she mistook him for a servant, and begged the fa- 
vour of him to assist in doing some affairs in the 
kitchen, because her husband was from home. Phi- 
lopoemen very readily granted her request ; and, lay- 
ing aside his cloak, fell to cleaving wood. The hus- 
band arriving in the mean time, cried out in amaze- 
ment, " How, my lord Philopoemen, what means 
this ?" " I am only paying (answered he) the penal- 
ty for my poor appearance." 

Philopoemen, after visiting the cities, levying 
troops, and making the necessary preparations for 



CHAP. lh ANCIENT GREECE. 513 

war, assembled his army at Mantinea, and gave bat- 
tle to Machanidas. The charge was extremely vio- 
lent ; and the fate of the battle remained long doubt- 
ful. Both parties fought hand to hand with great 
obstinacy. The right wing of the Achaean army at 
last giving way, Machanidas pushed his advantage. 
While he was intent, however, on pursuing those 
that fled, Philopcemen skilfully took possession of 
the post relinquished by Machanidas, gave a differ- 
ent turn to the engagement, charged the enemy on 
their return from the pursuit, and put them to flight. 
Perceiving, at the same time, Machanidas jumping 
a ditch, with an intention to make his escape, he 
aimed his javelin at him, and struck him dead in 
the ditch. The conquerors, after cutting off his 
head, pursued the remainder of his army all the way 
to the city of Tegeum, which they took by assault. 
In this battle the loss of the Lacedemonians amount- 
ed to more than 4000 men, while that of the Achae- 
ans was very inconsiderable. The latter, sensible 
that they owed this victory entirely to the skill of 
their general, erected a statue of brass to his honour. 

At the Nemsean games, which was celebrated 
soon after, Philopcemen happening to enter the 
theatre, followed by the young men who composed 
his phalanx, just as the musician Pylades was sing- 
ing to his lyre the following lines of an old poet, 

cc The palm of liberty for Greece I won/' 

the audience immediately looked at Philopcemen, 
and gave a great shout. 

Sparta, in the mean time, groaned beneath the 
yoke of a more cruel tyrant still than Machanidas, 
namely, Nabis ; who, besides the other vices com- 
mon to all tyrants, was actuated by a violent spirit 
of avarice, which prompted him to torture and to 
banish the richer sort of citizens, that he might seize 
upon their wealth. To maintain himself in his ty- 
ranny, he took into his pay a large body of foreign 
soldiers, capable of every sort of mischief; by whose 



514 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

help he put to death all those whom he suspected to 
be his enemies. 

Nabis having received from Philip king of Ma- 
cedon the city of Argos, in pledge for some money 
wherewith he had supplied that prince, there prac- 
tised the most shocking cruelty. Having invented 
a machine in the form of a statue resembling his 
wife, the breast, arms, and hands of which were 
stuck full of pegs of iron, and covered with magni- 
ficent garments, when any person refused him 
money, he used to tell him, that though he himself 
was unable to persuade him to comply with his re- 
quest, he hoped his wife Apega might have more 
influence with him. Being accordingly introduced 
to the pretended Apega, Nabis took her by the 
hand, and brought her up to the man, whom she 
immediately embraced very violently. The man 
finding himself all over pierced with the pegs of 
iron, uttered the most frightful shrieks ; and to pro- 
cure deliverance from such exquisite torture, readi- 
ly granted whatever Nabis insisted upon. 

The iEtolians finding themselves neglected by 
the Romans, who were then totally employed by a 
much more important war, made their peace with 
Philip • and the people of Epirus having followed 
their example, tranquillity was for a time restored 
to the allies. 

Philip, having soon after declared war against 
the Rhodians and king Attains, laid siege to Per- 
gamus, the capital city of the dominions of Attalus. 
But failing in his attempt, he vented his resent- 
ment, by burning the temples, and breaking to 
pieces the statues that came in his way. After this 
he was defeated by Attalus and the Rhodians, near 
the island of Chios. Growing daily more and more 
hardened against misfortunes, he prosecuted the war 
with more fury and cruelty than before. Having 
taken Cias, a city of Bithynia, he made slaves of 
most of the inhabitants, and put to death the rest, 
after torturing them in the most dreadful manner. 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 515 

The cities of Thrace and the Chersonesus there, 
upon surrendered without making any resistance. 

Abydos, a city situated on the narrowest part of 
the Hellespont, called in modern times the strait of 
the Dardanelles, resolved to stand a siege. Philip 
accordingly laid siege to it in form ; but was at first 
vigorously repulsed by the inhabitants. Finding 
his efforts from the sea ineffectual, he changed his 
position, and attacked it by land. The besieged, 
finding that the Macedonians had sapped the wall, 
and were pushing forward their mines very fast, 
sent to treat with Philip about a surrender. But 
as he insisted on their surrendering at discretion, 
they resolved rather to die sword in hand ; and, with 
that view, chose out fifty of the oldest citizens, to 
whom they gave orders, that as soon as the Mace- 
donians entered the town, they should, in the first 
place, murder all their women and children in the 
temple of Diana ; then set fire to certain galleries 
containing the public effects ; and, lastly, throw all 
their gold and silver into the sea. The fifty citizens 
having bound themselves to the performance of 
these particulars by the most solemn oaths, the rest 
of the men proceeded to the breach, where they 
fought with the most desperate bravery till the 
night put an end to the slaughter. Next day two 
of the old citizens, who had sworn to the perfor- 
mance of the particulars above mentioned, shocked 
at the idea of so dreadful a duty, chose rather to 
betray the city to Philip ; who, rushing in, beheld 
with horror the inhabitants cutting the throats of 
their wives and children ; for the members of each 
family mutually killed one another. 

Philip, whose turbulent disposition did not per- 
mit him to remain a moment quiet, entered Attica, 
committed great devastations, and thereby obliged 
the Athenians to complain at Rome. The Romans 
had long been displeased with the behaviour of 
Philip ; and desired nothing more earnestly than a 
plausible pretence for coming to an open rupture 

2 K 2 



516 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

with him. The senate, therefore, dispatched Valer- 
ius Levinus with a fleet to Macedonia, that he 
might be at hand to support their allies : and soon 
after the departure of Levinus, they made a solemn 
declaration of war against Philip. In the mean 
time the Macedonians marched towards Athens, 
with an intention to besiege that city ; but found 
the Athenians in battle array without the walls. 
The Macedonians immediately attacked them very 
vigorously, and drove them into the city. But not 
thinking it advisable to enter the city along with 
them, they wrecked their resentment on the country 
around, which they laid waste with fire and sword. 

About this time the iEtolians hesitated whether 
they ought to declare for Philip or for the Romans. 
But the former having been soon after defeated in 
an engagement by the latter, they immediately took 
part with the Romans. 

In the mean time a Roman fleet, joined by that 
of king Attalus, sailed towards Athens, and entered 
Pyreus. The Athenians were so exceedingly eleva- 
ted at this event, which relieved them from the 
dread of the Macedonians, that they overturned the 
statues erected by them to Philip a little while be- 
fore, and abolished the sacrifices they had establish- 
ed in honour of that prince. — So easily did this 
fickle people pass from one extreme to another. 

The iEtolians having declared in favour of the 
Romans, Philip had an interview with the Roman 
proconsul Flaminius. But as they could come to 
no agreement, Philip prepared for war. Nabis still 
continued his tyranny at Argos, stripping the weal- 
thy of their money, and torturing those who were 
suspected to have concealed any of their effects. 
Having intimated to Flaminius and Attalus that he 
was master of Argos, and desirous of entering into 
an alliance with the Romans, he was accordingly 
received as an ally. Flaminius and Attalus then 
proceeding to Thebes, persuaded the Boeotians to 
join the confederacy likewise. King Attalus died 



CHAP. II* ANCIENT GREECE. 517 

shortly after at Pergamus. The vast riches of this 
prince are much celebrated in history; and great 
praises are bestowed on him for the excellent pur- 
poses to which he applied his wealth, as well as for 
the singular justice exercised by him towards his 
subjects. In a word, this king is represented as a 
perfect model of a good sovereign. 

King Philip and Quintius (surnamed Fla- 
197. minius) came at last to an engagement in 
Thessaly, near certain mountains called Cyno- 
cephalae, the army of each amounting to about 
25,000 men. Here the Romans gained a complete 
victory over Philip, who lost 13,000 men in the bat- 
tle, of whom 8000 were killed and the rest made 
prisoners ; while the loss of the Romans was no 
more than 7000. In this engagement, the uneven- 
ness of the ground prevented the Macedonian pha- 
lanx from acting with its usual advantage. The 
iEtolian cavalry contributed greatly to the obtain- 
ing of the victory. By sustaining the impetuous 
charge of the Macedonians, they prevented the Ro- 
mans from being pushed into the open valley, where 
the phalanx could have acted with greater vigour. 
After this defeat Philip sued for peace, referring the 
terms entirely to the pleasure of the Roman senate. 
Till that should be known, Quintius granted a truce 
for four months to Philip, on receiving from him 
400 talents of money, and his son Demetrius as an 
hostage. 

Ten commissioners, named by the senate for set- 
tling the terms of peace with Philip, arriving at 
length in Greece, prescribed to him the following 
conditions : That all the Greek cities, both in Eu- 
rope and in Asia, should be declared free, and be 
permitted to govern themselves by their own laws : 
That Philip should withdraw all bis garrisons from 
the Greek cities at present under his power ; should 
deliver up to the Romans all prisoners and desert- 
ers ; should pay them 1000 talents of money at cer- 
tain terms ; aiid that his son Demetrius should be 



1 



518 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

sent an hostage to Rome. Thus ended the Mace- 
donian war. 

As the Greeks were ignorant of the import of the 
terms of peace granted to Philip, and talked very 
differently about them, Quintius resolved to reserve 
the publication of the most important article, res- 
pecting their liberty, till the Isthmian games, which 
were on the point of being celebrated, and at which 
an infinite number of spectators, from all the differ- 
ent states, would be assembled. In the instant, 
therefore, that the whole spectators were drawn up 
in the stadium to see the games, a herald appeared, 
and, proclaiming silence, read aloud a proclamation 
; to the following purpose ; " The senate and people 
/ of Rome, and T. Quintius their general, having con- 
quered Philip and the Macedonians, deliver from 
all garrisons and impositions, the Corinthians, JLo- 
crians, Phoceans, Euboeans, Achaeans, Magnesians, 
Thessalians, and Perhebians; declare these states 
free, and to be subject only to their own laws and 
usages." 

The spectators were seized with such an excess 
of joy on hearing this decree, that, doubting wheth- 
er their senses had not deceived them, they desired 
the herald to read the proclamation again, that they 
- might be certain about its real meaning. The de- 
cree being accordingly read a second time, was lis- 
tened to with the most profound silence ; and when 
the reading was finished, nothing was to be heard 
but the most violent shouts of joy and applause. 

As soon as the games were concluded, the whole 
assembly, regarding the Roman general as their de- 
liverer, ran about to thank him, endeavouring to 
kiss his hands, or to cover him with garlands of 
flowers. Quintius tasted in that day the purest and 
highest pleasure which the mind of man can enjoy ; 
and pleasure far superior to any that can be attain- 
ed by the most magnificent warlike triumph ; be- 
cause it proceeded from an action of goodness, hu- 
manity, justice ; from the consciousness of confer- 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE* 519 

ring on men the most real happiness whereof they 
are in this life susceptible. The different states, 
unable to restrain the sentiments of gratitude that 
glowed within their breasts, exclaimed to one an- 
other, " What a wonderful nation this ! which, at 
its own expence and hazard, undertakes wars to as- 
sert the liberty of the rest of mankind ; and that 
not of neighbouring nations only, or those situated 
on the same continent, but, that injustice may pre- 
vail in no quarter of the world, and that liberty 
may be every where established, they cross the seas, 
penetrate into the remotest regions, and, at one 
word, restore liberty to all the cities of Greece and 
Asia." 

Quintius caused the same decree to be again pro- 
claimed at theNemasan games : and afterwards made 
a tour through the principal cities, every where re- 
forming, by the wisest regulations, abuses in the 
government and courts of justice ; recalling such 
citizens as lived in banishment, and putting an end 
to all intestine factions and divisions. This conduct 
served not only to raise very high the glory of the 
Romans, but contributed greatly to the increase 
of their influence. The nations around, seeing 
the excellent purposes to which they applied 
their power, vied with one another in testifying 
their confidence in the equity and good faith of 
that people, and even desired to receive magistrates 
from them, under the name of praetors. It is pro- 
per here to remark, that the iEtolians, naturally 
a restless nation, were now, while all their neigh- 
bours gratefully enjoyed the fruits of peace, the only 
people who showed any discontent against the Ro- 
mans, boasting that they could have subdued Philip 
without the assistance of the Romans. 

The Romans, unwilling that Argos alone should 
groan under the oppression of Nabis tyrant of 
Sparta, while the other states lived in perfect liberty, 
gave orders to Quintius to declare war against Na- 
bis. That general accordingly, after declaring war, 



520 THE HISTORY OF BOOK It. 

marched direetly to Sparta, which Nabis had strong- 
ly fortified, and where he had shut himself up with 
16,000 men, after putting to death all the 
195. principal citizens, whom he suspected of dis- 
affection. Nabis making a sally with his 
foreign troops upon the camp of Quintius, which 
was pitched on the banks of the Eurotas, at first 
created some disorder among the Romans. But 
the Romans, quickly rallying, beat the enemy back 
into the town. Next day Nabis attacked the Ro- 
mans again ; but after a very obstinate engage- 
ment, his men were put to flight with great slaugh- 
ter. The brother of the Roman general having in 
the mean time taken possession of Githium, Nabis, 
very uneasy at the loss of that place, which was of 
great importance to him, demanded a conference 
with Quintius. But they could come to no agree- 
ment. In a second conference, Nabis consented to 
relinquish Argos, and to deliver up such of the 
Romans as he had made prisoners. But Quintius 
insisting that he should likewise deliver up all 
prisoners and deserters from the maritime cities un- 
der the Roman power, that he should pay 100 ta- 
lents of silver, and give his son as hostage for his 
future good behaviour, Nabis refused to agree to 
peace on these terms. Quintius thereupon calling 
in all his detachments, prosecuted the siege most 
vigorously, vesting it on all sides with an army of 
50,000 men. As Sparta was fortified with a wall 
on the most accessible places only, Nabis found 
himself under very great embarrassment ; for being 
pushed on all sides, he knew not to what quarter he 
ought to send assistance. The Lacedemonians for 
some time sustained the efforts of the Romans ; but 
when the foremost ranks had penetrated into the 
large streets, unable to keep their ground any long- 
er, they were obliged to give way. Nabis, to avoid 
the imminent danger, ordered the houses next the 
wall to be set on fire. The Roman soldiers, who 
had got into the middle of the city, terrified by the 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 521 

flames, hastened to join the main body of their army; 
by which means Quintius, after being in a manner 
master of the city, was obliged to sound the retreat. 
But the attack having been renewed next day, Nabis 
applied once more for peace ; and was obliged to ac- 
cept of the conditions which he had formerly refus- 
ed. After concluding this peace, Quintius dismiss- 
ed Eumenes king of Pergamus, who had assisted 
him at the siege ; and then set out for Argos, where 
he was present at the Nemsean games, and distribut- 
ed the prizes to the victors. His presence in their 
city gave the highest joy to the Argives. 

The Achseans, in the mean time, and the iEto- 
lians, grumbled much at the peace concluded with 
Nabis ; being dissatisfied that such a tyrant should 
be permitted to remain in Greece. Quintius, after 
spending the winter in visiting the chief towns of 
Greece, and every where re-establishing justice and 
good order, the real blessings of peace, w r ent to Co- 
rinth, where, calling together deputies from all the 
states, he explained to them what the Roman people 
had done for the liberty of Greece, and told them, 
that peace had been granted to Nabis solely from 
their earnest desire to preserve Sparta from utter 
ruin, which must have been the inevitable conse- 
quence of driving him to extremity. Then having 
exhorted them to live in union with one another, he 
embarked for Italy, and entered Rome in triumph. 

The iEtolians, the only people of Greece who 
harboured secret malice against the Romans, were 
now very industrious in stirring up enemies against 
them. For this purpose they applied to Nabis, who 
being but too well disposed to follow their seditious 
counsel, found means to bring over to his side the 
principal inhabitants in the maritime towns, of 
which the Romans had obliged him to relinquish 
the possession, prevailed on several of them to re- 
volt, and laid siege to Gitium. The Romans, hear- 
ing that Nabis had broken the peace, immediately 
dispatched the praetor Acilius with a fleet to Greece, 



522 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

The Achasans hating Nabis, resolved to oppose 
him, and made Philopoemen their general, who at 
first was defeated in a battle at sea, but quickly 
repaired his loss. Attacking the tyrant near Sparta, 
he cut in pieces the greatest part of his army, gain- 
ed a complete victory, and besieged him in that 
city. The iEtolians about this time sent an embassy 
to Antiochus king of Syria, to persuade him to un- 
dertake an expedition into Greece. The Romans, 
getting notice of the practices of the iEtolians, de- 
sired the Athenians to put them in mind of the al- 
liance which they had lately entered into. But the 
iEtolians, listening to their resentment alone, form- 
ed a plan for getting possession by stratagem of 
Demetriades, Chalcis, and Sparta, and committed 
the execution of this plan to three of their principal 
citizens. Diocles succeeded in the design upon De- 
metriades ; Thos failed in that against Chalcis ; but 
Alexamenes was somewhat more successful at 
Sparta. Having entered that city with 1000 men, 
under pretence of assisting Nabis, he was joyfully 
received by the tyrant ; but drawing him aside, as 
if to communicate something to him in private, he 
suddenly pulled him from his horse, and then gave 
the signal agreed on to his attendants, who, rushing 
forward, killed Nabis on the spot. Then they 
192. fell to pillaging his treasures. The Spartans 
arming in the mean time, attacked theiEto- 
lians, and cut most of them off, together with their 
leader Alexamenes. Philopoemen, hearing of this 
confusion at Sparta, quickly entered that city with 
a body of troops ; and calling an assembly, persuad- 
ed the Spartans to join the Achaean league. By 
this step Philopoemen acquired great honour ; and 
he displayed singular disinterestedness by refusing 
a present sent him by the Spartans of 120 talents, 
arising from the sale of the effects of Nabis. 

Antiochus having, by the persuasion of the iEto- 
lians, entered Greece, was defeated near the pass of 
Thermopylae by the Roman consul Manius Acilius. 



1 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 223 

After this victory, the consul intimated to the iEto- 
lians that it was not yet too late for them to have 
recourse to the Roman clemency, and to avoid the 
chastisement due to their repeated offences ; for that 
they might purchase their pardon, by putting their 
capital Heraclea into the hands of the Romans. 
These remonstrances proving ineffectual, the consul 
proceeded to lay siege to that city in form. As it 
was large and well fortified, the besieged made an 
obstinate defence, and fought with the most despe- 
rate bravery. But Manius having given a general 
assault about three o'clock in the morning, while 
the iEtolians, wearied with fatigue, lay buried in 
sleep, carried the city, and gave it up to be pillaged. 
Many of the inhabitants fled to the citadel, but 
were at last obliged by famine to surrender. The 
rest of the nation having shut themselves up in 
"Naupactus, were pursued thither by the consul, who 
laid close siege to that city, and in two months re- 
duced the enemy to the last extremity. The JEto- 
lians, now on the point of perishing under the Ro- 
man power, made the humblest supplications to the 
consul Quintius to pity their misery, and to inter- 
pose in their behalf. Quintius, compassionating 
their distress, prevailed with Manius to grant them 
a truce, during which they might have an oppor- 
tunity to make their submissions to the senate at 
Rome. 

The iEtolians hearing soon after that Antiochus 
was totally defeated by the Romans in the battle 
of Magnesia, and finding themselves unable to resist 
any longer, implicitly submitted to the conditions 
prescribed them by the senate ; of which the prin- 
cipal article was, that they should deliver up their 
arms and horses to the Romans, and pay them 1000 
talents of silver. 

Those Spartans who had been banished from their 
country by Nabis, having taken possession of some 
places on the coast, thence made incursions into the 
Lacedemonian territories. By way of reprisals, the 



524 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

latter attacked and took possession of Las, one of 
the places occupied by those refugees ; who there- 
upon having applied to the Achseans for relief, pre- 
vailed with them to interpose in the affair. The 
Achaean s, under pretence of the Romans having 
put under their protection all the towns on the 
coast, required the Spartans to deliver up the authors 
of the enterprise against Las. This demand threw 
the Spartans into such a fury, that they killed thir- 
ty of those who were most intimately connected 
with Philopoemen, renounced their alliance with 
the Achseans, and sent ambassadors to the consul 
Fulvius, to beg of the Romans to take Sparta under 
their protection. The Achaeans being informed of 
this, were in their turn highly offended, and declar- 
ed war against the Spartans. The dispute was re- 
ferred to the decision of the Roman senate ; both 
parties were heard, and a decision was pronounced 
in very ambiguous terms, which, however, the 
Achaeans pretended to interpret in their own favour. 

Philopoemen, therefore, putting himself at the 
head of an army, advanced to Sparta, and summon- 
ed the inhabitants to deliver up to him the authors 
of the enterprise against Las. The principal inha- 
bitants having gone out to make an answer to this 
demand, were furiously set upon by the refugees 
who happened to be in Philopoemen's army, and 
seventeen of them were slain ; and next day sixty- 
three more of them were condemned to death by 
this exasperated multitude. Then the Achaeans 
proceeded to treat Sparta like a city taken by force, 
commanding the walls to be pulled down, the fo- 
reign soldiers to be sent out of Laconia, and the 
laws of Lycurgus to be totally abolished. Every 
particular was executed, accordingly, to the inex- 
pressible grief of the Spartans, who sent complaints 
to Rome against Philopoemen; in consequence 
whereof, Lepidus wrote a letter to the Achaeans, 
severely reprimanding them for their unlawful pro- 
ceedings. The senate disapproved, in the strongest 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 525 

terms, of the rigorous conduct of the Achseans, and 
cited them to make their defence at Rome. They 
endeavoured to justify themselves ; but the senate 
pronounced sentence in favour of the Lacedemo- 
nians, ordaining, that those who had been banished 
by the Achaeans should be recalled and restored to 
their estates ; that all the proceedings relating to 
that affair should be annulled ; that the walls of 
Sparta should be rebuilt by the Achasans ; and that 
it should remain united with the Achaean confe- 
deracy. 

About this time, the Messenians having, by the 
persuasion of Dinocrates, renounced the Achaean 
league, resolved to take possession of Corona, an im- 
portant post. Of this resolution Philopcemen get- 
ting notice, took the field, though then seventy years 
of age, and advanced towards Messene. An en- 
gagement ensuing, Philopcemen in the beginning 
of it repulsed the enemy. But a strong rein- 
183. forcement arriving to the aid of the Messe- 
nians, the Achaean troops were defeated, and 
Philopcemen, after performing extraordinary feats 
of valour, was grievously wounded, thrown from his 
horse, taken prisoner, conducted to Messene in 
chains, imprisoned, and, by the advice of Dino- 
crates, cruelly put to death by poison. Philopce- 
men received the cup without making the least 
complaint, drank off the poison, and expired a few 
moments after. The Achaeans, penetrated with grief 
on receiving this news, immediately took arms with 
a resolution to revenge his death ; and marching into 
the territory of Messene, made a dreadful ravage. 
The Messenians, unable to resist the torrent, beg- 
ged for peace in the humblest manner. The Achae- 
ans insisted on their delivering up the authors of 
Philopcemen's death ; and the Messenians agreed 
to the condition. But Dinocrates prevented his 
. punishment by killing himself. The other persons 
concerned in that cruel affair were stoned to death 
around the tomb of Philopcemen. The Achaeans 



526 THE HISTOIiY OF BOOK IV. 

performed the most magnificent funeral obsequies 
to the memory of their brave general, and carried 
his ashes to Megalopolis. The procession resem- 
bled that of a triumph ; the horse and foot marched 
under arms, and the inhabitants of the towns 
through which they passed came out to meet the 
procession. 

This year was rendered remarkable by the deaths 
of three of the most famous commanders in antiqui- 
ty, Hannibal, Scipio, Africanus, and Philopcemen. 

The Roman senate began now to take umbrage 
at the power and credit of the A chsean league ; and 
to behold with a jealous eye the ability of their ge- 
nerals, the valour of their troops, the perfect union 
that subsisted among their cities, and the entire li- 
berty in which they lived. In this disposition the 
Romans, with a view of humbling them, never 
failed to give a favourable hearing to the enemies of 
the league ; and some of its unworthy members, 
such as Callicrates, who hurt them considerably in 
the affair of the Spartan refugees, were constantly 
furnishing pretences to the Romans for curbing 
the republic. But it was not till after the defeat of 
Perseus, the last formidable enemv to the Roman 
■ sower, that the senate resolved to dissolve the 
eague, and to reduce the Achaeans entirely under 
their power. 

With this view, the Romans industriously ap- 
plied themselves to weaken them, by fomenting di- 
visions among them, and by committing all the im- 
portant offices of the republic to men totally de- 
voted to their pleasure ; who by that means possess- 
ed the balance of power in their assemblies. Pub- 
lic officers having been by the Romans dispatched 
into Asia, to take information against all those who 
had supported Perseus, received from Callicrates, a 
man wholly in the interest of Rome, a list of such 
of the Achaeans as he suspected to have favoured the 
cause of that king. Upon this information, no 
fewer than 1000 of the most considerable citizens in 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 527 

the Achaean republic were seized ; and the Achaeans 
were ordered to conduct them to Rome. What a 
detestable instance of tyranny ! The celebrated his- 
torian Polybius was one of this number. On arriv- 
ing at Rome, they were distributed through the 
different countries of Italy, without so much as 
being heard in their own defence. The Achasans, 
compassionating the fate of their fellow- citizens, 
sent several different embassies to Rome, intreating 
the senate to take cognizance of the accusation 
against those citizens who had never been brought 
to trial at home. But all their remonstrances were 
ineffectual, though successively renewed from time 
to time, for the space of seventeen years. At last, 
however, the senate consented to the restoration of 
those exiles to their native country. But during so 
long an interval, so many of them had died, that of 
the 1000 who had come into Italy, only 300 return- 
ed to Greece. 

Some years after, great disturbances broke out in 
Achaia, by the indiscretion of their principal magis- 
trates : one of whom, named Democritus, de- 
146. clared war against Sparta, and entering Laco- 
nia with an army, laid waste the country. 
The Romans sent commissioners to terminate this 
dispute, who, proceeding to Corinth, conducted mat- 
ters at first with great moderation ; for Carthage 
not being yet taken, the Romans chose to manage 
tenderly such powerful allies as the Achaeans. 
This behaviour, however, served only to make the 
factious Achseans more unruly; and their chief, 
Critolaus, posted from city to city, exasperating his 
countrymen against the Romans, and endeavouring 
to prevent any agreement from being concluded 
with the Lacedemonians. 

It must be acknowledged, that at this time the 
Achaeans were far from behaving to the Romans 
with that caution and prudence they ought. On 
the contrary, they seemed to be doing every thing 
to excite their resentment. Metellus, who was then 



528 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV, 

in Macedonia, hearing of these disturbances, sent 
four Romans of consideration to Corinth, to exhort 
the Achaeans not to draw on themselves the ven- 
geance of his countrymen. But their remonstrances 
were derided, and they themselves were driven out 
of the city. The Corinthians, on this occasion, par- 
ticularly distinguished themselves by their animo- 
sity against the Romans. Critolaus in the mean 
time laboured to persuade his countrymen to make 
war on the Lacedemonians ; publicly boasting, that 
he would make head against the whole Roman 
power, and that he had engaged kings on his side. 
His endeavours were successful ; and he even found 
means to prevail on the Boeotians and the people of 
Chalcis to join the confederacy. These states seem- 
ed at present to be actuated by a spirit of folly, 
which was hurrying them to their ruin. 

The Romans, informed of these transactions in 
Greece, ordered Mummius to make war on the 
Achasans. Metellus, who was on the spot, once 
more sent them an embassy, acquainting them that 
the Roman people might yet be prevailed upon to 
forget their past behaviour, provided they would re- 
turn to their duty, and consent to certain cities 
being disunited from the confederacy. These pro- 
posals were rejected in so disdainful a manner, that 
Metellus was provoked at it. Immediately, there- 
fore, marching against them with his army, he gain- 
ed a complete victory, and took more than 1000 
prisoners. In this engagement Critolaus disap- 
peared ; and it was commonly believed that he was 
drowned in a marsh, as he was endeavouring to 
make his escape. Diaeus, therefore, another man of 
a factious turbulent spirit, assumed the command, 
levied forces from all quarters, and mustered up an 
army of about 14,000 men. Metellus in the mean 
time pursued the rebels ; and having fallen in with 
1000 Arcadians, put them all to the sword. He 
then marched against Thebes ; but the inhabitants, 
terrified at the fame of the Roman victories, aban- 



\ 

CHAP, m ANCIENT GREECE. 529 

doned the city. Then advancing towards Corinth, 
where Diaeus had shut himself up, he dispatched 
three of the most considerable persons of the Achae- 
an republic, to persuade their countrymen to avoid, 
ere it was too late, their impending ruin. But the 
multitude favouring the faction of Diaeus, threw 
those citizens into prison. 

Things were in this situation when Mummius ar- 
rived. Metellus then returned into Macedonia. 
Mummius immediately assembled his troops, and 
formed his camp. The besieged made a sally, at- 
tacked the Romans, and killed many of them. This 
inconsiderable advantage proved their ruin. Diseus, 
elated by his success, was mad enough to offer bat- 
tle to the consul ; who, to increase his presumption, 
declined the engagement, as if through fear. The 
Achaeans, deceived by this stratagem, advanced 
with the most foolish confidence against the Ro- 
mans ; who at last marched out to meet them, and 
gave them battle nearly about the narrowest place 
of the isthmus. The Aehseans, at the same time 
that they were engaging the Roman legions, find- 
ing themselves charged from an ambuscade by all 
the consul's cavalry, were in a moment overpower- 
ed and put to flight. Diaeus in despair hurrying to 
Megalopolis, his native city, killed his wife, set fire 
to his house, and drank poison. The Achaeans, 
now without a leader, had not the courage to rally, 
but fled on all sides. Most of the inhabitants re- 
tired from Corinth in the night. Mummius entering 
the city, gave it up to be pillaged ; put to the sword 
all the men that remained in it ; sold the women 
and children for slaves ; and after taking away the 
finest statues and pictures, set fire to the houses, 
reduced the whole city to ashes, and razed the 
146. walls to the foundations. Thus perished Co- 
rinth the same year that Carthage was taken 
and destroyed. The Romans demolished the walls 
of all those cities that had taken part in the revolt. 

The ruin of Corinth made so terrible an impres- 

O T 



530 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

sion on the Achaeans, that their courage entirely de- 
serted them. The senate pretended that they had 
treated the Corinthians thus severely, on account of 
their having violated the law of nations, by abusing 
the ambassadors sent them from Rome. But the 
truth is, that the Romans, not choosing that any 
state should be able to resist their power, resolved 
to destroy Corinth, whose very strong and advan- 
tageous situation rendered it a most convenient 
hold for any of their enemies ; who, with proper 
skill and resolution, might there baffle for a long 
while the whole Roman power. The Romans drew 
immense riches from the spoils of this city. Among 
the pictures found in it, there was one representing 
Bacchus, executed by the celebrated A ristides. This 
piece was reckoned infinitely superior to all the rest, 
and was ordered to be given to Attalus for about 
£3200 sterling ; but Mummius thinking it a mat- 
ter of dangerous example to sell a picture at such 
an extravagant price, refused, in spite of the com- 
plaints of Attalus, to deliver it, and sent it to Rome, 
not indeed for his own private use, but as a public 
ornament. It was accordingly placed in the temple 
• of Ceres. That illustrious Roman gave upon this 
occasion a striking proof of his disinterestedness, in- 
tegrity, and great knowledge in the art of war ; but 
at the same time he showed himself to be miserably 
deficient in point of taste for the fine arts ; for we 
are told by Velleius Paterculus, that to make those 
employed in the transportation of the Corinthian 
statues and pictures to Rome, more than ordinarily 
careful about so precious a trust, he threatened, 
that if any of them were spoiled or a missing, he 
would oblige the bearers to furnish others at their 
own expence. 

After this memorable period, the Romans sent 
commissioners into Greece, who abolished in all the 
states the popular form of government, and created 
magistrates dependent on the Roman common- 
wealth. But in other respects the Greeks were left 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 431 

in the full enjoyment of their laws and liberty. At 
last, however, Greece was reduced into the form of 
a Roman province, and was governed by a praetor 
sent thither annually. Thenceforth, therefore, it 
bore the name of the province of Achaia ; the A- 
ch^ans being in those later times the most power- 
ful people in Greece. 

As Athens has all along made the most 
146. considerable figure in the history of Greece, 
we will before concluding, briefly take notice 
of the most remarkable misfortunes experienced by 
that city after the Romans made themselves mas- 
ters of Greece. 

Mithridates, king of Pontus, having subdued all 
Asia Minor, dispatched into Greece an army of 
120,000 men under Archelaus ; who, by means of 
so great a force, soon reduced Athens, and obliged 
the other states of Greece to submit to Mithridates. 
Archelaus, fixing his residence at Athens, possessed 
himself of all authority, and exercised a cruel tyran- 
ny over the inhabitants. Their miseries, however, 
under this new master, were but slight in compari- 
son of those they were soon to undergo. 

The celebrated Sylla being charged with the con- 
duct of the war against Mithridates, passed over in- 
to Greece with five legions. All the cities, except 
Athens, immediately on his arrival, opened their 
gates to him. The Athenians were not at liberty 
to follow their own inclinations. The tyrant Aris- 
tion, under whose yoke they then groaned, was dar- 
ing enough to oppose the Roman troops, and to sus- 
tain a siege against Sylla. That general immediate- 
ly invested Pyreus, where Aristion had taken post ; 
and though the walls were sixty feet high, and very 
strong* Sylla attacked them with the greatest vigour; 
employing for that purpose a vast number of en- 
gines, and neither regarding danger nor expence. 
Being in want of wood, he cut down the trees of 
the Lyceum, which formed most beautiful and de- 
licious walks ; and to supply himself with money he 

2l2 



332 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV* 

plundered the treasures of the temples of Delphos 
and Epidarum. 

If the attack was desperate, the defence w as no 
less so. Both parties behaved with the greatest cour- 
age and resolution. Every day produced new as- 
saults and new sallies, in which a vast deal of blood 
was spilt. The Athenians displayed on this occa- 
sion all the admired intrepidity of their ancestors. 
They burnt part of the Roman machines, and over- 
turned others by means of mines which they car- 
ried under the spots whereon they stood. The Ro- 
mans, animated by Sylla, discovered no less ardour. 
On their side they employed mines likewise, and 
thereby threw down a considerable part of the wall. 
Having thus made a large breach, they immediately 
gave an assault, but after a long and desperate dis- 
pute were repulsed. The Athenians during the en- 
suing night shut up the breach by a new wall. 

Sylla was beginning to despair of success, when 
an idea struck him of reducing the city by famine. 
Converting therefore the siege into a blockade, he 
soon brought every horror of famine upon the mi- 
serable Athenians; who, after devouring all the herb- 
age, roots, and the flesh of their horses, were oblig- 
ed to eat the leather of their shoes. Some of them are 
even reported to have had recourse to the shocking 
expedient of eating human flesh. Finding them- 
selves at last under an absolute necessity of capitu- 
lating, the people and senators, by the most earnest 
solicitations, prevailed on Aristion to send deputies 
to obtain the best terms they could from Sylla. 
But those deputies, instead of suing in the humble 
manner that became a people in their situation, hav- 
ing entered into a pompous description of the ex- 
ploits of the ancient Athenians, were interrupted by 
the haughty Roman, who, calling them in derision 
preachers, and desiring them to reserve their fine 
rhetorical flourishes for themselves, informed them, 
that he had not come thither to learn the heroic ac- 
tions of their ancestors, but to chastise them for 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 533 

their rebellion ; and he dismissed them without fur- 
ther ceremony. 

Sylla getting intelligence soon after from his spies, 
of a part of the wall low enough to be scaled, gave 
orders to fix ladders there the following night. The 
Romans by these means made themselves masters 
of the city, and put all they met to the sword. 
The carnage was dreadful, few of the miserable in- 
habitants having escaped. Sylla gave up the city 
to be plundered ; and then proceeded to invest the 
citadel, which was soon forced to surrender for want 
of provision. Aristion some time after was put 
87. to death. Sylla having next made himself 
master of Py reus, demolished its fortifications, 
and burnt to the ground the arsenal, a building 
much admired for its elegant architecture. 

Sylla, after beating the generals of Mithridates in 
two great engagements at Cheronea and Orcho- 
mene, reduced Macedonia and Greece under the 
Roman power in the same manner as they had been 
formerly. Then passing over into Asia Minor, he 
conquered Ionia and several other provinces, where- 
of Mithridates had taken possession in that country. 

Greece, by becoming a Roman province, did not 
lose that ardent desire of liberty which was always 
its principal characteristic. In the Roman civil 
wars between Caesar and Pompey, the Athenians 
warmly embraced the side of the latter, which ap- 
peared to be founded on republican principles ; and 
after the death of Julius Caesar, they erected statues 
to the memory of Cassius, who had been the most 
active of the conspirators against Csesar. 

Greece, though stripped of her political power, 
still preserved her sovereignty in the sciences and 
fine arts ; and, in that respect, received homage from 
her very conquerors. The most illustrious men a- 
mong the Romans repaired thither to be instructed 
in the most valuable branches of literature. Athens, 
therefore, that nursery of learning and science, still 
remained the central point in the republic of letters, 



534 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

and continued to be frequented by all who desired 
to acquire that atticism so highly valued by the an- 
cients, and that standard taste which enabled them 
to estimate, with peculiar accuracy, the real beau- 
ties of every work of genius or art. Here too, and 
here only, were to be learnt the true principles of 
eloquence. All, therefore, who applied themselves 
successfully to public speaking, and Cicero in par- 
ticular, repaired to Athens, to study under the ablest 
masters of oratory. Thither did the same Cicero 
send his son to hear the lectures of Cratippus ; every 
Roman of any rank or consideration followed the 
" same course ; and Greek learning, according to the 
testimony of Plutarch, was accounted so requisite 
a branch of education among that judicious people, 
that a Roman who did not understand the Greek 
language, never arrived at any high degree of esti- 
mation. 

Such of the emperors as had a taste for the scien- 
ces, Titus, Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius 
Verus, and some others, used every means to entice 
to their court the most distinguished philosophers 
of Greece, not only to enjoy their conversation them- 
selves, but that they might direct the education of 
their children. Even in the decline of the Roman 
empire, and during the fourth and fifth ages of 
Christianity, Greece still continued to be the resort 
of the philosophers of all nations. We see, from ec- 
clesiastical history, that St Basil, St Gregory, and 
St Chrysostom, those bright luminaries of the 
church, went to Athens to imbibe, at the source, 
the most important branches of knowledge. It is 
remarkable too, that a few detached beams from the 
setting sun of Grecian genius lighted up the dawn 
of learning and of science in western Europe, after 
it had remained for several centuries involved in the 
deepest gloom of Gothic ignorance. This propi- 
tious event was the consequence of an apparently 
heavy calamity, namely, the sacking of Constanti- 
nople by Mahomet II. about the middle of the fif~ 



CHAP, II. ANCIENT GREECE. 535 

teenth century. By that revolution many eminent 
philosophers and artists having been induced to 
abandon their native country, settled in Italy, where 
they restored the knowledge of the sciences and 
fine arts. And it will reflect immortal honour on 
the taste and munificence of the truly noble house 
of Medicis, that to the princely encouragement af- 
forded by them to those learned and ingenious emi- 
grants, Europe is chiefly indebted for the revival of 
polite literature. 

Besides Athens, several other cities were famous 
for being the residence of the arts and sciences, 
such as Alexandria, Byzantium, Rhodes, and E- 
phesus. 

Eminent Writers, Philosophers, Artists, &c. 

Pan^etius, the Stoic philosopher, was descended 
of one of the most illustrious families in Rhodes ; 
but his love of knowledge induced him to reside at 
Athens, where he attached himself to the Stoic 
school, then very much in fashion. The fame of his 
knowledge soon reached Rome, where the greatest 
men then applied themselves to the study of philo- 
sophy. Pansetius was drawn thither by the invita- 
tion of some of the most illustrious Romans, and 
formed a very intimate friendship with Lelius and 
Scipio ; the latter of whom honoured him with marks 
of the greatest confidence, and prevailed with him 
to accompany him in his expeditions. Pansetius 
composed a treatise on the moral duties of mankind, 
highly valued by Cicero, who made much use of it 
in composing his offices. 

Epictetus, a native of Hieropolis, a city in Ptery- 
gia, was likewise a follower of the Stoic sect. He 
was equally famous for the sublimity of his senti- 
ments and for the purity of his morals ; in which 
last respect, the Stoics, notwithstanding their exte- 
rior severity, and their rigid doctrines, were far from 
being altogether irreproachable. He was, when 



I 



536 THE HISTORY OF BOOK it. 

very young, the slave of one of the officers of the 
emperor Nero's bed-chamber. But having been 
driven from Rome in the reign of Domitian, he 
retired to Nicopolis ; where, in spite of his poverty, 
he lived for several years in general esteem. He 
returned to Rome in the time of Hadrian. The 
leading maxims of his philosophy may be compre- 
hended in this short sentence, " Suffer patiently, 
and be moderate in your pleasures " The only part 
of his works now remaining is his Manuel ; and for 
this We are indebted to his scholar Arrian. No- 
thing except Christianity itself can be more pure 
and sublime than the doctrines of his philosophy. 
The celebrated Monsieur Pascal, who had studied 
it with great accuracy, has composed an abstract of 
it with a distinctness and precision worthy so great 
a genius. As this piece is curious and scarce, we 
shall here present the reader with the substance of it. 

" Epictetus (says he) is one of the few philosophers 
who had the justest notion of the duties of human 
life. He desires, above all things, that God Al- 
mighty may be constantly the chief object of our 
consideration; that we be thoroughly persuaded of 
his perfect justice, and cheerfully submit to all his 
dispensations, from an entire conviction of his in- 
finite wisdom. He assures us, that this disposition 
will prevent all murmurings and complaints, and 
enable us to bear with patience the most painful ac- 
cidents of life. Never say, * I have lost such a 
thing say rather, 4 1 have restored it My son 
dies, * I have restored him My wife dies, « 1 have 
given her back and so of every other possession. 
While the Almighty indulges you in the use of it, 
be careful of it, as being the property of another. 
You must never desire that things should be dispos- 
ed according to your fancy or pleasure ; but be al- 
ways assured that they happen for the best : Con- 
stantly regard yourself as being in this world a kind 
of player, who must perform such a part as it pleas- 
es your master to allot you : Remain on the theatre 



CHAP. it. ANCIENT GREECE. 537 

so long as he appoints ; appear rich or poor as your 
character requires, and endeavour to play your part 
as well as possible ; but still remember, that to as- 
sign the part is the business of your master : Re- 
flect daily on death, and the most lamentable miser- 
ies of life ; this will preserve you from thinking 
basely, and from desiring any thing too earnestly." 
He proceeds to point out how a man ought to be- 
have on many different occasions. He advises him 
to be humble and modest ; to conceal his good reso- 
lutions, and to accomplish them privately ; because 
nothing diminishes their value so much as ostenta- 
tion. He repeats ^igain and again, and constantly en- 
deavours to enforce this maxim, " That the whole 
desire, the whole study of man, should be to discover 
the will of God, and to follow it." 

Demetrius Phalerius has been already mentioned 
as chief magistrate of Athens. It only remains to 
say a few words of him here as an orator. He was 
the scholar of Theophrastus, from whom he learned 
a florid and highly ornamented style. He excelled 
in that species of eloquence which employs the gra- 
ces of declamation and beautiful shining expressions, 
but is devoid of solidity and vigour. Being, how- 
ever, much applauded for the pleasure he gave the 
ear and imagination, he had a great number of imi- 
tators. It is for this reason that he is said to have 
contributed greatly to the decline and corruption of 
eloquence at Athens. To please was the whole aim 
of the oratory of Demetrius : which, therefore, was 
better adapted to amuse the fancy than to convince 
the understanding. 

To the number of Greek orators may perhaps be 
added several fathers of the church ; such as saint 
Basil, saint Gregory, and saint Chrysostom, whose 
writings contain a beauty of style, a solidity of rea- 
soning, and a vehemence of expression, well calcul- 
ated for touching the heart and moving the passions. 

Polybius, the famous historian, was a native of 
Megalopolis. He learned eloquence and philosophy 



538 , THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

under his own father Lyeortas, a man greatly dis- 
tinguished for the firmness with which he support- 
ed the interests of the Achaean republic against the 
ambitious designs of the Romans. Philopoemen 
was his master in the art of war. His merit was 
known at Rome, where many of the principal citi- 
zens cultivated his acquaintance ; and particularly 
the two sons of Paulus JEmilius; of whom the 
youngest, the son by adoption of Cornelius Scipio, 
the son of the great Africanus, and the destroyer of 
Numantia and Carthage, profited much by his in- 
structions. 

Polybius is believed to have composed the great- 
est part of his history at Rome. This history con- 
tained not only the Roman transactions, but those 
of all the then known world, from the first Punic 
war to the ruin of the kingdom of Macedonia, com- 
prehending altogether a space of fifty-three years. 
Polybius therefore called it an universal history, 
and divided it into forty books ; of which only the 
five first now remain. The loss of the rest is very 
much to be regretted ; for we should have found 
there a representation of the grandest and most in- 
teresting scenes ever displayed on the theatre of the 
world. There we should have seen, particularly 
in the period of the second Punic war, the two 
most warlike and powerful nations then in the 
world, engaged in the most serious and important 
contest ; Rome on the very brink of destruction ; 
and Carthage finally vanquished and undone. There, 
too, we should have found an account of the wars 
of the Romans with Philip king of Macedon, with 
Antiochus king of Syria, with the iEtolians, and 
with king Perseus ; in a word, the great chain of 
events that conducted Rome to the utmost pitch of 
power, and enabled her to swallow up all the states 
and kingdoms in our hemisphere. This loss is so 
much the greater, that Polybius bestowed the ut- 
most care, attention, and industry, to procure the 
best information with respect to facts. That he 



CHAP. II. ANCIENT GREECE. 539 

might not be mistaken about the situation of places, 
he himself travelled to the spots where the princi- 
pal engagements described by him happened. Be- 
sides all this, Polybius abounds with the justest re- 
flections ; and every where delivers the most solid 
maxims of policy ; two particulars that constitute 
the chief excellence of every historian, and from 
which a reader derives the most valuable instruc- 
tion. It is true, that his digressions are generally 
tedious ; but the facts they contain are so curious, 
that it were rigorous to find fault with them. 

Polybius, having returned into the Peloponnesus 
after the destruction of Corinth, had an opportunity 
of defending the memory of his master Philopce- 
men from an accusation of his having been an en- 
emy of the Roman people. He acquitted himself 
on that occasion with such eloquence and force of 
argument, that a decree was passed, forbidding the 
statues set up in honour of that hero to be demo- 
lished or hurt. Polybius was likewise chosen by 
the Roman commissioners to visit the conquered 
towns, and to settle any disputes that had arisen 
among them. This commission he executed with 
such admirable prudence and equity, that statues 
were, in different places, erected to his honour. 
After this he went back to Scipio at Rome, with 
whom he lived till the death of that illustrious Ro- 
man, when he once more returned to his native 
country, and there ended his days at the age of 
eighty-two years. 

Dionysius the Halicarnassian was, as his name 
imports, a native of Halicarnassus, a city of Caria in 
Asia Minor. He came into Italy about the time of the 
battle of Actium gained by Augustus against An- 
thony. His principal work, intitled, The Roman 
Antiquities, was divided into twenty books, of 
which only eleven now remain, and comprehended 
the most abstruse part of the Roman history, which 
it deduced from the founding of Rome. During 
the residence of Dionysius at Rome, he formed an 



540 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

acquaintance with the most learned men then in 
that city, and studied very carefully the works of 
the most esteemed historians. The learned discov- 
er in Dionysius a profound erudition, a most acute 
spirit of criticism, a mind void of prejudice, and an 
ardent love of truth. We are particularly obliged 
to him for the knowledge he has given us of the re- 
ligion and manners of the Romans. His style is 
simple and elegant ; and he appears more solicitous 
about showing his learning than about the orna- 
ments of eloquence. 

Diodorus Siculus lived in the time of Julius Caesar 
and Augustus. His work, intitled, The Historical 
Library, comprehended forty books, of which only 
fifteen now remain. The five first immediately 
follow one another, contain the history of the fabu- 
lous times, and treat of what happened previous to 
the siege of Troy. The next seven books compre- 
hend the history of the Persians and Greeks, from 
the expedition of Xerxes into Greece, till the death 
of Alexander. And the three last give us the his- 
tory of Alexander's successors. Diodorus is a very 
valuable historian ; and though he appears to have 
given rather too much credit to the traditions of the 
priests, yet we have great reason to regret the loss 
of the rest of his history. His style unites simplicity 
with perspicuity, and his works abound with judi- 
cious reflections. 

Plutarch, the celebrated biographer, was a native 
of Cherne in Bceotia, and lived in the reign of the 
emperor Nero. He performed several journeys in- 
to Italy, to collect materials for his Lives of Illus- 
trious Men: and he numbered among his friends 
the greatest men of Rome, who took delight in 
hearing him reason in Greek on matters of philo- 
sophy. At last he fixed his constant residence in 
his native country, where he was honoured with the 
-first employments, and discharged those, as well as 
all the duties of private life, with admirable care 
and prudence ; showing himself to be a good father, 



CHAP, Hi ANCIENT GREECE. 541 

a good husband, a good master, and a good citizen ; 
and his virtue was rewarded with the sweetest har- 
mony and peace in his family. 

His works are, his Lives of Illustrious Men, and 
his Discourses on Morals. The last contain ,very 
useful maxims for the conduct of life, sublime no- 
tions about the divinity and immortality of the 
soul, and are interspersed throughout with curious 
anecdotes. But The Lives of Illustrious Men is the 
work that has immortalised the name of Plutarch. 
It is looked upon as the most proper book in the 
world, to form men either for private life or for 
public employments ; and it abounds with particu- 
lars highly worthy of observation. Things are there 
estimated at their real value. He does not confine 
himself to the great and shining actions alone of the 
illustrious men whose lives he writes ; * He does 
not satisfy himself," says M. Rollin, u to paint the 
commander, the conqueror, the politician, the ma- 
gistrate, the orator; he introduces his reader into 
the closets, as it were, or rather indeed into the 
hearts of those of whom he speaks ; and there makes 
him acquainted with the father, the husband, the 
master, the friend. We seem to live and to con- 
verse with them, and to be present at their parties 
of pleasure, their walks, their feasts their conversa- 
tions. Cicero somewhere observes, that in walk- 
ing through Athens, and the places adjacent, one 
can hardly advance a step without meeting with 
some ancient monument mentioned in history, 
which recalled to the imagination the remem- 
brance of some great man of antiquity, and render- 
ed him in a manner present. The reading of Plu- 
tarch's lives," continues Mr Rollin, " produces a si- 
milar effect, presenting, as it were, before our eyes, 
the great men of whom he speaks, and giving us 
an idea of their behaviour and manners, as lively 
and strong as if we were living and conversing 
with them." 

For this reason, the loss of some of those lives is 



542 THE HISTORY, &C. BOOK IT. 

the more to be regretted. Plutarch appears, on all 
occasions, to be a great painter; and his style, 
though plain and simple, is nevertheless lively and 
expressive ; but not every where equally supported. 
Plutarch is censured for his fondness of story-tell- 
ing ; and indeed, provided a story be curious, he 
never fails to introduce it, and to give a minute de- 
tail of it, however remote its connexion may be with 
the subject in hand. But his reflections are always 
sensible and pertinent. We are indebted to him 
for having preserved to us specimens of the writings 
of some of his great men. 

Besides the eminent historians here taken notice 
of, several others of the same country flourished in 
the times of the emperors ; such as Arrian, Elian, 
Appian, and Herodian : but these were of an infe- 
rior rank to those mentioned above. 



THE 



HISTORY 



OF 



ANCIENT GREECE 



BOOK V. 



CONTAINING A SUCCINT ACCOUNT OF THE PRINCI- 
PAL TRANSACTIONS IN THE ISLAND OF SICILY. 

Sicily is situated in the Mediterranean sea, to 
the southwest of Italy; from which it is separated 
by the Strait of Messino, about two miles and a 
half over. 

It is about 170 miles long and 100 broad, and of a 
triangular form, the three angles being terminated 
by as many remarkable capes, namely, Pachinum* 
to the south, Pelorumf to the north, and Lilybeum^: 
to the west. 

As it lies between thirty-seven and thirty-nine 
degrees of northern latitude, its climate is warm : 
and it is healthful. Prom remotest antiquity down 
to these times, Sicily has been always regarded as 
one of the most fruitful spots in the world, produc- 
ing corn, wine, oil, and silk, particularly the first, in 
extraordinary abundance. It was called the grana- 
ry of ancient Rome, and with justice ; as that great 
capital of the western world, when in the zenith of 
its power, glory, and population, depended chiefly 
on this island for its supplies of corn. 

* Now Passaro. t Now Faro. t Now Boeo. 



» 



544 THE HISTORY OF BOOK IV. 

The climate, the fertility, and the beauty of Sici- 
ly, conspire to render it one of the most delicious 
countries on earth. But it is subject to one dread- 
ful calamity, which proves an alloy to all its excel- 
lences, namely, a frequency of earthquakes. These 
are supposed, and with much probability, to be prin- 
cipally occasioned by the convulsions which, from 
the earliest tradition down to our days, have been 
constantly agitating, though with very different de- 
grees of violence, the whole island, but more espe- 
cially the bowels of mount iEtna. This moun- 
tain is of very great extent, being nearly twelve 
miles from the commencement of its ascent to its 
summit, and it is one of the largest volcanos in the 
world. Its eruptions are accompanied by severe 
earthquakes, by which the whole island is violently 
shaken. Many towns, with great numbers of the 
inhabitants, have by these earthquakes been at dif- 
ferent periods swallowed up and destroyed. In the 
1693 above fifty towns are said to have been re- 
duced to ruins, and more than 150,000 persons to 
have perished. 

The more ancient history of Sicily is obscure and 
perplexed. Its fruitfulness, and its advantageous 
situation, nearly in the centre of the Mediterranean 
sea, from whence the navigation to the Greek 
islands, and to the richest districts of Europe, of 
Asia Minor, and of Africa, was short and easy, na- 
turally invited thither many adventurers in com- 
merce. Colonies of Phenicians, of Carthaginians, 
of Greeks, and of Italians, found means to procure 
establishments there, and built cities. 

These cities became as many independent states. 
But their respective forms of government seem to 
have been extremely fluctuating; sometimes dis- 
playing the sublimest heroism and virtue, but often - 
er distracted by the folly and fury of republicanism ; 
and frequently groaning under the cruel oppression 
of a parcel of petty tyrants. 

The Carthaginians in particular appear to have 



ANCIENT GREECE. 545 

acquired an early footing, and to have colonized 
many considerable territories in Sicily. That com- 
mercial people, fully sensible of the importance of 
this island, at length aspired at the sovereignty of 
the whole country. In this pursuit they persisted 
for many years, with various success, and at an im- 
mense expence of blood and treasure : but at last 
they were entirely expelled by the Romans, their 
rivals and their mortal enemies. 

The first Greeks that passed over into Sicily, 
were the Chalcidians of Eubcea, who founded Leon- 
tium and Catana. After them, Archias the Corin- 
thian led a colony into that island, and became the 
founder of the city of Syracuse about the year be- 
fore Christ 709. Much about the same time the 
foundations of Megara were laid by the Megareans. 

In like manner, several Greek colonies settled in 
the southern parts of Italy, commonly known by 
the name of Calabria ; which increasing daily, and 
being joined by many additional colonies of Greeks, 
grew at last so considerable, that the country ob- 
tained the name of Greater Greece. 

These colonies, imitating the example, and ac- 
tuated by the spirit of the parent states in proper 
Greece, from whence they had emigrated, appear to 
havepreserved themselves in a state of independence. 
None of them therefore ever arrived at any eminent 
degree of power or territory by the subjection of 
their neighbours. They are chiefly noted in his- 
tory for luxury and voluptuousness of manners. 

Syracuse was the most powerful city in Sicily. 
History, however, has transmitted no memorable 
circumstance regarding it during the two first cen- 
turies of its existence. It only began to make a 
figure in the time of king Gelon. But, for the space 
of 200 years after that period, it gave occasion to 
many interesting events. Of these we shall here 
confine ourselves to the most considerable. 

About the year before Christ 484, the Carthagi- 
nians, at the instigation of Xerxes the famous king 

2 M 



546 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

of Persia, invaded Sicily with an army of 300,000 
men and a fleet of 2000 ships ; but this formidable 
army was defeated by Gelon then tyrant of Syracuse, 
This Gelon deserves to he ranked among the 
greatest men. He was a native of Gela,fa city on 
the southern coast of Sicily, Upon the death of 
Hypocrates, tyrant of that place, Gelon took arms 
against his fellow-citizens, subdued them, and pos- 
sessed himself of the sovereign authority. Shortly 
after, he affected a similar revolution at Syracuse ; 
where, after securing himself in the supreme autho- 
rity, he directed his attention to extend the terri- 
tory of the city, and soon become very powerful. 
Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general, having laid 
siege to the city of Himera, Gelon went to the as- 
sistance of his father-in-law, who defended that 
place ; and the father and son, joining their forces, 
gave battle to the Carthaginians, gained a complete 
victory, and made an immense booty. Gelon em- 
ployed the greatest part of the spoil to decorate the 
temples of Syracuse ; he divided the prisoners with 
the greatest equity ; and, assembling the Syracusans, 
gave them a full account of his proceedings. By 
those means, he acquired their esteem and affection 
to such a degree, that they voluntarily bestowed on 
him the title of king. " He was the first (says M. 
Kollin) whom the regal dignity rendered a better 
man " Historians are full of the praises of Gelon 's 
virtues. They celebrate particularly his sincerity, 
his exact observance of his promises and engage- 
ments, and his careful attention to promote agricul- 
ture. He thought himself bound, as king, to de- 
fend the interests of the state, to enforce justice, and 
to protect innocence. He embellished and fortified 
the city, and increased its territory. He never made 
his power to be felt, except in doing good ; and per- 
sisting in the same moderation to the end of his 
life, he died universally regretted by his subjects, 
after a reign of seven years. 

Hiero, one of Gelon's sons, succeeded him ; but 



ANCIENT GREECE. 547 

proved at first a king of a very different character, 
indulging himself in all his passions, and giving a 
loose to violence and injustice. His subjects there- 
fore regarded him as a tyrant. But being, by his 
delicate state - of health, exposed to frequent indis- 
positions, he gave way on such occasions to reflec- 
tion ; resolved at last to change his conduct ; and, 
with that view, invited to his court Simonides and 
Pindar, the most famous poets of his time, who, by 
the charms of their poetry and conversation, soften- 
ed in a great measure his fierce and gloomy dispo- 
sition, and inspired him with more refined notions 
of government, as well as of the conduct of private 
life. Xenophon has taken occasion, from this cir- 
cumstance, to compose a treatise on this important 
subject, which he has in titled Hiero. He draws it 
up in the form of a dialogue between that prince 
and Simonides. Hiero is there introduced to main- 
tain, that kings and tyrants are, on many accounts, 
far from being so happy as is commonly imagined ; 
but particularly, by their being almost necessarily 
deprived of the greatest happiness of life, namely, 
a true friend. Simonides, on the other side, is 
made to describe, in a very masterly manner, the 
duties of royalty; and his whole argument tends 
to demonstrate, that a king ought not to be ac- 
counted such for his own sake, but for that of his 
subjects. Hiero, during the remaining part of his 
life, endeavoured, by the mildest and most engaging 
behaviour, to draw to his court the finest geniuses of 
his time. He died after a reign of eleven years. 

Thrasybulus his brother succeeded him, and 
472. proved a downright tyrant. His haughty 

and cruel behaviour provoked his subjects to 
rebel against him, and to besiege him in his palace. 

Thrasybulus was obliged to capitulate ; and 
461. to save his life, having consented to go into 

exile, he retired into the country of the Lo- 
crians. The Syracusans having thus recovered their 
liberty, erected a collossal statue to Jupiter the De- 

2 M 2 



548 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

liverer, appointed an annual festival in commemora- 
tion of their deliverance, and re-established the po- 
pular form of government. 

Diodorus Siculus mentions, as having flourished 
about this time, Deucetius, who was chief of the 
people properly called Sicilians. This Deucetius, 
after continuing for some time very powerful, and 
gaining great advantages over the Syracusans, built 
a famous temple called Palici, which was made an 
inviolable asylum for all who were oppressed by a 
superior power. At last, however, Deucetius's 
good fortune abandoned him. Hewas utterly ruin- 
ed by the loss of a single battle with the Syracu- 
sans, and thereupon his remaining troops deserted. 
Doubtful of his fate, he boldly appeared in the 
market-place of Syracuse, and threw himself on the 
mercy of his enemies ; who, moved with pity, and 
thinking it ungenerous and inhuman to take ad- 
vantage of his present misfortune, not only gave 
him his life, but assigned him a handsome subsis- 
tence. 

Syracuse, after enjoying her liberty for more than 
fifty years, was, about the year before Christ 416, 
attacked by the arms of the Athenians, incited to 
that war by the ambition of Alcibiades. We have 
already given a full account of the particulars of this 
expedition, which proved most ruinous to the A- 
thenians. (Vide B. ii.) 

By the abdication of Thrasybulus, Syracuse 
406. had now remained about sixty years in the 
possession of her liberty, when Dionysius, a 
private citizen, formed the design of enslaving his 
country and of assuming the sovereign power. This 
man had already given proofs of his courage in a 
war against the Carthaginians, who had for whole 
ages meditated the reduction of this island, and had 
often made attempts, during that period, to accom- 
plish their design. 

The fruitfulness of Sicily, the wealth of its inha- 
bitants, and the beauty of its cities, were so many 



ANCIENT GREECE. 549 

allurements to the Carthaginian avarice and ambi- 
tion ; and, notwithstanding the unfortunate event 
of most of their invasions of it, they steadily persist- 
ed in their resolution to subdue it. Besides Syra- 
cuse, the city of Agrigentum was famous for its 
magnificent temple, dedicated to Olympian Jove, 
and for the riches of its citizens. To give us an 
idea of the wealth of those citizens, history takes 
notice of one of them called Gellias, who had in his 
house large apartments for the reception and enter- 
tainment of all strangers who came to the city, and 
wardrobes full of every sort of clothes for the ac- 
commodation of such of his guests as had occasion 
for them. This city, therefore, had particularly at- 
tracted the avarice of the Carthaginians, who be- 
sieged it with so powerful an army, that they at last 
got possession of it. 

It was about this time that Dionysius conceived 
the design of enslaving his native city Syracuse. 
With that view he availed himself of the complaints 
of the other states of Sicily againt the Syracnsan 
magistrates ; and as he possessed in an eminent de- 
gree the talent of eloquence, so useful and so dan- 
gerous in a republican government, he stood up in 
the midst of the assembly of the people, and made 
an artful speech, calculated to render odious the 
principal magistrates, whom he advised the people 
to depose. In vain was he declared a mover of se- 
dition, and condemned to pay a severe fine. En- 
couraged by several citizens, he pushed his accusa- 
tion, spoke with more freedom than before, and 
gave a most affecting description of the miseries 
which the negligence of the Syracusan magistrates 
to send timely succours, had brought upon the in- 
habitants of Agrigentum, who were forced to de- 
sert their city by night, and to fly with their wives 
and children. The Syracusans immediately depos- 
ed those magistrates, and elected Dionysius chief 
magistrate in their place. 

This first success increased his hopes : And as an 



550 ' THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

usurper never hesitates to practise every art, how- 
ever criminal, to effect his designs, he next applied 
himself to supplant the generals of the army, and 
employed for that purpose every species of fraud 
and deceit. He told the people, that instead of 
making use of foreign troops, it was much more na- 
tural and safe to trust their defence to their own 
countrymen ; and for that purpose to recall such of 
them as were living in exile. This advice was the 
more attentively listened to, as the Syracusans were 
then alarmed at the conquests of the Carthaginians. 
But the intention of Dionysius, in proposing this 
measure, was to create to himself so many adher- 
ents of those exiles, who would by that means owe 
their restoration to him, and would therefore be in- 
clined from gratitude to support his interests. The 
people assented to his arguments, and ordered the 
exiles to be recalled. 

Soon after, the Syracusans being applied to for 
assistance by the inhabitants of Gela, sent Diony- 
sius to their relief; who served them with such 
zeal and effect, that they bestowed on him the 
highest marks of gratitude and attachment. On re- 
turning to Syracuse, Dionysius counterfeited the 
appearance of a man overwhelmed by distress and 
affliction; and at last informed the people, that he 
had made a discovery of a treasonable correspon- 
dence between their generals and Imilco, com- 
mander of the Carthaginians. This pretended dis- 
covery created in the minds of the people the ut- 
most anxiety and consternation. Many cried out, 
that Dionysius ought to be immediately created 
commander-in-chief, as the danger appeared to ad- 
mit of no delay. The multitude, accordingly, ever 
blind to causes and consequences, and only regard- 
ful of the present, instantly chose him commander- 
in-chief, with absolute power, though many of the 
most prudent and wisest citizens were of opinion, 
that by such a step they would in effect give away 
their liberty. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 551 

Dionysius, fully determined to secure himself in 
his power, and to render ineffectual any change of 
the public disposition, projected another artifice for 
persuading his countrymen to appoint him guards. 
Going therefore to the city Leontium, where there 
was a Syracusan garrison, certain persons employed 
for that purpose created a tumult. Dionysius cried 
out that there was a conspiracy against his life, and 
affected to fly for safety to the citadel, which he 
had garrisoned with soldiers firmly attached to his 
interests. An assembly of the people being called, 
Dionysius described to them in a most affecting 
manner the danger he had run, and intreated them 
to permit him to choose a guard of 600 men for the 
security of his person. His request was granted ; 
and instead of 600, he chose 1000 soldiers by way 
of life-guard ; whom, as well as his foreign troops, 
he engaged to his service by the most liberal pro- 
mises. He then sent to Gela for a part of the gar- 
rison, and assembled the fugitives and exiles. Thus 
reinforced, the inhabitants of Syracuse were no 
longer able to resist him. Making therefore his 
public entry into the city, followed by all his re- 
tinue, he at length threw off the mask, and showed 
his countrymen that obedience now was their only 
safety. Every heart was thereupon seized with 
terror, and Dionysius saw himself master of the 
most powerful city of Sicily. 

The beginnings of his reign, however, were not 
free from disturbance, and his ambition was very 
nigh costing him his head. Dionysius had march- 
ed to the relief of Gela, which was besieged by the 
Carthaginians. But finding himself unable to op- 
pose the enemy, he ordered the inhabitants to aban- 
don the city in the night, and accompanied them to 
cover their retreat. In this march he narrowly es- 
caped being cut off by some of the Syracusan horse- 
men, who made a desperate attack upon him 
for that purpose; but, luckily for the tyrant, 
were repulsed. The danger, however, did not end 



552 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

there. Those horsemen, on being disappointed in 
their first design, rode forwards to the city, attack- 
ed Dionysius's palace, plundered it, and abused his 
wife. But things soon assumed a different appear- 
ance. Dionysius pushing on to Syracuse in the 
night, with an escort of 500 men, defeated and cut 
in pieces a body of the citizens who attempted to 
oppose his entry, in revenge put to the sword all 
that came in his way, and gave up the houses of 
his enemies to be plundered. 

The full extent of his treason soon became 
404. apparent. His countrymen perceived, that, 
to support his usurpation, he had concluded 
an alliance with the Carthaginians, who intimated 
to them by a herald, that if they had a mind to ob- 
tain a peace, their city must remain subject to the 
power of Dionysius. The tyrant having now got- 
ten the better of all opposition, inflicted on the Sy~ 
racusans all the horrors and miseries of tyranny. 
Sensible of their hatred, and of the danger which 
constantly threatened his life, he resolved to sacri- 
fice to his safety every person who gave him the 
least uneasiness. Studying to inspire terror by the 
punishments which he daily inflicted, he beheaded 
some citizens, burnt others, and satiated his cruelty 
by putting to death persons of every age and of 
every condition. On this occasion Plutarch observes, 
that such cruel tyrants are from time to time set 
over nations by the unerring disposition of the Al- 
mighty Creator, to scourge them for their wicked- 
ness and impiety. 

Dionysius, after intimidating the Syracusans into 
subjection by his cruelty, began to take other mea- 
sures for his future security, and applied himself par- 
ticularly to fortify that part of the city called the 
island, which in case of necessity, might serve him 
for a place of refuge. Then he turned his thoughts 
to the subduing of such of the inhabitants of Sicily 
as still remained free ; and for that purpose resolved 
to besiege the city Herbesina, But this project had 



ANCIENT GREECE. 553 

almost proved fatal to him. The Syracusan troops, 
whom he had armed with a view of making use of 
their assistance in this undertaking, finding them- 
selves in a condition to vindicate the liberty of their 
country, revolted from the tyrant, besieged him in 
the Epipolis, and set a price upon his head. Here- 
upon Dionysius, being likewise deserted by his fo- 
reign auxiliaries, thought himself absolutely un- 
done ; and, to avoid falling into the hands of his ene- 
mies, conceived the design of putting an end to his 
life. But from this desperate resolution he was dis- 
suaded by one of his friends. Dionysius therefore 
in treated permission of the Syracusan s to depart 
from the city with his family ; which they were not 
only simple enough to grant, but likewise complied 
with another request of the tyrant, to furnish him 
with five vessels wherein to transport his effects. 

While preparations were making for the depar- 
ture of Dionysius, the Syracusans, apprehensive of 
no further disturbance from him, gave themselves 
up to indolent security ; of which the tyrant taking 
advantage, warmly solicited the Carthaginian garri- 
sons in the towns adjacent to come to his relief. 

The Carthaginians resolved to support him ; and 
1200 of them marching towards Syracuse, over- 
powered all opposition, and effected their junction 
with Dionysius. This sudden reverse of fortune 
discouraged the Syracusans ; and Dionysius having 
made a sally on the besiegers, and cut off a great 
number of them, obliged the survivors to raise the 
siege, and to disperse. Finding himself now supe- 
rior to his enemies, he sent word to those who had 
fled, that they might peaceably return to the city, 
for he frankly forgave what had passed. Perceiv- 
ing, however, that the Syracusans were not to be 
trusted, he thought it necessary to employ every 
precaution for his safety ; and therefore he took the 
opportunity of the ensuing harvest to seize on all 
their arms. Then he fitted out a powerful fleet, 
enlisted a great number of foreign troops, and re- 



554 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

solved to attempt some enterprise that might in- 
crease his power. For this indeed he possessed all 
the requisite courage and ability. He quickly re- 
duced Naxus, Catana, and Leontium, and chastised 
some of the neighbouring cities, which had attempt- 
ed to oppose his progress. 

JDionysius having now formed the design of ruin- 
ing the Carthaginian power in Sicily, began to make 
vast preparations for putting his design in execu- 
tion. In the first place, he enticed to Syracuse, by 
the means of great encouragement, a multitude of 
workmen, skilful in preparing every thing necessa- 
ry for a powerful armament ; and that their work 
might proceed with more diligence and regularity, 
he established proper inspectors and overseers ; fre- 
quently bestowed with his own hand considerable 
rewards on those who distinguished themselves most 
by their industry and skill ; and used to converse 
with them with great familiarity. All the streets of 
Syracuse were thronged with artificers; and nothing 
was to be heard but the noise of their work. In a 
very short while, therefore, a prodigious quantity of 
arms of every kind were prepared, and a great 
number of galleys built, some of three, some of five 
benches of oars ; so that he soon had a fleet of 200 
galleys completely fitted out, and a number of 
warlike engines corresponding to his other prepara- 
tions. 

After finishing his naval armament, Dionysius 
began next to raise an army. The large pay offer- 
ed by him enticed soldiers to Syracuse from all 
quarters, particularly from Greece ; and Dionysius 
omitted no means to gain the affection of those sol- 
diers. Of late indeed he was become quite a new 
man in every respect. Instead of the cruel, impe- 
rious, and despotic tyrant, he was now the humane, 
generous, merciful prince ; and his present conduct 
effaced all remembrance of his past behaviour. 

To remove as far as possible every obstacle to his 
great design, he endeavoured to conciliate the friend- 



ANCIENT GREECE* 555 

ship of two powerful cities, Rhegium and Messina. 
Then he bethought himself of providing an heir to 
his throne ; and with that view contracted a double 
marriage; taking to wife both Aristomache the 
daughter of one of the richest citizens of Syracuse, 
and Doris the daughter of a Locrian of distinction. 
Aristomache was sister to the famous Dion, for 
whom his brother-in-law soon conceived such a 
high esteem and so strong a friendship, that he gave 
orders to furnish him with whatever money he 
should demand. Dion was a man of a lofty, noble 
soul, and had contracted a strong relish for the phi- 
losophy and conversation of Plato, who in the 
cour&e of his travels had halted some time at Syra- 
cuse. Dion took all the opportunities that the great 
confidence and credit reposed in him by Dionysius 
presented, to give that prince such counsel as he 
thought he stood in need of. 

All the preparations for war being now finished, 
Dionysius acquainted the Syracusans with his in- 
tentions of declaring war against the Carthaginians ; 
and at the same time laid before them his motives 
for so great an undertaking ; namely, that the Car- 
thaginians had been always the professed enemies 
of the Greeks ; and that both the honour and the 
interest of the Greek cities called loudly for their 
deliverance from the yoke of barbarians. The Sy- 
racusans very highly applauded the magnanimous 
intentions of Dionysius ; immediately began hosti- 
lities, by putting to death and plundering the effects 
of all the Carthaginians found in their city ; and 
dispatched a herald to Carthage to make a public 
declaration of war. This piece of news greatly 
alarmed the Carthaginians ; who were the more af- 
fected by it, that they had lately suffered much by 
a plague. They were not, however, discouraged ; 
but made preparations for a vigorous defence. 

Dionysius had already a powerful army on foot, 
amounting to 80,000 foot and 3000 horse, which 
was besides daily increasing ; and his fleet consisted 



556 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

of 200 galleys. At the sight of so formidable an 
army, most of the Carthaginian cities in Sicily vo- 
luntarily opened their gates to the Syracusans; 
but some of them resolved to stand a siege. On 
the other hand, the Carthaginian general Imilco 
dispatched against Syracuse a small squadron of ten 
galleys, which, entering the harbour in the night, 
destroyed a good number of ships. Dionysius was 
in the mean time employed in besieging Metya, 
which made considerable resistance. But having 
taken it at last, he put all the inhabitants to the 
sword, and gave the city up to be plundered. 

The Carthaginians assembled all their troops, ad- 
vanced towards Palermo with a land army of 
300,000 foot and 4000 horse, and a fleet of 400 gal- 
leys. With these powerful forces Imilco laid siege 
to Messina, and took it after a very brave defence 
on the part of the besieged. Dionysius, unable to 
make head against an army so much superior to his 
own, was deserted by many of his allies, and obliged 
to retreat to Syracuse. Having in the mean time 
levied fresh troops, I dionysius once more took the 
field. Imilco having separated himself from his 
fleet, Dionysius gave orders to his admiral Lepti- 
nus immediately to attack the Carthaginian fleet ; 
but this attempt proved very unfortunate. Lepti- 
nus was surrounded by the superior number of the 
Carthaginian galleys ; and Mago, who commanded 
them, cut in pieces such of the Syracusans as en- 
deavoured to save themselves by swimming. In 
this engagement, the Syracusans lost more than 
10,000 men, and upwards of 100 galleys. 

Dionysius, on receiving the news of this defeat, 
returned in haste to Syracuse. Imilco, after spend- 
ing some time in refitting his fleet and allowing his 
army to repose themselves, sailed towards Syracuse, 
and entered the harbour with an air of triumph ; 
while his land army marched up to the city on the 
land side, and offered battle to the Syracusans, who 
dared not to accept the challenge. Imilco there- 



/ 



ANCIENT GREECE- 557 

fore, meeting with no resistance, laid waste the coun- 
try, made himself master of the suburb of Arcadina, 
and prepared to besiege the city. But while he lay 
encamped before Syracuse, Polyxenus, one of Di- 
onvsius's brothers-in-law, arrived to his assistance 
with thirty ships. The Syracusans thereupon re- 
sume their courage, attack the Carthaginian fleet, 
and after a sharp engagement, take eighty of their 
galleys, and re-enter their city in triumph. 

Dionysius happened to be absent from the city, 
taking measures for a proper supply of provisions, 
at the time of this engagment. The Syracusans, 
emboldened by their success, formed the design of 
shaking off the tyrant's yoke. But Dionysius ar- 
riving in the mean time, congratulated with the Syra- 
cusans on their good fortune; and assured them, that 
he would take such measures as should very soon bring 
the war to a happy conclusion. At the very time, 
however, that he was giving them those flattering 
hopes, one of the citizens, named Theodorus, a man 
of a daring impetuous disposition, stood up and made 
a speech to the assembly : w T herein, after decribing 
to them in a lively manner the various instances of 
tyranny committed by Dionysius, and the cruel op- 
pression under which he had made the Syracusans to 
groan, he exhorted all present instantly to assert 
their liberty. ButPharacidesthe Lacedemonian, who 
commanded the fleet, standing up next, desired the 
assembly to advert, that his countrymen had sent him 
thither to assist the Syracusans and Dionysius, 
not to make war on Dionysius. This speech cooL 
ed the ardour of the conspirators, and threw them 
into great consternation ; for they did not doubt 
that Dionysius would very speedily make them feel 
the effects of his resentment. But they were hap- 
pily mistaken. Dionysius had already learned, by 
experience, that severe measures tended rather to 
irritate than to reclaim ; and had resolved for the fu- 
ture to endeavour to make himself to be beloved, and 
not feared, by his subjects. On this occasion there- 



558 THE HISTORY OF 

fore, he studied, by a mild and complaisant behav- 
iour, and by the force of presents, to gain the affec- 
tion of the people, even going so far as to invite 
several of them to eat at his table. 

The affairs of the Carthaginians were now in a 
very bad situation, the plague having broken out 
in their army. The Syracusans, taking advantage 
of this unhappy circumstance, attacked them by 
sea and land, threw them into the greatest disorder, 
sunk many of their ships, and made a dreadful 
slaughter in their camp. Imilco, desirous of saving 
the remains of his troops, offered Dionysius a great 
sum of money for permission to depart in peace with 
such of his ships and soldiers as yet remained. But 
Dionysius refused to grant such permission, except 
so far as regarded the natives of Carthage alone. 
Imilco therefore being obliged to leave the rest be- 
hind, the Syracusans, the following night, again at- 
tacked the camp of the miserable barbarians, who, 
finding themselves betrayed by Imilco, betook 
themselves to flight, but were mostly cut in pieces 
by the Syracusans. Thus was humbled the pride 
of the Carthaginians, at the very time when they 
entertained the most sanguine hopes of subduing 
the whole island of Sicily. 

Though the Carthaginians were now dispersed, 
and quiet was thereby restored to S yracuse ; yet 
Dionysius was far from enjoying the general calm, 
living inconstant dread of attempts against his life. 
As he distrusted the foreign troops in his service 
he placed them in Leontium, and committed the 
care of his person to a troop of slaves whom he 
had set at liberty. 

It was about this time that the Gauls, who had 
lately burnt Rome, sent ambassadors to make an alli- 
ance with Dionysius, who happened then to be in 
Italy. Having there gained a great victory over 
the Greeks of that country, and taken many of them 
prisoners, Dionysius set them all at liberty with- 
out ransom ; and by that act of generosity made 
so many firm and zealous friends of them. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 559 

Dionysius entertained a violent resentment a- 
gainstthe inhabitants ofRhegium, for the provok- 
ing answer they had returned, when he begged of 
them to give him some lady of their city to be his 
wife. They told his ambassador, that they could 
let him have no other than the daughter of their 
public executioner, who, if he pleased, was at his 
service. In revenge, Dionysius laid seige to their 
city. The besieged, finding themselves unable to 
resist him, proposed terms of capitulation. But Di- 
onysius intending to ruin them entirely, refused to 
raise the siege, except on condition of their paying 
him a sum amounting to nearly L.80,000 Sterling ; 
of their delivering up to him all their ships ; and of 
their putting into his hands 100 hostages. After 
having by these means disabled them from making 
&ny great resistance, he contrived some pretence 
for attacking them anew the following year, when 
he again besieged their city. The inhabitants, per- 
ceiving that the tyrant aimed at nothing less than 
their utterdestruction, defended themselves with great 
obstinacy. But after sustaining the siege for elev- 
en months, being at last reduced to all the horrors of 
famine, they were forced to surrender at discre- 
388. tion. By this time the inhabitants were half 
dead of hunger, and presented the most mea- 
gre ghastly figures imaginable. Dionysius made 
6000 of them prisoners, and obliged such of them 
as had any money or effects remaining, to pay him 
a ransom. But his cruelty did not stop there. He 
resolved to take vengeance on Phyton the chief 
magistrate of the town, for the brave defence he had 
made. He therefore caused the son of that gallant 
officer to be thrown headlong into the sea in his fa- 
ther's sight ; and then ordered the father himself to 
be whipped through the town, to be insulted in the 
most shocking manner, and then to be thrown into 
the sea likewise. 

The extraordinary passion of Dionysius for poe- 
try and the Belles Lettres has been particularly no- 



560 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

ticed by historians ; who tell us, that he took great 
delight in the conversation of men of genius, and 
was remarkably fond of the arts and sciences. So 
far, no doubt, his taste was highly commendable. 
But he carried his love of poetry to a ridiculous 
height ; affecting to compose himself, without pos- 
sessing any of the requisite talents ; and discovering 
greater joy at having written a few stupid verses, 
than at obtaining the most important victory. It 
is hardly possible to carry this species of folly to a 
higher pitch than Dionysius did. He employed 
his time in composing tragedies, insisted that his 
pieces should be called excellent, and would suffer 
no competitor on that point. So that he may be 
said to have exercised his tyranny even over the 
mind. For a man of his rank to imagine that his 
honour was concerned in being accounted a fine 
poet, was certainly an instance of folly greatly to 
be pitied ; and he surely did not reflect, that some 
talents, which are highly estimable in a private 
person, may ill become a prince, especially if he 
piques himself on excelling in them. As all courts 
abound in flatterers, Dionysius found many persons 
about his, who encouraged his ridiculous vanity in 
this particular, by bestowing the most extravagant 
encomiums on all his poetical productions. 

But not satisfied with being thought the best 
poet in his own kingdom, he desired that his fame 
might be spread abroad ; and for that purpose dis- 
patched his brother Thearides to the Olympic 
games, to contend in his name for the prize of 
poetry, and of the chariot races ; that his merit in 
the poetical way might be published in that great as- 
sembly of all the Greeks. But the success was very 
far from answering his expectations. For though 
his brother pitched on a man of a most agreeable 
voice, and who was very skilful at bestowing on 
verses all the graces of elocution, to read the poems 
of Dionysius, yet the audience quickly discovered 
heir real merit, hissed without ceremony those mi* 



ANCIENT GREECE. 561 

serable compositions, and were very merry at the 
expence of the poetical talents of Dionysius. Nor 
was he more fortunate in his chariot races. His 
horses, being as unskilful in that exercise as their 
master was in the art of poetry, ran on with an un- 
governable impetuosity, and broke the chariot in 
pieces against the goal. 

The unfavourable reception of his poems at the 
Olympic games by no means cured Dionysius of his 
folly. He believed himself to be as excellent a 
poet as ever. His conceit on this point was so ex- 
travagant, that it was not only very dangerous for 
any person to censure his compositions, but even 
not to appear full of admiration when he read them. 
In this respect his courtiers perfectly complied with 
his humour. But he was one day so provoked at 
the poet Philoxenus, for declaring his sentiments 
too freely about one of his pieces, that he ordered 
him to be thrown into prison. In consequence, 
however, of the earnest intercession of all the first 
people at court, the honest poet was soon released 
from his confinement. Dionysius being extremely 
desirous of procuring the approbation of his brother 
poet, insisted with Philoxenus the very day he was 
set at liberty, when he happened to be at table with 
him, to give his opinion of what he esteemed his best 
piece. But Philoxenus, who was incapable of flat- 
tery, instead of answering Dionysius, addressed 
himself to his guards, crying out " Come, carry me 
back to the quarries the name of the public pri- 
son. The prince perceived the meaning of these 
words ; but restrained his anger, and ceased to urge 
Philoxenus any farther. 

The passion of Dionysius for composing increased 
daily ; and is said to have again sent some of his 
verses to the Olympic games, where they met with 
the same reception as the former. The news of 
this disgrace threw him into a kind of fury, which 
he vented on some of his best friends, whom he ac- 
cused of combining with those who had ruined his 

2 N 



562 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

reputation ; and he even put several of them to 
death. To divert his uneasiness, he resolved to un- 
dertake some new expedition, which might likewise 
procure him money to supply the expence of the 
public works he was carrying on about the city and 
harbour of Syracuse. He therefore formed a plan 
of attacking Epirus, in the hopes of getting posses- 
sion of the immense riches deposited in the temple 
of Dodona ; and he began with an invasion of Tus- 
cany, where he plundered a very rich temple. But 
he seems to have proceeded no further in that enter- 
prise. Afterwards he made several attempts to 
drive the Carthaginians entirely out of Sicily ; but 
was unsuccessful, for he lost a battle, which put an 
end to all his projects on that head. He was, how- 
ever, amply consoled for this misfortune, by the 
prize adjudged him by the Athenians, for one of his 
tragedies represented at some of their festivals. This 
is a proof that Dionysius, by his unwearied applica- 
tion to poetry, had at length arrived at some emi- 
nence in that profession. The news of this success 
gave him so much pleasure, that he resolved the 
whole city should share in it ; and for that purpose 
he ordered public rejoicings, He likewise gave a 
most magnificent feast on the occasion to his friends ; 

but in the height of his joy, he eat and drank 
372. to such excess as brought on a surfeit, where- 
of he died in a few days, after a reign of 
thirty-eight years. 

It cannot be disputed that Dionysius was an art- 
ful politician and a brave commander. But his am- 
bition and his cruelty reflect great dishonour on his 
memory. He showed himself on many occasions to 
be a man absolutely void of all religion; and seemed to 
insult the gods by the pleasantry with which he ac- 
companied his sacrilegious acts. As he was one day 
plundering a temple of Jupiter, a cloak of gold 
placed on the statue of that god having attracted 
his notice, he immediately ordered it to be taken 
away ; saying, that such a cloak was too heavy for 



ANCIENT GREECE. 563 

summer, and too cold for winter ; and he ordered a 
woollen one to be put in its place, which he said 
was convenient for all seasons. He jested in the 
same manner on the golden beard of Esculapius, 
which he likewise took away; observing, that it 
was improper for the son of Apollo to have a beard, 
while his father was without one. As the silver 
tables which he found in the temple bore this in- 
scription, " To the good gods," he used to say, that 
it was but just to profit by their goodness. He 
even boasted of his impiety ; for Cicero tells us, that 
as Dionysius was once returning with a favourable 
wind to Syracuse, after plundering the temple of 
Proserpine at Locri, he desired his friends to observe 
i what a favourable voyage the gods bestowed on 
the impious !" 

Dionysius paid very dear for his dignity and so- 
vereign power, by the constant apprehension in 
which he lived. To secure his life, he had recourse 
to the most extraordinary precautions. History 
takes notice of some of those. We are informed, 
for example, that he always wore a coat of mail un- 
der his robe : and that he spoke to the people of Sy- 
racuse from the top of a tower. Hearing that his 
barber boasted of having permission to put his razor 
on the tyrant's throat, he caused him to be put to 
death, and obliged his own daughters to shave him. 
But when they were grown up, thinking it unsafe 
to trust the razor even in their hands, he found out 
the expedient of singeing his beard with nut-shells. 
His bed was surrounded by a wide and deep ditch, 
over which was a draw-bridge ; and every night, af- 
ter carefully examining all the corners of his cham- 
ber, and properly securing the door, he used to re- 
move the draw-bridge before retiring to rest. His 
treatment of Damocles, who used to tell him that 
he was the happiest man in the world, is well 
known. He desired him to sit down at a table co- 
vered with the most magnificent and delicate dishes, 
in a chamber filled with the sweetest perfumes, 

2 N"2 



564 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

where he was attended by a number of slaves ready 
to obey the smallest signal ; but behold, directly a- 
bove his head hung a naked sword by a single hair ! 
Could there in effect be a more lively image of the 
situation of a tyrant ? But it is fit to observe, that 
Dionysius took these extraordinary methods to se- 
cure his life only in the beginning of his reign, and 
before his power was firmly established, when a- 
larmed by daily conspiracies. Afterwards he con- 
versed with his subjects in the most open and fami- 
liar manner ; and was always of easy access to every 
body. 

Dionysius the younger was the son of Dionysius 
the elder, by Doris of LoerL The Syracusans, now 
of a long while accustomed to subjection, admitted 
him peaceably to assume the sovereign power that 
had been enjoyed by his father, who, it must be ac- 
knowledged, had rescued Sicily from the Carthagi- 
nian yoke, and had greatly augmented the naval 
strength of the Syracusans. But the son was as 
peaceably disposed as the father had been active 
and enterprising, less indeed from wisdom and mo- 
deration than from his natural indolence. 

In the beginning of his reign, Dion, of whom we 
have made some mention already, thought it his 
duty, as brother-in-law to the father, to assist the 
son with his service and counsel ; and therefore of- 
fered to take the command of an expedition into 
Africa, to divert the storm with which the Cartha- 
ginians were threatening Sicily. This proposal of 
Dion was by no means relished by the other cour- 
tiers by whom he was envied and disliked : A strik- 
ing instance of a very general truth, that a man at 
court is not always at liberty to do the good he de- 
sires. Perhaps this maxim held more true at the 
court of Dionysius than at any other. For it was 
composed of a parcel of young debauchees, who 
studied to keep that prince immersed in effeminacy 
and sloth, and wholly employed in the most shame- 
ful pleasures. We are told that sometimes they 



ANCIENT GREECE. 565 

would keep their young prince engaged in an un- 
intermitting scene of riot and intoxication formonths 
together. These courtiers practised, therefore, every 
art to exasperate Dionysius against Dion, whom 
they represented as an impertinent censurer and a 
misanthrope. It is true, indeed, that Dion was a 
man of a very stoical and austere character ; and 
that his most intimate friends complained of the se- 
verity of his temper. This did not, however, pre- 
vent him from being highly esteemed on account of 
his great abilities and the superiority of his under- 
standing. Dion thought, that the most essential 
service he could at present render, either to his 
country or to his prince, was to cultivate the under- 
standing of Dionysius ; who, though his education 
had been much neglected, was not void of parts. 
He studied therefore to inspire him with just ideas 
of virtue, honour, and the other most important du- 
ties of life ; and to connect him with men of genius 
and integrity, who might instruct him in an agree- 
able manner, and as it were by stealth. Dion be- 
gan this commendable work with giving Dionysius 
a very advantageous account of the fine parts of 
Plato, at that time in great renown, describing him 
not only as a man of wonderful genius, but as a 
most agreeable companion, and a profound states- 
man. By these means he inspired Dionysius with 
an earnest desire to be acquainted with that excel- 
lent philosopher. 

Dionysius accordingly dispatched several mes- 
sengers to invite the philosopher to his court. But 
Plato, who was not ignorant of that prince's real 
character, was extremely backward to comply with 
this invitation, from a belief that his lessons would 
have but little effect upon him. Dion at last, who 
had been a scholar of the philosopher's, was obliged 
to join his request to that of the prince ; and he 
showed Plato so clearly the great need in which 
Dionysius stood of his instructions, that he at last 
consented to undertake the journey, and according- 



566 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

ly set out for Sicily. Dionysius received the phi- 
losopher with every mark of honour and respect, 
and treated him with the greatest kindness. A wise 
prince cannot indeed put too high a value upon a 
man capable of instructing him in his duty, and of 
telling him the truth. The possession of such a man 
is a treasure of inestimable value. 

Plato assiduously applied himself to fulfil the 
business for which he had come into Sicily ; and by 
his mild and insinuating behaviour soon gained the 
confidence of Dionysius, inspired him with a love 
of virtue, and made him sensible how unworthy his 
past conduct had been of a king, who ought to be 
uniformly employed about the happiness of his peo- 
ple. His inclinations, therefore, took a different 
turn, and he now studied nothing so much as to be 
acquainted with his duty. Capable at length of dis- 
tinguishing men of genius, he took no pleasure in 
any other company ; and from the conversation of 
such men, he soon learned several of the most va- 
luable branches of knowledge. His courtiers, a set 
of men who apply themselves principally to copy 
after their master, quickly followed his example; 
by which means the study of arts and sciences be- 
came the reigning taste at the court of Dionysius. 
That prince, contracting insensibly the habit of re- 
flection, employed his attention about the duties of 
royalty ; and for that purpose applied himself to the 
study of history, which furnished him with many 
examples of princes who had excelled both in the 
science and in the practical part likewise of govern- 
ment. 

The courtiers were not alarmed while Dionysius 
confined himself to the study of the sciences. But 
perceiving that, in conformity with the lessons of 
Plato, he had resolved to discharge the duties of 
his station himself, and to examine every thing by 
the rules of his own judgment, they began to dread 
his becoming too clear-sighted, and therefore exert- 
ed their utmost efforts to break off* his intercourse 



ANCIENT GREECE. 567 

with Plato. They, in the first place, openly declar- 
ed their suspicion, that a design was formed of in- 
spiring him with a love of philosophy, to give him 
a disgust at the crown ; insinuating that Dion would 
not be displeased to advance to the regal dignity, 
in his place, one of his nephews, sons of the late king 
by his sister Aristomache. They next endeavoured 
to depreciate Plato in the opinion of Dionysius, tell- 
ing him, that the philosopher studied to acquire an 
unbecoming ascendant over him ; and that he en- 
gaged him in a course of life unsuitable to his rank 
and to his years : and lastly, to render Dion suspect- 
ed, they advised him to take measures for the secu- 
rity of his throne and life. 

These, and many other insinuations of the same 
kind, had but too great an effect on the weak mind 
of Dionysius, and soon rendered him extremely sus- 
picious. Having so far gained their point, the cour- 
tiers, to complete their design, next put in practice 
a most abominable imposture, by forging letters in 
the name of Dion to the Carthaginian ambassadors, 
advising the ambassadors, when they had a mind to 
treat with Dionysius, to call him, Dion, to assist at 
the conferences, because he could be of service in 
procuring them a more advantageous and durable 
peace. These letters having been secretiy shown to 
Dionysius, were to him sufficient evidence against 
Dion, whom be ordered to be immediately appre- 
hended and carried to Italy, These orders 
372. were punctually executed.— Dion appearing 
a little while after in the Peloponnesus, all 
his money and effects, to a very considerable a- 
mount, were, by permission of the tyrant, sent thi- 
ther to him by his relations. 

Dionysius next desired Plato to remove to the 
citadel, under pretence of doing him honour, but in 
reality to prevent his following Dion. For, accord- 
ing to Plutarch, that prince entertained a sort of 
tyrannical regard for Plato, desiring to engross his 
whole affection himself, and unwilling that the phi= 



568 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

losopher should esteem Dion more than him. A 
war breaking out about this time against Dionysius, 
very luckily furnished Plato with a plausible pre- 
text for desiring to be sent back to Greece, Diony- 
sius, at taking leave, pressed him to accept of many 
valuable presents, which, however, the philosopher 
obstinately refused* 

As Plato was returning on this occasion to his 
native country, he happened at Olympia to fall in 
with certain foreigners, among whom he lodged for 
some time. Though the philosopher told them his 
name on their first meeting, the foreigners, from his 
plain unaffected behaviour and conversation, were 
far from suspecting that he was the famous Plato, 
of whom they had heard such extraordinary things. 
This is a very striking proof of the singular modes- 
ty of Plato, and plainly shows us, that he was far 
from making a parade of his knowledge, or of agi- 
tating in common conversation any of the questions 
handled by him in the academy. But on the pre- 
sent occasion his self-love was amply recompensed ; 
for these foreigners having accompanied him to A- 
thens, and lodged for some time in his house, at last 
begged the favour of him to introduce them to the 
celebrated philosopher of his name. Plato then 
finding it impossible to conceal himself any longer, 
told them, smiling, that he himself was the man 
whom they desired so much to know. 

Dion having gone to live some time at Athens, 
applied himself diligently to the study of philoso- 
phy, and contracted an intimate friendship with the 
philosopher Speusippus, the nephew and scholar of 
Plato, a man who knew perfectly well how to unite 
the purest principles of philosophy with the ease and 
politeness of common life. 

Dion, while at Athens, defrayed the expence of 
the public games, which it fell to Plato's turn to 
exhibit. He afterwards visited several other of the 
cities of Greece, studying by all means to cultivate 
the acquaintance an4 conversation of such of the ci- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 569 

tizens as were best acquainted with the nature of 
the constitution of each particular state ; and he was 
every where received with the highest marks of 
distinction. 

Dionysius, apprehensive lest Plato, on his depar- 
ture, should depreciate him in the opinion of the 
Greeks, invited to his court the most learned men 
of Italy, in order to show that he still retained his 
love of letters. With those Italian literati he affect- 
ed to hold frequent conversations ; in which he took 
every opportunity to display his own learning, by 
repeating the lessons he had received from Plato on 
various subjects of philosophy. But his stock was 
soon exhausted. Sensible now, by experience, of 
the advantages he had derived from the society of 
Plato, he grew very desirous of prevailing on that 
philosopher to return to court, and practised every 
means for that effect. 

Dionysius wrote to all his acquaintance, and, a- 
mong the rest, even to Dion himself, intreating them 
to use their endeavours to persuade Plato to grati- 
fy his desire of another visit from him ; and Plato at 
last was prevailed on, though with the utmost re- 
luctance, to comply with his request. I doubt the 
behaviour of that celebrated philosopher may not in 
this instance appear altogether so prudent as from 
his character might have been expected. Two gal- 
leys were dispatched by Dionysius to bring Plato to 
Syracuse ; where, as soon as he arrived, that prince 
treated him with all imaginable respect, and made 
him his principal confidant. But Plato, zealous to 
effect the recal of Dion, which Dionysius had pre- 
viously engaged to grant, began to urge that sub- 
ject, and pressed it on several different occasions ; 
but Dionysius as often declined, under various pre- 
tences, to comply with his desire. This behaviour 
quickly produced a misunderstanding between the 
prince and the philosopher ; but both were careful to 
conceal their real sentiments from the world. At 
last, however, Dionysius, unable to restrain himself 



570 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

any longer, ordered all the lands belonging to Dion 
to be sold, and applied the price of them to his own 
use. Then he commanded lodgings to be provided 
for Plato without the castle, and among the guards, 
to whom the philosopher was very obnoxious, on 
account of his frequent exhortations to Dionysius 
to dismiss them, and to renounce the tyranny. Pla- 
to, perceiving that his life was now in danger, made 
earnest application for, leave to return to Greece ; 
which at last he was happy enough to obtain. Di- 
onysius, deprived of the wise counsels of that ad- 
mirable philosopher, returned by degrees to his for- 
mer life ; and his court very soon became the resi- 
dence of dissipation and riot. 

Dion hearing that the tyrant had sold his posses- 
sions, and had so treacherously broken his promise, 
openly proclaimed his resentment, and resolved to 
punish him by force of arms. To this he was warm- 
ly urged by the Syracusans, who intreated him to 
come to their relief; and assured him, that the whole 
city would join him as soon as he should make his 
appearance among them. Dion therefore privately 
enlisted about 800 foreign troops, all hardy veterans, 
completely armed; embarked them at different 
times, and in small parties, and fixed on the island 
of Zacinthia as the place of general rendezvous. 
The historian who has related this enterprise, justly 
observes, that it was one of the most daring that 
could well be imagined. It is truly amazing, that 
a man with no more than two transports, and 800 
soldiers, should venture to attack a prince support- 
ed by a navy of 400 ships of war, an army of 10,000 
men, a vast quantity of warlike stores and provi- 
sions, and who was sovereign of one of the strong- 
est cities then in the world. 

Dion having landed at Minoa, a small town in 
Sicily, to refresh himself and his soldiers after the 
fatigue of the voyage, was informed, that Dionysi- 
us was then absent from Svracuse, and had under- 
taken an expedition towards the coast of Italy, at- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 571 

tended by 80 galleys. His soldiers thereupon im- 
mediately desired to be led directly to Syracuse. 
The news of his arrival having spread abroad, his 
small army was greatly increased in its march ; and 
on his arriving within half a league of the city, he 
found himself at the head of about 5000 men. The 
most considerable citizens went out to meet, and to 
conduct him into the city ; and the populace tore 
in pieces those infamous creatures of the tyrant who 
had served him as spies an$ informers. 

Dion entered Syracuse at the head of his army 
drawn up in battle array ; attended by his brother 
Megacles on the one hand, and by the Athenian 
Callipus on the other. He immediately ordered the 
Syracusans to be informed, by public proclamation, 
that he and his brother were come to deliver them, 
and all the inhabitants of Sicily, from slavery and 
tyranny ; and mounting an eminence, he made 
them a speech, exhorting them to exert their ut- 
most efforts for the recovery of their liberty. The 
Syracusans named him and his brother comman- 
ders-in-chief, with sovereign authority. 

JDionysius having returned soon after, and enter- 
ed the citadel from the sea, the Syracusans instantly 
took arms. The tyrant, thinking his affairs des- 
perate, sent ambassadors to treat with Dion and 
the Syracusans ; who returned for answer, That be- 
fore they would listen to any proposals he must ab- 
dicate the tyranny. Divers conferences having en- 
sued upon that subject, Dionysius endeavoured to 
protract them as much as possible, that he might 
have time to concert proper measures ; and at last 
he took a convenient opportunity to make a sudden 
attack upon the wall with which the enemy had 
surrounded the citadel. The Syracusans, who guard- 
ed that post, seized with a panic at the suddenness 
of the attack, betook themselves to flight. Dion 
advancing in great haste to the place, used his ut- 
most endeavours to rally his soldiers, but in vain. 
Throwing himself, however, into the midst of the 



572 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

enemy, he made a dreadful slaughter of them. But 
his courage urging him too far, he was wounded in 
the hand, thrown down, and with difficulty rescued 
by his soldiers out of the midst of the tyrant's men. 
As his wound was not dangerous, he instantly ran 
in quest of his foreign troops, who were in Acradi- 
na, and led them on to the charge* These being all 
well disciplined veteran soldiers, made a vigorous 
attack on the troops of Dionysius, already fatigued 
by the engagement, cut in pieces the greatest part 
of them, and put the rest to flight. 

Dionysius, alarmed at this victory of Dion, sent 
him letters, by a herald, so artfully and maliciously 
expressed, as to create suspicions among the Syra- 
cusans, of their having reposed too high an authori- 
ty in Dion. The Syracusans fell into the snare. 
Forgetting, at once, all the important services per- 
formed by Dion for their advantage, they gave 
credit to the injurious insinuations of the tyrant. 
In these circumstances, Heraclides, one of the ban- 
ished citizens, arrived at Syracuse with seven ves- 
sels, to assist his countrymen against Dionysius. 
Heraclides was a man of great bravery, and of an 
insinuating address; but secretly an enemy of Dion, 
by whose evil genius he seemed to have been, at 
this critical time, conducted to Syracuse, to throw 
a thousand obstacles in the way of that great man, 
and to obscure the glory of his actions. 

Heraclides, immediately on his arrival, was, by 
the Syracusans, created high admiral of their fleet ; 
and though he openly behaved to Dion with great 
respect and deference, yet he laboured underhand to 
prepossess the people against him, and gave a mali- 
cious interpretation to all his actions. Dionysius, 
in the mean time, offered to Dion, to deliver up the 
citadel, together with the troops, arms, and every 
thing else contained in it, if the Syracusans would 
permit him to retire in peace to Italy, and allow 
him the revenue of certain lands for his subsistence. 
These terms having been rejected by the Syracu- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 573 

sans, Dionysius soon after took the opportunity of 
a favourable wind to set sail for Italy, with all his 
treasures and most valuable effects, committing the 
defence of the citadel to his son Apollodorus. 

As soon as the flight of Dionysius was known, 
Heraclides proposed, in the public assembly, to 
make a new distribution of the lands belonging to 
the city. But this proposal being opposed by Dion, 
the Syracusans were further confirmed in their un- 
just suspicions of him ; and no longer setting any 
bounds to their ingratitude, they tampered with the 
foreign troops to induce them to abandon Dion. 
But these foreigners, far more faithful to their com- 
mander than his own countrymen, for whom he had 
performed such important services, rejected their 
proposals, and throwing themselves round Dion, 
resolved to convey him safely out of the city. 
,Dion, extending his arms, used the most affecting 
gestures, to move the compassion of his fellow r -citi- 
zens. But perceiving all his intreaties to be ineffec- 
tual, and dreading lest outrage might succeed to in- 
gratitude, he ordered his troops to march in very 
close ranks, and like men prepared to attack their 
enemies. Dion, after escaping in this manner from 
Syracuse, took refuge among the Leontines, who 
received him with much kindness and humanity. 

The soldiers of the tyrant being, in the mean 
time, extremely harassed by famine, were on the 
point of delivering up the citadel to the Syracusans. 
But Nipsius arriving with supplies of corn and other 
provisions from Dionysius, they altered their reso- 
lution, and resolved to continue the defence of the 
citadel. The Syracusans, manning their galleys, 
attacked the fleet of Nipsius, and sunk several of 
his ships. Elated wdth this success, they gave them- 
selves up to rejoicing and debauchery, disregarding 
the admonitions of their commanders, who warned 
them of their danger. Nipsius, informed of what 
was passing, seized the wall that surrounded the ci- 
tadel, and dispatched his troops into the city with 



574 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V* 

permission to pillage it. The soldiers attack all 
that come in their way, murder the citizens, plun- 
der their houses, and commit a thousand disorders. 

The Syracusans, in this extremity, seeing no 
other remedy to their misfortunes than the recalling 
of Dion, sent him deputies, who, throwing them- 
selves in tears at his feet, implore his assistance* 
We should at first imagine, that Dion, on this oc- 
casion, would be inexorable, and justly tell the Sy- 
racusans, that they merited their present sufferings. 
But the soul of Dion was superior to such senti- 
ments. He received the deputies very kindly ; 
and moved both by the miseries of his fellow-citi- 
zens, and by the intreaties of his foreign troops, he 
marched without delay to Syracuse. Nipsius, in- 
formed of his coming, made a second irruption into 
the town, which produced the same murders and 
disorders as before ; and, to complete the destruc- 
tion of the city, the soldiers of Nipsius set fire to it 
in several places, whereby many houses were con- 
sumed. 

Such was the situation of things when Dion ar- 
rived at Syracuse. Immediately drawing up his 
troops in order of battle, and dividing them into 
small parties, he entered the city, and marched 
against the enemy amid the most joyful shouts of 
the inhabitants, who hailed him, as he went along, 
as their deliverer. After leading his soldiers through 
the streets, surrounded with flames, he at last reach- 
ed the enemy ; who, seeing the Syracusans on the 
point of being revenged on them by the means of 
Dion, were animated with rage and despair. But 
the soldiers of Dion, encouraged by the shouts of 
the inhabitants, made a most vigorous attack on the 
troops of Mpsius, who were entrenched near the 
wall that surrounded the citadel, forced their en- 
trenchments, killed the greatest part of them, and 
obliged the rest to fly for refuge to the citadel. 
The remaining part of the night was employed by 
the Syracusans in extinguishing the flames. 



ANCIENT GREECE* 575 

Next day, the friends of Dion endeavoured to 
persuade him to take vengeance on his enemies, and 
particularly on Heraclides ; who, instigated by the 
blackest malice, had been principally instrumental 
in stirring up his countrymen against him. But 
that great man, who was superior to all motives of 
revenge, told them, that during his long residence 
in the academy, he had learnt to subdue his pas- 
sions ; and that the surest mark of this important 
victory, was to behave with humanity and forgive- 
ness towards those by whom we are injured. 

Then he employed both the Syracusans and his 
soldiers to throw up a strong palisado around the 
citadel. The Syracusans again elected him gener- 
alissimo ; and Heraclides, unable to remain in quite, 
recommenced his cabals against Dion. But all his 
malicious attempts proved abortive. 

The siege of the citadel being warmly pressed by 
Dion, the garrison grew mutinous for want of pro- 
visions, and forced the son of Dionysius, by whom 
they were then commanded, to capitulate : who, af- 
ter delivering up the citadel, with all the warlike 
stores within it, to Dion, embarked together with 
his mother and sisters, on board of five galleys, and 
sailed in quest of his father. Dion found his wife 
Arete in the citadel; and their meeting, after so 
long a separation, was most affectionate and tender. 
Then he very generously rewarded those who had 
fought on his side, proportioning his rewards to the 
merit and rank of each. 

Thus did Dion restore her ancient liberty to Sy- 
racuse. The fame of this revolution having quickly 
spread over all Greece, and reached even to Carth- 
age, Dion was ranked with the wisest and most suc- 
cessful commanders. But this great man, amidst all 
his glory, and while even Plato himself was writing 
him that the eyes of the whole earth were fixed on 
him as the successful champion of liberty, still re- 
tained his former modesty and simplicity. 

Dion proposed to establish at Syracuse the aris- 



576 THE HISTORY OF 

tocratical form of government. But Heraclides 
persisting in his seditious practices, and studying to 
gain, by every means, the favour of the multitude, 
resolved to oppose this design. Dion, perceiving 
that there would be no end to dissensions and 
troubles in the city while Heraclides was alive, con- 
sented to the urgent remonstrances of his friends, 
to have that factious man assassinated. But Dion 
is said to have felt so severe remorse for having giv- 
en his consent to the murder of Heraclides, that 
thenceforward his tranquillity entirely deserted him, 
and he sunk into the deepest melancholy ; which 
was still further heightened by the death of his fa- 
vourite son, which happened soon after. 

Callipus, an Athenian, a man of a most ambitious 
disposition, had conceived the design of making 
himself master of Syracuse. But perceiving that 
he could never succeed in his project while Dion was 
alive, he resolved to have that worthy patriot mur- 
dered, though he had formerly lived in very inti- 
mate friendship with him. For that purpose, he 
contrived means to get some Zacynthian sol- 
356. diers admitted into the house of Dion, who 
was murdered by them in his bed. Imme- 
diately afterwards Aristomache, the sister of Dion, 
and widow of the elder Dionysius, and Arete the 
wife of Dion, were seized by Icetas the Syracusan, 
a man in the interests of Callipus, were thrown into 
prison, and soon after, by the influence of the same 
Callipus, were drowned in the sea. 

Callipus enjoyed but a short while the fruits of 
his villany. For though he got possession of Syra- 
cuse, and exercised the sovereign power for the 
space of a year ; yet having marched out of the city 
to lay siege to Catana, the Syracusans took the 
opportunity of his absence to shake off his yoke ; 
and the report of his crime having spread over all 
Sicily, he became everywhere an object of detes- 
tation. Hipparinus, the brother of the younger 
Dionysius, arriving in the mean time, at Syracuse 



ANCIENT GREECE. 577 

with a fleet and a considerable body of troops, des- 
troyed all the hopes of Callipus in that city v and go- 
verned the inhabitants with despotic sway for the 
space of two years. At last, by a just effect of Pro- 
vidence, which sooner or later punishes the wicked- 
ness of men, Callipus was put to death by Polisper- 
chon. 

The most distinguishing features of Dion's 
character were, his elevated sentiments; his bra- 
very ; his extensive genius, equal to the greatest 
and boldest undertakings ; his unshaken attach- 
ment to the real interests of his country ; and, a- 
bove all, his singular generosity, which induced him 
to forgive the ingratitude of the Syracusans, for^ 
whom he had performed the most essential services, 
and once more cheerfully to expose his life in or- 
der to restore their liberty. On the whole, Dion was, 
so far as we know, the greatest man that ever 
Sicily produced, and deserves to be ranked with the 
first characters even of Greece. It is, however, proper 
to remark, that he had a severity and obstinacy in 
his disposition, which is extremely inconvenient in 
those who meddle in the public affairs of a popular 
government, where a mild insinuating behaviour is 
necessary for managing the minds of the multitude. 

The space from the commencement of the tyran- 
ny of Dionysius the elder, to the death of Dion, 
comprehends about fifty years. 

Dionysius the younger, hearing that Syracuse 
was distracted by factions, thought the opportunity 
favourable for his attempting once more to assert 
his rights. With that view, having hired some 
foreign troops, he returned to Syracuse, after 
350 a ten years' absence ; expelled Nypsius, who 
happened to be then in possession of the so- 
vereign power, and remounted the throne. Though 
his past misfortunes might have taught him to be- 
have with more moderation for the future, yet he op- 
pressed his subjects more cruelly than ever. The 
Syracusans, exasperated by his rigourous tyranny 

■2 o 



578 THE HISTORY OF 

implored relief of Icetas king of the Leontines, whom 
they chose for their general. But the Carthagini- 
ans about this time having invaded Sicily with a 
powerful fleet, made so rapid a progress, that the 
Syracusans were obliged to apply for assistance to 
the Corinthians. These republicans, naturally ene- 
mies to tyranny, and strongly attached to Syracuse, 
from the consideration of its being one of their ear- 
liest colonies, resolved to support them, and pitched 
on Timoleon, a man considerably advanced in years, 
but an excellent general, to command their troops 
which they intended to send to Sicily. 

Timoleon was then living extremely retired, and 
oppressed with melancholy and grief, occasioned by 
the following incident. His elder brother Timo- 
phanes, for whom he entertained a strong affection, 
having made himself tyrant of Corinth, Timoleon 
was extremely grieved at his conduct ; and to in- 
duce him to renounce his sovereignty, employed ev- 
ery motive and argument that friendship or affection 
could suggest. But these proving ineffectual, he 
proceeded even to threats. All however was to no 
purpose. At last the love of his country prevailing 
over the ties of blood, Timoleon resolved to have 
his brother assassinated. With this view, he de- 
manded another conference with Timophanes, 
wherein he repeated in the most affecting manner 
all his former arguments ; but seeing him obstinate, 
he burst into tears, and, covering his face with his 
cloak, the assassins immediately dispatched the ty- 
rant. At first this action was praised as the utmost 
effort of patriotism and virtue ; but afterwards it 
came to be considered as a most cruel and unnatur- 
al murder. Timoleon, therefore was tormented 
with the most bitter remorse, which was heightened 
by the constant reproaches of his mother. Dis- 
tracted with sorrow, he resolved to put an end to 
his life ; and it was with thd greatest difficulty that 
hisfriends diverted him from this desperate purpose. 
Yielding however at last to their remonstrances, he, 



ANCIENT GREECE. 579 

retired to the country, and for twelve years lived 
in the deepest solitude. But having been at length 
persuaded to return to Corinth, he received the 
command of the troops destined for Sicily. 

Icetas, in the mean time, hearing of the prepara- 
tions making by the Corinthians for the relief of the 
Syracusans, was base enough to betray the latter, 
and to make an agreement with the Carthaginians, 
who engaged to raise him to the sovereignty of Sy- 
racuse after the expulsion of Dionysius should be 
effected. Icetas at the same time sent the Corin- 
thians word, that having despaired of Timoleon's 
coming, he had prevailed with the Carthaginians to 
assist him. The Corinthians, suspecting his treach- 
ery, hastened the departure of Timoleon with ten 
galleys. Timoleon, on landing in Sicily, received 
intelligence, that Icetas had defeated Dionysius, and 
that the Carthaginians were making dispositions for 
preventing him and the Corinthian troops from en- 
tering Syracuse. This intelligence proved true ; 
for they had dispatched twenty galleys to Rhegium 
to oppose his advancing. Timoleon therefore was 
under the necessity either of hazarding an engage- 
ment with his slender army against an enemy 
twice as numerous, or of permitting Icetas quietly to 
reap the fruits of his treachery, and to assume the 
sovereignty of Syracuse. 

Timoleon having, by the intercession of the peo- 
ple of "Rhegium, who wished well to his cause, 
obtained a conference with the Carthaginian com- 
manders, amused them with various proposals, to 
gain time till his galleys had passed the Carthagin- 
ian fleet, and were out of all danger of being inter- 
cepted. Then Timoleon broke off the conference, 
and soon came up with his galleys. Icetas, who 
was then master of the city, and kept Dionysius 
blocked up in the citadel, hearing of Timoleon's ar- 
rival, assembled all the Carthaginian forces, consist- 
ing, as is reported, of 150 ships, 50,000 infantry, 

2 o 2 ' 



580 THE HISTORY OF 

and $00 armed chariots. The whole army of Tim- 
oleon amounted to no more than 12,000 men. 

Things were in this situation when the inhabi- 
tants of Adrana, a small city of Sicily, having quar- 
relled among themselves, one of the factions sided 
with Icetasandtheother with Timoleon. The Cartha- 
ginians hearing of this, dispatched 5000 men to Ad- 
rana. But just as these troops arrived, and were 
busy forming their camp, Timoleon with his small 
army suddenly attacked them, put them to flight, 
killed 300 of them, and took possession of their 
camp. The Adranites immediately opened their 
gates to the conqueror ; and Dionysius, hearing of 
Timoleon's success, sent him word, that he was re- 
solved to surrender himself to the Corinthians, and 
to put them in possession of the citadel. Timoleon 
accordingly contrived to throw 400 men into the 
citadel by night, who were by Dionysius put in 
possession of all its warlike stores, and reinforced 
by a 1000 men who yet remained in his service ; 
after which the tyrant went on board of a ship, ar- 
rived at the Corinthian camp, and was by Timoleon 
sent to Corinth. 

The arrival of Dionysius at that city afford- 
347. ed an agreeable show to the inhabitants ; who, 
from their violent hatred of tyranny, were de- 
lighted to see a man debased from the rank of a 
prince to that of a private gentleman. The mean 
behaviour of Dionysius rendered him still more 
contemptible ; for he passed the day in taverns, in 
the company of sots and drunkards. Here we 
have a striking instance of the extraordinary vicis- 
situdes of human affairs. Dionysius, bred in the 
midst of opulence, was at last reduced to the most 
extreme poverty ; and after being sovereign of a 
very powerful people, ended his days in the station 
of a schoolmaster. Perhaps, says Cicero jesting, be- 
ing unable to live without exercising government, 
he chose to exert his authority over a parcel of boys 
instead of a great nation. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 581 

Icetas in the mean time used his utmost efforts 
to reduce the citadel, and was extremely attentive 
to prevent the arrival of any reinforcement from 
Timoleon. But in his absence Leon, who com- 
manded in the citadel, made a sally on the troops 
left before it by Icetas, killed many of them, and 
took possession of Acradina. Timoleon on the other 
hand, receiving a reinforcement from Corinth, elud- 
ed the vigilance of the Carthaginian galleys, took 
Messina, and then advanced towards Syracuse with 
no more than 4000 men. In the mean time he em- 
ployed proper persons to tamper with the soldiers of 
Icetas ; to labour to impress them with the idea of 
its being disgraceful in Sicilians to expose their lives 
in subjecting their native country to the yoke of 
the Carthaginians, who had always shown themselves 
to be their inveterate enemies ; and to assure them, 
that if Icetas could be persuaded to join Timoleon, 
the Carthaginians, by their joint efforts, might be 
very soon totally expelled from Sicily. These re- 
ports reaching the ears of Mago the Carthaginian 
general, he thought himself betrayed ; and, in spite 
of the remonstrances of Icetas, embarked with his 
troops for Africa. 

Timoleon, thus freed from the Carthagini- 
346. ans, attacked, the day after their departure, 
the city of Syracuse on three different sides, 
and with such success that the troops of Icetas 
were put to flight, and the city was taken on the 
first assault, without the loss of a single Corinthian. 
As soon as tranquillity was restored in the city, Ti- 
moleon convinced the Syracusans of the necessity of 
demolishing the citadel, which he called the tyrant's 
nest. In compliance with this advice, all the forti- 
fications, together with the palaces of both the Di- 
onysiuses, were in a few days levelled with the 
ground. 

Timoleon, perceiving that Syracuse, by its intes- 
tine commotions and its wars with the Carthagini- 
ans, was in a great measure depopulated, ordered 



582 THE HISTORY OF 

proclamation to be made through all Greece, that 
liberty being now restored to Syracuse, every per- 
son who inclined to go thither to settle should re- 
ceive a proportion of the lands belonging to the city 
equal to that of the natives of the city of the same 
rank. In consequence of this proclamation, a new 
colony of Greeks, amounting to 60,000 souls, quick- 
ly arrived at Syracuse. The behaviour of Timoleon 
on this occasion is truly admirable ; for he preferred 
the honour of being the restorer of Syracuse to that 
of being its king. After distributing the lands, he 
sold by auction all the statues that had belonged to 
the tyrants. 

But desirous of totally rooting tyranny out of Si- 
cily, he led his troops against Icetas ; obliged him 
to renounce his alliance with the Carthaginians, 
and to demolish all the castles and forts in his pos- 
session. Having thus reduced him to the station of 
a private man, he sent him to Corinth. He used 
Leptinus tyrant of Apollonia in the same manner. 
Having successfully accomplished these undertak- 
ings, he returned to Syracuse, and applied himself 
to establish good laws, and to enforce the obser- 
vance of them. 

But more laurels were still reserved for him in 
the fields of Mars. The Carthaginians again in- 
vaded Sicily with a fleet of 200 ships and 70,000 
men, under the command of Hamilcar and Hasdru- 
bal, and landed near the promontory of Lilybeum. 
Timoleon immediately marched against them with 
an army of no more, as is reported, than 6000 
men ; and surprising them at the defile of Crimesus, 
attacked them in flank, while a dreadful storm of 
lightning and rain suddenly arising, completed 
their disorder. Timoleon, taking advantage of their 
consternation, penetrated their ranks with great 
slaughter, put them to flight, and took 15,000 pri- 
soners, with an immense booty. The number of 
killed on the side of the Carthaginians is said to have 
been 13,000. 



ANCIENT GREECE. 583 

Timoleon, on returning to Syracuse, put the 
finishing hand to his laws and regulations. But he 
was soon after obliged once more to take the field 
against the Carthaginians: who had invaded the 
island anew, at the instigation of the tyrants of Ca- 

{ tana and Messina, persuaded to that measure by 
Icetas. But the event of this expedition was even 
more unfortunate for the Carthaginians than that of 
the former. Timoleon, to cut off the evil at its 
source, went in pursuit of Icetas ; and having taken 
him, caused his head to be struck off. Thus was 
avenged the murder of Dion's wife and sister, put 
to death, as we have mentioned above, by this se- 

i ditious man Icetas. This train of success gave the 

I Carthaginians so high an opinion of Timoleon, that 
they sued to him for peace. 

Timoleon, after extinguishing tyranny in every 
city of Sicily, and completing the great work of re- 
formation ip the government of Syracuse, resigned 
all authority, and reduced himself to the rank of a 
private citizen. Removing soon after to the coun- 
try with his wife and children, he passed the re- 

I maining part of his life in retirement, enjoying the 
secret satisfaction of having restored liberty and 
quiet to all the cities of Sicily. 

Some years before his death he became blind. 

I The Syracusans, full of affection and respect for 
their deliverer, used, by way of consolation for that 
misfortune, to pay him frequent visits, and to carry 
him in a chair to the theatre, where his presence ex- 
cited universal acclamations from the spectators. 
His funeral was celebrated at the public expence ; 
and the Syracusans established annual rejoicings in 
honour of his memory. Of all the great men of 
Greece, Timoleon is perhaps the only one who, sa- 
tisfied with the success, pursued the proper course 
for avoiding the ingratitude of his fellow-citizens, 
and ended his days in tranquillity and peace. 

Timoleon possessed all the qualifications of a great 
general, and a disinterested attachment to the pub- 



584 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

lie welfare. Cornelius Nepos mentions a circum- 
stance that reflects additional lustre on all his other 
great qualities. When any person happened in his 
presence to expatiate in encomiums on his wisdom, 
his bravery, and the glory he had acquired in hav- 
ing humbled so many tyrants, Timoleon used to an- 
swer, that he most sincerely thanked the gods for 
choosing him, preferably to any other general, as the 
instrument of their great goodness, in restoring li- 
berty and quiet to Sicily ; being firmly persuaded, 
adds the same historian, that no human event is 
brought about but by the immediate interposition of 
the gods : A sentiment worthy of the most enlight- 
ened christian. 

The liberty restored by Timoleon to Syra- 
391. cuse was but of short duration. Agathocles 
possessed himself of the supreme power in 
that city ; and behaved with the most shocking 
cruelty, never hesitating at the greatest crimes. 
This Agathocles undertook the most daring enter- 
prise recorded in history. Being unable to make 
head against the Carthaginians, who were carrying 
every thing before them in Sicily, and were warmly 
besieging Syracuse itself, he boldly left his own 
country, carried the war into the dominions of Car- 
thage in Africa, reduced the strongest towns, and 
laid waste the country. After a great variety of 
events, in the course of which Agathocles had left 
Africa, and had given the command there to an- 
other person, he again returned thither himself; but 
finding all his conquests lost, he was obliged to fly 
to Syracuse. There, too, his ill fortune attended 
him ; for the Syracusans had taken the advantage 
of his absence to revolt. All his projects being 
thus ruined, he ended his days in a manner worthy 
of his crimes. 

The Syracusans after this enjoyed for some time 
the sweets of liberty ; but were much harassed by 
the Carthaginians, who persecuted them with con- 
tinual wars, and obliged them to call to their assis- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 585 

tancePyrrhus king of Epire, That prince was very 
successful against their enemies ; but other affairs 
soon carried him from their country. 

Upon the departure of Pyrrhus, the Syracusans 
created Hiero chief magistrate, and after- 
268. wards bestowed on him both the title and the 
power of king. Hiero was successful against 
the Carthaginians, and enjoyed a very long and 
peaceable reign. 

Hieronymus succeeded Hiero, but reigned only 
a year. On his death nothing but confusion pre- 
vailed in Syracuse. Andranadorus the son-in-law 
of Hiero seized on the island and citadel. The 
senate sent deputies to treat with him ; and he a- 
greed to submit. But at the instigation of his wife, 
a woman of a most ambitious spirit, he entered in- 
to a conspiracy with Themistes for raising himself 
to the throne. The conspiracy having been disco- 
vered, the conspirators were put to death by order 
of the magistrates. The people, hearing of their 
design, were instantly seized with the most ungo- 
vernable fury, crying out that the race of tyrants 
ought to be totally extirpated. A scene of horror 
ensued, from which we may conceive of what ex- 
cesses an enraged multitude is capable : They first 
murdered Demarata the daughter of their late king, 
and wife of Andranadorus, together with Harmo- 
nia the wife of Themistes; then they ran to the 
house of Heraclea wife of Zoipus ; and, deaf to the 
tears and supplications of that lady, w T ho intreated 
them to spare her two daughters, whose age was 
sufficient to move compassion in more feeling bo- 
soms, they first murdered her, and then her daugh- 
ters, all covered with their mother's blood. 

After thus satiating their cruelty, they elected 
Epicydes and Hippocrates principal magistrates ; 
who being both devoted to the interest of the Cartha- 
ginians, laboured to inspire their countrymen with 



an aversion to the Roman 



power. The Romans 



informed of the situation of things in Sicily, and 



586 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

desirous of making themselves masters of so pleas- 
ant and fruitful a country, dispatched thither the 
consul Mercellus, who had become famous by his 
success against Hannibal, to endeavour to reduce it. 
Marcellus on his march towards Syracuse, sent 
messengers to acquaint the Syracusans that he was 
advancing with an intention of restoring them to 
liberty, not to oppress them with war. Epicydes, 
however, and his colleague Hippocrates, refused to 
admit him into the city ; and told him, with great 
presumption, that they would make him sensible 
of the difference betwixt Syracuse and Leontium, 
a city lately taken by the Roman consul. 

Marcellus, provoked at this insulting answer, or- 
dered Appius to attack Syracuse on the land side, at 
the quarter called Hexapilus, while he himself with 
sixty galleys, blocked it up by sea on the Acradina 
quarter. The Syracusans were now in the utmost 
consternation, thinking it impossible for them to 
holdoutforany considerable time against the Roman 
power. But one single man, who happened at this 
time to be shut up in Syracuse, was destined to de- 
feat all the efforts of this formidable enemy, for the 
space of eight months. 

Archimedes, one of the greatest mathematicians 
of antiquity, was the man of whom we speak. Re- 
solved to attempt every thing for the defence of 
his country, he put in practice all the resources of 
his wonderful genius in machinery ; and rendered 
this siege one of the longest and most bloody that 
ever the Romans undertook. The particulars re- 
corded of the many engines invented by him for 
frustrating the attacks of the besiegers, and for an- 
noying them in their turn, are so extraordinary and 
wonderful, as to exceed all credibility, were they 
not recounted by the gravest and most credible his- 
torians. Some of those engines discharged against 
the Roman infantry stones of an enormous bulk, 
which crushed in pieces whatever came in their 
way ; and by the havoc they produced, resembled 



ANCIENT GREECE. 587 

in some degree those terrible fire-arms since in- 
vented by mankind for their mutual destruction. 
Others let fall such ponderous weights on the Ro- 
man galleys, as instantly sunk them. Another en- 
gine, more extraordinary still, was so contrived, as 
with an iron arm of amazing strength to sieze a ves- 
sel by the prow, to lift her up to a considerable 
height, and then to let her fall with her whole 
weight, so as to sink or break her to pieces. Others 
dashed in pieces the strongest machines of the be- 
siegers. 

In this manner did Archimedes baffle, for the 
space of eight months, all the attacks of the Romans. 
Of such great use, on some occasions, is a single man 
of genius and science. Marcellus, wearied out with 
so long a resistance, turned the siege into a blockade; 
and leaving Appius before Syracuse, with two- 
thirds of the army, marched himself into other parts 
of the island, to reduce some cities to the obedience 
of the Romans. 

The consul employed part of the second year of 
the siege in various expeditions through the island. 
But in the mean time, a Carthaginian fleet having 
found means to convey a supply of provisions into 
Syracuse, Marcellus, on his return to that city, 
about the beginning of the third campaign, found 
things in such a situation, that he began to despair 
of taking the place. In these circumstances, a Ro- 
man soldier having discovered a part of the wall 
near the gate of Trogilus considerably lower than 
the rest, and capable of being scaled by ordinary 
ladders, communicated the discovery to Marcellus ; 
who immediately ordered ladders to be gotten ready, 
and taking advantage of a feast celebrated by the 
Syracusans in honour of Diana, commanded a de- 
tachment of his bravest soldiers to advance to the 
place in the dead of night. These quickly scaled 
the wall, broke open the gate, and took possession 
of the quarter of the town called Kpipolis. The Sy- 
racusans, aw r akened by the noise, began to put them- 



i 



588 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

selves in a posture of defence. But Marcellus or- 
dering all the trumpets of the Roman army to sound 
at once, created such an alarm, that the inhabitants 
were thrown into the utmost consternation, believ- 
ing the city to be wholly in the hands of the ene- 
my. But the quarter of Acradina was not taken. 
Epicydes, assembling some troops, resolved to at- 
tack Marcellus ; but finding his forces too weak, he 
was forced to<je tire to Acradina. 

It is said that Marcellus, on contemplating from 
the top of a tower the largeness and beauty of this 
city, shed tears at the thoughts of the miserable fate 
it was about to undergo. From the same motive, 
before proceeding to the attack of Acradina, he 
sent several officers to exhort the besieged to pro- 
pose a capitulation, and to prevent the ruin of their 
city. His remonstrances, however, proving ineffec- 
tual, he made the proper dispositions for the siege 
of Acradina. But a plague breaking out about this 
time in the city and in the Roman camp, protracted 
a little longer the fate of Syracuse. 

The Carthaginian fleet having in the mean time 
returned to Sicily, Epicydes endeavoured to per- 
suade Bomilcar, who commanded it, to venture a 
sea-fight* and to attack Marcellus. The Roman, 
though inferior in naval strength, resolved not to 
decline the engagement, and to be by that means 
blocked up in the harbour of Syracuse. He there- 
fore advanced with his fleet in good order. The 
Carthaginian general, intimidated by their deter- 
mined appearance, was afraid to venture a battle, 
and therefore retired. Epicydes, who had gone out 
to join the Carthaginian fleet, was seized with de- 
spair ; and not daring to return to Syracuse, sailed 
away for Agrigentum. 

The inhabitants, confounded at being deserted 
both by the Carthaginians and by Epicydes, sent 
ambassadors to Marcellus to treat about capitulat- 
ing, and to try to prevail with him not to destroy 
their city entirely. But the Roman deserters, fear- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 589 

ing to be delivered up, took arms together with the 
foreign soldiers, murdered the new magistrates, and 
resolved to defend the place to the last. In the 
mean time, one of the chief commanders being 
gained over by Marcel] us, admitted the Romans at 
night by one of the gates of Acradina. The Syra- 
cusans next day threw open all the other gates to 
Marcellus, and sent ambassadors to beg that he 
would grant them their lives, which they obtained. 
But Marcellus, provoked at their perfidy and ob- 
stinate resistance, gave up the city to be plundered. 
The riches found in it by the Romans exceeded 

their most sanguine expectations, being great- 
212. er than even those of Carthage. Thus was 

Syracuse reduced after a siege of three years. 
Marcellus was much delighted with the hopes of 
finding in this city the man whose wonderful genius 
had so long baffled the bravest efforts of the Roman 
arms ; and therefore ordered diligent search to be 
every where made for Archimedes. A private sol- 
dier finding him at last, deeply intent on the solu- 
tion of some geometrical problem, commanded him 
to go along with him to Marcellus. Archimedes 
very quietly begged of the soldier to wait a few 
moments till he should finish his problem. But the 
soldier, mistaking his request for an absolute refusal 
to obey him, stabbed him with his sword on the 
spot. 

Marcellus was extremely grieved for the death of 
Archimedes ; and by the honours paid his memory, 
plainly evinced the high opinion he entertained of 
his merit. He gave his body a very pompous fu- 
neral, and caused a sumptuous monument to be 
erected to his memory. He even extended his fa- 
vour to the relations of Archimedes, on whom he 
bestowed distinguishing and advantageous privi- 
leges. Cicero tells us, that more than 140 years af- 
ter this event, when the memory of Archimedes 
was almost lost among his own countrymen, hehim- 
self had the curiosity to make inquiry about his 



590 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

tomb, which after a painful search he had the plea- 
sure at last to find ; discovering it by a pillar, 

whereon was delineated the figure of a sphere and 
cylinder, with an inscription on the foot of it, 
pointing out the proportion that a sphere bears to a 
cylinder of the same base and altitude, which is that 
of 2 to 3 ; a proposition that was discovered and de- 
monstrated by Archimedes. 

The transactions at Syracuse, after its reduction 
by the Romans, are not very interesting, and, as 
well as the affairs of Greater Greece, fall more pro- 
perly under the Roman history than that of Greece. 
The whole island of Sicily, after Syracuse was ta- 
ken, became a Roman province ; but continued 
nevertheless to be governed by its own proper 
usages and constitutions, in the same manner as 
before its subjection. 

Considerable Places in Greater Greece. 

In Greater Greece, history takes notice of three 
famous cities in the neighbourhood of Tarentum, 
viz. :: vy#y - - # 

1. Crotona, a Greek colony founded by Miscel- 
lus chief of the Acheeans. This was the birth-place 
of Milo the celebrated wrestler, thence called The 
Crotonian. 

% Syharis, an Achsean colony likewise, and in 
the same province with Crotona. This city, in pro- 
cess of time, became very powerful and rich ; but 
its excessive wealth occasioned the most shameful 
corruption of manners among its inhabitants, who 
passed their whole time in public diversions, feasts, 
and debauchery. Their effeminacy and sensuality 
were so great, as to render them a proverb among 
the ancients. They would not even permit to re- 
side in their city such tradesmen as made a noise in 
working. At last faction broke out among them ; 
and the richer sort having been expelled, implored 
succour of the Crotonians. The Sybarites took the 



ANCIENT GREECE. 591 

field, and engaged the Crotonians, commanded by 
Milo ; but were totally defeated. Thenceforward 
Sybaris was quite deserted. 

3. Thurium, founded in the neighbourhood of 
the ancient Sybaris, by an Athenian colony. Here 
the famous Herodotus fixed his residence. The in- 
habitants were composed partly of Sybarites, and 
partly of Athenian soldiers sent to their assistance 
against the Crotonians. 

Eminent Writers, Philosophers, Artists, &c. 

Pythagoras, the celebrated philosopher, was the 
founder of the Italic school, which received that ap- 
pellation from his having settled in that part of Italy 
called Greater Greece. He was a native of Samos, 
and spent the more early part of his life in travel- 
ling through many countries in pursuit of instruc- 
tion. With this view, he visited Egypt, Chaldea, 
and the island of Crete. Finding, on his return 
from his travels, his native country oppressed by 
the tyrant Polycrates, he did not choose to settle 
there ; but removed to Crotona, and opened a school 
which soon grew very famous, the number of his 
scholars having in a short time increased to 500. 
This school was in its most flourishing state about 
the time of Tarquin the last king of the Romans, 
and the year before Christ 530. For the two first 
years of their attendance, the scholars of Pythago- 
ras were enjoined a profound silence ; but after- 
wards they had permission to propose their diffi- 
culties. Never was a master so highly respected by 
his scholars ; a proof of the great esteem they enter- 
tained of his genius. His opinions with them had 
the authority of so many oracles ; and all further 
doubt was laid aside on these words being pronoun- 
ced, " The master himself hath said so." 

Pythagoras thought it an undertaking worthy his 
wisdom and philosophy, to reclaim the inhabitants 
of Crotona to sentiments of virtue ; and the effects 



592 THE HISTORY OF BOOK V. 

of his exhortations were, by the account of Justin, 
truly extraordinary, producing a wonderful refor- 
mation among the inhabitants of that city, who 
were before plunged in the utmost excess of luxu- 
ry and debauchery ; so lively were his representa- 
tions of the baseness of vice and intemperance on 
the one hand, and of the beauty and excellency of 
virtue on the other. To the fair he recommended 
modesty, and the other qualities becoming the sex ; 
and to the youth respect for their parents. Sobrie- 
ty he extolled as the mother of virtue ; and in- 
treated the youth of both sexes to lay aside the 
splendid and unnecessary ornaments of dress, as 
being the principal instruments of corruption. He 
inspired rulers and magistrates with principles of 
honour, with integrity, and with a zealous attach- 
ment to the public welfare. In a word, he in a 
manner made new men of the inhabitants of Croto- 
na. Nor were his virtuous labours confined to that 
city alone. He visited all the neighbouring towns 
with the same laudable intentions. It was a maxim 
of Pythagoras, that the whole aim of philosophy 
ought to be to render men more acceptable in the 
sight of the Deity, by inducing them to practise 
all the virtues of humanity. 

Pythagoras introduced into the western world a 
doctrine which he had imbibed somewhere in the 
east, where, by all accounts, it has prevailed from 
the most early ages, namely that of the metempsy- 
chosis, or transmigration of souls ; which taught, 
that on the death of men, their souls passed into 
and animated other bodies. If, for example, a man 
was vicious and wicked, his soul animated the body 
of some unclean animal, and passed through a pro- 
gress of misery proportioned to his crimes in this 
life. Hence Pythagoras and his followers religi- 
ously abstained from eating flesh, lest perhaps they 
should devour that of some of their former friends 
and acquaintances. In all probability, the accounts 
of this philosophy transmitted to us are very im- 



ANCIENT GREECE. 593 

perfect; and in nothing, perhaps, more so than its 
real scope and meaning. Let us, therefore on tins 
point, as on every other of the same kind, be ex- 
tremely cautious in condemning. 

Antiquity has handed down a thousand imperti- 
nent fables with respect to this great philosopher, 
which it were more impertinent still to mention 
here. According to Justin, Pythagoras died at 
Metapontum, in a very advanced age. The repu- 
tation of his school was very great, and produced 
many philosophers of distinguished reputation, who 
divided themselves into a variety of different sects. 

Charondas, a scholar of Pythagoras, delivered to 
the inhabitants of Thurium a system of excellent 
laws, of which the following were some of the most 
remarkable. Whoever entered into a second mar- 
riage, after having children of a former, was depriv- 
ed of his privilege of becoming a senator ; those 
convicted of calumny were ignominiously dragged 
through the city : public masters were to be ap- 
pointed for the instruction of the youth, without 
fee or reward ; for he thought ignorance the source 
of all vice ; the education of orphans was to be in- 
trusted to their relations on the mother's side ; and 
the care of their fortunes to those on the father's 
side ; deserters in war were condemned to appear 
publicly in the city for the space of three days in 
woman's dress. 

ZaleucuSy another scholar of Pythagoras, was the 
legislator of the Locrians. The preamble to his 
laws is much celebrated. He desires the citizens 
to keep in mind, that gods do exist ; and assures 
them, that the chief of the gods is the original 
fountain of all laws. Then he sets down regula- 
tions for the preservation of unanimity and peace 
in social intercourse. He exhorts judges, by all 
means to divest themselves of prejudices, whether 
arising from friendship or animosity. He prohibits 
women from wearing magnificent apparel, or from 
using such superfluous and luxurious ornaments as 

2 p 



594 THE HISTORY* &C. BOOK V. 

jewels and bracelets, which were allowed to prosti- 
tutes alone ; and he delivers nearly the same pro- 
hibition with respect to the men. 



THE END, 



t 



INDEX 



A 

Abdolonymus made king of Sidon, 408. 

Abisares puts himself under Alexand- 
er's protection, 440. 

Abydos, dreadful catastrophe of, 515. 

Acliaia, mountains, rivers, towns, sub- 
divisions, &c. of, 22. 

Achaean republic, 494. 

Acliceans assist Philip against the 
iEtolians, 504 — attack Nabis, 522 
— attack the Spartans, 524 — 1000 
of their chiefs seized and sent to 
Rome, 526 — ravage Laconia, 527 
recommence hostilities against the 
Romans, 528 — defeated by Me- 
tellus, ib. — and by Mummius, 529. 

Acheron, river, 21. 

Acroceraunian mountains, ib. 

Actium, town of, ib. 

JEgina, island, 30. 

JEgos Potamos, decisive engagement at, 
228. 

JEschines pleads against Demosthenes 
about the crown, 380. 

Agamemnon, 45 — chosen general of 
the Greeks against Troy, 51 — assasi- 
nated, 54. 

Aganippe, fountain, 23. 

Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, 584. 
. Agesilaus promoted to the throne of 
Sparta, 293 — outlines of his charac- 
ter, ib. — sets out for Asia, 294— 
exploits there, 295, &c. — recalled 
from Asia, 300 — joyfully received 
at Sparta, 302 — besieges Corinth, 
303— -repulses the Thebans from 
Sparta, 319 — appeases commotions 
in Sparta, 321 — conducts an expe- 
dition into Egypt, 341 — his opera- 
tions there, 342 — raises Nectenabus 
to the throne of Egypt, ib. — death 
and character, ib. 

Ages of Ancient Greece, 35. 

Age first, of Greece, general character . 



of, 54— second, general character 
of, 129— third, general character 
of, 254 — fourth, character of, 47 1. 

Agls III. King of Sparta, slain in a 
battle with Antipater, 426 — IV. 
King of Sparta, attempts to reform 
the government, 498 — perishes in 
the attempt, ib. 

Agrigentum, city, 549. 

Alceus, the poet, 84. 

Alcibiades, 206 — takes a lead in the 
Athenian government, ib — outlines 
of his character, ib. — political con- 
duct of, 207 — engages the Atheni- 
ans in the Sicilian expedition, 210 
— arraigned of impiety, 211 — avoids 
the trial by flight, 212 — conduct at 
Sparta, 213 — flies from Sparta to 
Sardis, 226 — advice to Tissaphernes 
about Greek affairs, ib — his support 
solicited by his countrymen, 227 — 
aristocracy established at Athens by 
his advice, ib. — supports his country- 
men, 228 — beats the- Spartan fleet 
at Abydos, 229 — successful opera- 
tions of, 229, &c. — returns to A- 
thens,231 — falls again into disgrace, 
234 — assassinated, and his charac- 
ter, 258. 

Alcmeonides, faction at Athens, 76. 

Alexander tJie Great king of Mace- 
don, born, 355 — succeeds his father 
Philip, 38/ — outlines of his charac- 
ter, 388, 89— defeats the Triballi, 
390 — defeats the Thebans, and de- 
stroys their city, ib. — elected com- 
mander-in-chief of the Greeks, 391 
— consults the oracle at Delphos 
about his expedition against Persia, 
392 — sets out for Persia, 393 — cele- 
brates games in honour of Achilles, 

ib defeat the Persians at the Gra- 

nicus, 394 — -conspiracy against, ib — ■ 
cuts in pieces the gordian knot, 396 
—bathes in the Cydnus, and falls 



$96 IND 

dangerously ill, ib. — magnanimous 
behaviour on that occasion, with re* 
spect to his physician Philip, 397 — 
defeats the Persians at Issus, 402 — 
visits Darius' wife and mother, 403 
besieges Tyre, 407 — takes Tyre, 
409 — goes to Jerusalem, 410 — re- 
duces Gaza, 412 — subdues Egypt, 
and visits the temple of Jupiter 
Ammon, i&— passes the Tygris, 415 
—defeats Darius at Arbela, 418 — 
enters Babylon, 419 — enters Susa, 
420 — -takes possession of the pass of 
Susa, i&.^-enters Persepolis, 421 — 
burns the magnificent palace there, 
422 — arrives at Ecbatana, 423 — cor- 
rupted by prosperity, 42 8— gets Bes- 
sus in his power, 43 1 — cruelty to the 
Branchidae, ib. — receives an embassy 
from the Scythians, 432 — defeats 
the Scythians at the Jaxartes, 433 
—reduces the fortress of Petra Oxi- 
ana, 434 — kills a lion, ib,— - mur- 
ders Clytus, 435 — marries Roxana, 
436 — acknowledged by his officers 
to be a god, 438 — enters India, 
439 — successes in India, ib. — pas- 
ses the river Hydaspes, 440— de- 
feats Porus, 442 — -his soldiers re- 
fuse to pass the Hyphasus, 444— 
marches towards the ocean, 446 — 
desperate adventure at the capital 
of the Oxydracae, ik— embarks his 
army on the river Indus, and sails 
to the ocean, 448 — arrives at the 
ocean, *&.— sets put on his return 
from the Indies, ib. — Bacchanalian 
procession through Carmania, 449— 
puts Orsinus unjustly to death, 451 
—marries Statira, Darius's daugh- 
ter, 452 — sails along the Persian 
gulf, 453— enters Babylon in great 
pomp, and solemnizes Ephaestion's 
funeral, 455 — death and character, 
458. 

Alexander's empire, .division of, 472. 
Alexander , tyrant of Pheras seizes Pe- 

lopidas, 328— is assasinated by his 

wife and her brothers, 331. 
Alexandria in Egypt founded by A* 

lexander the Great, 413. 
Aliacmon, river, 19. 
Allies, war of, 344. 
Ambracia town, 21. 
Amphicfyons, council of, instituted, 5B 
Amphipolis, town, 19— reduced by 

Philip, 353. 
Alphabet, Phenician, introduced into 

Greece, 45. 



Alpheus, river, 27. 
Anaereon, the lyric poet, 244, 
Anaxagoras prosecuted at Athens, 189 

—account of, 243. 
Anaximander the philosopher, 86. 
Andranodorus attempts to assume the 

tyranny at Syracuse, 585. 
Andros, island, 30. 

Antalcides's negociations in Persia, 296 
—peace negociated by, 306. 

Antiochus invades Greece, 522 — -is de- 
feated by the Romans, 523. 

Antipater appointed governor of Mace- 
donia by Alexander the Great, 392 
— defeats the Lacedemonians, 426 
—defeated by the Athenians, 474— 
besieged in Lamia by the Athenians, 
ib — defeated again by the Athe- 
nians, ib. — defeats the Athenians, 
and dictates severe terms of peace to 
them, 475. 

Apega^ machine of torture used by 
Nabis, 514. 

Apelles, the painter, 470. 

Apelks, Philip's tutor and favourite, 
villanous political intrigues of, 506. 

Apollo's temple at Delphos, 27, 122, 

Apsus river, 19. 

Aratus restores Sicyon to liberty, 4$5 
—seizes the citadel of Corinth, ib. 
— engages Antigonus in affairs of 
the Peloponnesians, 500 — other ex- 
ploits of, 505-7— poisoned by the 
procurement of Philip, 508. 

Arbela, battle at, whei-e Darius was 
defeated, 416. 

Arcadia, 27* 

Archelaus Mithridates's general, tyrant 

of Athens, 531, 
Archidamus defeats the Arcadians a^nd 

Argives, 327 — -valiant conduct in 

defence of Sparta, 332. 
Archilochus the poet, 84. 
Archimedes, the famous mathematician, 

586. 

Archons set up at Athens, 69 — thirty 
(or thirty tyrants) government of 
Athens committed to, 241— tyran- 
nical proceedings of, 255 — civil war 
occasioned by, 261. 

Areopagus, court of, 57 — encroached 
on by Pericles, 178. 

Argintisce, sea-fight at, 235. 

Argis, Argia, or Argolis, district 04 
28. 

Argonauts, 43. 

Argos, city, 28 — principality, kings 
of, 40. 

Arutagoras, persuades the Ionians to 



INDEX. 



597 



revolt from the Persian govern- 
ment, 133 — negociates with the 
states of Greece, ib. 

Aristides, outlines of his character, 140 
— banished, 143 — recalled, 149 — 
commissioned by the Athenians to 
hear and judge of a private scheme 
of Themistocles, of which he ad- 
mits the expediency, but condemns 
the injustice, 163 — political opera- 
tions of, 164 — contempt of riches, 
169 — general character of, 170. 

Aristion tyrant of Athens, 531. 

Aristodemus, king of the Messenians, 
sacrifices his daughter to render fate 
propitious to his countrymen, 67. 

Aristogiton and Harmodius, 76. 

Aristomenes the Messenian general, 69. 

Aristophanes the comic poet, 246. 

Aristotle the philosopher, 463. ' 

At 'mies of the Greeks, 118. 

Artabanus dissuades Xerxes from in- 
vading Greece, 143. 

Artaxerxes Mnemon mounts the throne 
of Persia, 257 — foments disturbances 
in Greece, 298 — his unsuccessful 
war against Egypt, 314. 

Artemisia queen, heroic behaviour of, 
156. 

Artemisia widow of Mausolus, 357. 
Ascra, town, 22. 
Asbestos, stone so called, 29. 
Asopus, river, 22. 

Aspasia the celebrated courtezan, 189* 
Atlwnians conspire against Hipparchus 
and Hippias, 76 — expel Hippias, and 
assert their liberty, ib. — chastise the 
islands that had joined Darius, 143 
— desert their city, and go aboard 
their fleet, 153 — send their old men, 
women, and children, to Trezene 
1 54-—abandon their city a second 
time, 158 — reject Mardonius's pro- 
posals, ib — rebuild and fortify their 
city, 162 — undertake an expedition 
into Egypt, 181 — undertake the Si- 
cilian expedition, 210. 
Athenian form of government, and 
public institutions, 96 — some of 
their private laws, 112. 
Athenian generals six put to death, 237* 
Athens, 24 — kings of, 57 — polity esta- 
blished there by Theseus, 60 — cita- 
del of taken by storm by the Per- 
sians, 154 — plague breaks out there, 
201 — barbarous proceedings of the 
aristocracy, 228 — decemvirate esta- 
blished at, 261 — reduced by the ge- 
neral of Mithiidates, 531 — besieged 



and taken by Sylla, ib. — continues 
to be the seat of learning, 534. 

Athletae, 110. 

Athos, mount, 19. 

Attica, 23. 

Augury, 128. 

Aulis, town, 25. 

Axius, river, 19. 

C 

Babylon entered by Alexander the 

Great, 419. 
Bacchides, 48» 

Bacchus comes into Greece, 58. 
Bceotia, 25. 

Battle at Marathon, 139 — at Platea, 
159 — at Mycale, 161 — at Tanagra, 
180 — at Cunaxa, 265 — at Lycion, 
301 — at Cheronea, between the 
Spartans and Thebans, ib. — at Te- 
gyra, 314 — at Leuctra, 136 — Man- 
tinea, 333 — at Cheronea, between the 
Macedonians and Thebans, 378 — at 
the Granicus, 393 — at Issus, 401— 
at Arbella, 416 — at Selasia, 502. 

Better ophon, 48. 

Bessus murders Darius, 424 — put to 
death by Alexander's orders, 434. 

Betis governor of Gaza ungenerously 
put to death by Alexander, 412. 

Boxing, combat of, 111. 

Brachmans, 443. 

Branchidoz cruelly destroyed by Alex- 
ander, 431. 

Brasidas the Spartan general, exploits 
of, 196. 

Bucephalus, Alexander's horse, 389. 
Buthrotum town, 21. 

C 

Cadmus, 45. 

Calanus the brachman burns himself, 
451. 

CalUcratidas the Spartan commander, 
character of, 234 — defeated and slain 
near the island Arginusae, 235. 

Callidromus, mountain, 22. 

Callisthenes, the philosopher, put to 
death by Alexander, 438. 

Callipus gets Dion assassinated, and 
usurps the tyranny at Syracuse, 
576. 

CapMa, Achaeans defeated at, 504. 
Carthaginians, operations of, in Sicily, 

552, 588. 
Catheans subdued by Alexander, 443. 
Cecrops king of Athens, institutions of , 

57. 



598 ind: 

Celidnus, river, 21. 

Cephalenia, island, 31. 

Cephissus, rivet, 22. 

Chabrias the Athenian commander, 
306 — opposes Epaminondas success- 
fully, 326— death of, 344. 

Chabris, river, 19. 

Charidemus put to death by order of 

Darius, 399. 
Cheronea, town, 25 — battles at, 301, 

308. 

Chalcis, town, 29. 
Chariot-races, 109. 

Chares, the Athenian commander, 345. 

Charondas the philosopher, 593. 

Chilo tyrant of Sparta, 505. 

Chios, island, 29. 

Chronicus, mountain, 26. 

Cimon the Athenian distinguishes him- 
self in the sea-fight at Salamis, 156 
— outlines of his character, 165 — 
successful exploits against the Per- 
sians, 166 — his generosity, 174 — 
banished, 179 — recalled, 181 — death 
and character, 182. 

Cineas the friend of Pyrrhus, 499. 

Cithceron, mountain, 22. 

Clazomence, town, 33. 

Clearchus the Spartan co-operates with 
the younger Cyrus, 263. 

Cleombrotus, king of Sparta, killed at 
Leuctra, 318. 

Clecmenes, king of Sparta, 499 — at- 
tempts to leform the government 

there, ib his gallant exploits, 500 

defeated at Selasia by Antigonus, 
502 — takes refuge in Egypt, and 
dies there, 503. 

Cleon the Athenian demagogue, 202. 

Clisthenes^s operations at Athens, 78. 

Clitus saves Alexander's life, 394 — 
murdered by Alexander, 436. 

Cnidus, town, 33. 

Cocytus, river, 21. 

Colophon, town, 33. 

Combats and games, 106. 

Comedy^ comic poets, 114, 

Conon the Athenian commander, 286., 
298 — defeats the Lacedemonians, 
301 — rebuilds the walls of Athens 
and Pyreus, 303 — seized by the Per- 
sians, 304. 

Constantinople taken by Mahomet II. 
534. 

Corcyra, island, 31 — diseension and 
horrible massacre there, 201. 

Corinth, city, 27 — kings of, 48 — be- 
sieged by the Lacedemonians, 303 
— taken and demolished by the Ro- 
mans, 529. 



Corinthians, violent proceedings against 

the Romans, 528. 
Cos, island, 31. 
Crete, island, ib, 
Crotona, city, 590. 

Ctesias the physician and historian y . 
33. 

Cuma, town, 32. 

Cunaoca, battle at, between Artaxerxes 
and his brother the younger Cyrus, 
265. 

Cupid, famous statue of, 25, 469. 

Cyclades, islands, 30. 

Cyllene, town, 27. 

Cylorts insurrection at Athens, 70. 

Cyrus the younger, cruel action of?, 
238 — revolts against Artaxerxes his 
brother, 257 — expedition of, to at- 
tack his brother, 263 — is slain in 
the battle of Cunaxa, 266. 

Damocles, his feast expressive of a ty- 
rant's life, 576. 

Danaides, Danas, 41. 

Dancing studied by the Greeks, 104. 

Darius, sons of Hystaspes, made king 
of Persia, 130 — meditates an inva- 
sion of Greece, 132 — sends an army 
against Greece, 135 — his first expe- 
dition relinquished, ib. — death of, 
143. 

Darius Codom annus defeated by Alex- 
ander at Issus,. 401 — behaviour on 
hearing of his wife's death, and of A- 
lexander's behaviour to her,414 — de- 
feated at Arbela, 416 — assassinated 
by Bessus, 424. 

Datames, the Carian, 289. 

Delos, island, 31. 

Delphi town, Apollo's temple there, 23. 
Demaratus, the exiled king of Sparta, 

speaks his mind freely to Xerxes, 148. 
Demetrius Phalerius made governor 

of A thens, 479 — retiresfrom A thens, 

483 — character as an orator, 537- 
Demetrius of Pharos, 504. 
Demetrius Poliorcetes, 481, 83, 84. 
Democritvs^ the laughing philosopher, 

86. 

Demosthenes, the Athenian general, ar- 
rives at Syracuse to assist Nicias, 

220— defeated by the Syracusans, 

221 — surrenders, and is put to death, 
223, 224. 

Demosthenes the orator begins to ap- 
pear, 351 — outlines of his character, 

ib harangues against Philip, 361 — 

harangues in favour of the Olyn- 
thians, 363— defends Diopithus a- 



gainst the accusations of the crea- 
tures of Philip, 368— .persuades the 
Athenians to support the Lacede- 
monians against Philip, 370 — pro- 
nounces his Philippics, 372 — per- 
suades the Thebans to join with the 
Athenians against Philip, 377 — 
pleads against Eschines on the sub- 
ject of the crown, 381 — banished on 
a suspicion of being bribed, 453 — 
recalled, 474. — swallows poison and 
dies, 476. 

Dercillidas the Spartan commander, 
291. 

Deucetius the Sicilian chief, his his- 
tory, 548. 

Dialects of the Greek language, 55. 

Diodorus Siculus, the historian 552. 

Diogenes' interview with Alexander, 
392 — character as a philosopher, 
465. 

Dion the Syracusan, 555, 64, 72— 
banished by Dionysius the younger, 
567 — lives some time at Athens, 568 
— conducts an expedition against 
Dionysius the younger, 570 — un- 
gratefully treated by the Syracusans, 
573. 

Dion returns again to their relief, and 
lays siege to the citadel, 574 — re- 
stores liberty to Syracuse, 5 75 — con- 
sents to the assassination of Hera- 
clides, 576 — is himself assassinated 
by Callipus, ib his character, ib. 

Dionysia, festival of, 124. 

Dionysius, the Hallicarnasian, the cri- 
tic, 539. 

Dionysius the elder, his intrigues for 
attaining the tyranny of Syracuse, 

548 — becomes tyrant of Syracuse, 

549 — his subsequent conduct, 550 
— attacks the Carthaginians, 555 — 
besieges and ruins Rhegium, 559 — 

his passion for poetry, ib death and 

character, 562. 

Dionysius, the younger, succeeds his 
father in the tyranny of Syracuse, 
564 — his conduct, 565 — capitulates 
with Timoieon, and is sent to Co^ 
rinth, 579. 

Discus, combat of. 111. 

Dodona. town, temple and oracle of 
Jupiter at, 21. 

Doris, district of, 23. 

Doris in Asia Minor, towns in, 33. 

Draco, the Athenian legislator, 70. 

Dyrracliium, or Epydamus, town of, 
19. 



599 

E 

Earthquake in Laconia, 176 — at 
Rhodes, 503. 

Education of children at Sparta, 92, 93. 

Egestians beg assistance of the Athen- 
ians, 209. 

Eolia,town, 32 — district, cities, moun- 
tains, and rivers in, ib. 

Eleusis, town in Attica, 23. 

Eleusinian mysteries, 124. 

Elis, district of, 27. 

Epaminondas the Theban commander, 
309 — concurs with Pelopidas in as- 
serting the liberty of Thebes, 310 — 
contradicts Agesilaus, 316— defeats 
the Spartans at Leuctra, 318 — in- 
vades the Peloponnesus, 322 — ad- 
vances to the gates of Sparta, 
is repulsed and retires, 323 — un- 
gratefully treated by his countrymen, 
324 — obliges the tyrant of Pherae to 
release Pelopidas, 329— again in- 
vades the Peloponnesus, and at- 
tempts to reduce Sparta, 332 — but 
is again obliged to retire, 333— mis- 
carries in an attempt on Mantinea, 
ib. — defeats the Spartans at Mantinea, 
335 — death and character, 339. 

Ep/wri at Sparta, 66. 
Epictctus the philosopher, 535. 

Epicurus the philosopher, 467« 

Ephesus, city, 33. 

Eplicestion, Alexander's friend, dies, 
455 — his magnificent funeral, 456. 

Epidamnus or Dyrrachium, town, 19. 

Epirus, mountains, rivers, towns in, 21. 

Epidaurus, town, 28. 

Equinoxes, procession of, observation 
about, 247. 

Erigon, river, 1 9. 

JLschines pleads against Demosthenes 
about the crown, 380 — is worsted 
and banished, 381. 

I schylus the tragic poet, 244. 

JEtolia, 23. 

JEtolians invade the Peloponnesus, 503 
—defeat the|Achseans at Caphia 504 
— attacked by Philip II. of Mace- 
don, ib. — make peace with him, 507. 
—resume hostilities, 508 — instigate 
Antiochus to invade Greece, 522— 
their capital Heraclea taken by the 
Romans, 523 — make peace with the 
Romans, ib. 

Euboca, island, 29 — taken from the A- 
thenians by the Lacedemonians, 228. 



Coo 



INDEX. 



Euclid the philosopher, anecdote of, 23. Harpalus governor of Babylon flies to 

Eumenes, 473, 480. Athens, 452. 

Euribiades the Spartan, chief com- Helicon, mounts 22. 

mander of the Greek forces during Helen runs away with Paris, 51. 

the second Persian invasion, 149^ Helots, origin of, 56 — revolt, 178—. 

Euripides the tragic poet, 245. barbarous massacre of, 205. 

Eurotas, a river in Laconia, 26. Heraclea, capital of the iEtolians, ta- 

Evagoras, king of Salamis, 286- — his ken by the Romans, 523. 

war with the Persians, ib. Heraclidce, 54— regain the Peloponne- 

Eleans oppressed by the Lacedemoni- sus, 55. 

ans, 292. Hercules, 42. 

Epedocles the Pythagorean philosopher, Heraclytus the crying philosopher, 86. 

242. Herodotus the historian, 246.*— reads 

p his history at the Olympic games, 

r 112. 

Fabricius, the Roman, his generous Hesiod the poet, 83. 

conduct with respect to King Pyr- Hesione carried off by Hercules, 50. 

rhus, 490. Hiero tyrant of Syracuse, 546. 

Festivals, Greek, 123. « Hipparchus and Hippias tyrants of A* 

Flaminius Quintius defeats King Philip thens, 7 5. 

near Cynocephalae, 517 — proclaims Hipparchus assassinated, 76. 

liberty to Greece, ib* — attacks Na- Hippias expelled from Athens, 77— 

bis-, 520 — besieges Sparta, ib.-— retires to Artiphernes governor of 

makes peace with Nabis, 521. Sardis, 79. 

Forces, Greek, 119. Hippocrates the physician, 194. 

Homer, 80. 

^ Hymetus, mountain, 22. 

Hypocrene, fountain, ib. 

Games and combats, 106. 

Gauls, famous irruption of, 490. j 

Gaza taken by Alexander, 411. 

Gclon, tyrant of Syracuse, 545. Jason, 43. 

Granicus, battle at, 393. Javelin throwing, game of, 112. 

Greece, Ancient, geographical descrip- Icetas tyrant of Leontium, 578 — unites 

tion of, 17 — earliest traditional his- with the Carthaginians, 579 — be- 

tory of, 34 — ages of, 35— di vision sieges the citadel of Syracuse, 581 

of the history of, ib general charac — put to death by Timoleon, 583. 

ter of the first age of, 37 — general Inachus, river, 26. 

character of the second age of, 129 Ionia, towns in, 33. 

— general character of the third age Ionians revolt from the Persians, 133 

of, 254 — general character of the — are subdued, 134. 

fourth age of, 47 1 -^-general obser- India, entered by Alexander, 439. 

vation about the history of the more Iphicrates the Athenian commander, 

early times of, 38. 305 — tried by the Athenians, and 

Greek languages, dialects of, 55. his singular stratagem on that occa- 

Greeks, 10,000, famous retreat of, 270. sion, 346 — character of, ib. 

Gylippus the Spartan general, arrives Iseus the orator, 252. 

to the relief of the Syracusans, 217 Ismenus, river, 23. 

• — steals part of treasure sent by Ly- Isocrates the orator, 251 — addresses an 

sander under his charge to Sparta, oration to Philip, 365* 

and flies, 242. Issus, battle at, 400. 

Gy mastic combats and exercises, 110. Isthmian games, 113. 

Gytheum, town, 28. Jumping, game of, 112. 

Halicarnassus, city of Doris, 33. Lacedemonians invade Samos, but are 

Harmodius and Aristogiton conspire repulsed, 75 — propose to exclude 
against the Pisistratida3, 76» from the council of the Amphicty- 



INDEX. 



601 



onsy the states that had submitted to 
Xerxes, 163— beg assistance of the 
Athenians against the Helots, 170. 

Laconia, district of, 28. 

Lais, famous courtezan, 27* 

Lamia in Thessaly besieged by the A- 
thenians, 474. 

Laus, river, 19. > 

Leaping, exercise of, 110. 

Lebedus town, 33. 

Leonidas king of Sparta defends most 
heroically the pass of Thermopylae 
against Xerxes, 150 — makes a des- 
perate attack on the Persian camp, 
and is killed, 151. 

Lemnos, island, 29. 

Lenea, festival of, 124. 

Lesbos, island, 29. 

£^ter$,Phenician, brought into Greece, 
45. 

Lesbians revolt from the Athenians, 
and accede to the Pelcponnesian 
league, 199 — subdued by the Athe- 
nians, 200. 

Leuctra, town, 26 — battle at, 316. 

Lionna, an Athenian lady, heroical 
behaviour of, 76. 

Locris, district of, 23. 

Lycion, battle there, 30 1 . 

Lycophron tyrant of Pherae, 359. 

Lycurgus, the Spartan legislator, tra- 
vels of, 63 — reforms the government 
at Sparta, 65 — political institutions 
at Sparta, 66 — death of, ib. 

Lysander, the Spartan commander, 
232 — conduct of, ib. — defeats the 
Athenians near Ephesus, 233 — de- 
feats them again decisively at Mgos 
Potamos, 239 — ambitious projects, 
262 — tried at Sparta for misdemean- 
ours, -his plot to become king, 
295 — death and character of, 299. 

Lysius the orator, 252. 

Lysicles, the Athenian commander, put 
to death, 382. 

Lysippus the statuary, 579. 

Macedonia, geographical description of, 
18. 

Machanidas tyrant of Sparta, 509. — 
defeated and slain by Philopoemen, 
513. 

Mania, the heroine, widow ofZenis,29l 
Mantinea, town, 28 — battle at, 333. 
Marathon, town in Attica, 23 — battle 
at, 139. 

Marcellus besieges Syracuse, 586 — re- 
duces it, 589. 



Martial character of the Ancient 
Greeks, 117* 

Mardonius makes advantageous propo- 
sals to the Athenians, which are re- 
jected, 157* 

Medicis, family of, the public restorers 
of polite learning, 535. 

Megara, town, 23 — sedition at, 204. 

Megaris, district of, 204. 

Memnon the Rhodian, 393 — advises 
Darius to invade Macedonia, 396. 

Menelaus, 51 

Messenia, district of, 27. 

Messenians, their first war with the 
Lacedemonians, 67 — their second 
war with the Lacedemonians, 68. 

Metellus defeats the Achaeans, 528. 

Meton, the astronomer, 243. 

Milo, the Crotonian, the famous wrest- 
ler, 113. 

Miltiades commands the Athenians at 
Marathon, and defeats the Persians^ 
139 — imprisoned and dies, 141. 

Mithridates^s generals reduce Athens, 
531 — his generals defeated by Sylla, 
533. 

Mummius defeats the Achaeans, and. 

destroys Corinth, 529. 
Music, Grecian, 105. 
Mycale, battle at, 161. 
Mycenae, city, 28. 
Mycene, kingdom of, 42. 
Myron the sculptor, 252. 
Mysteries, Elusinian, 124. 

N 

Nobis tyrant of Sparta, 513 — gets pos- 
session of Argos, 514 — his cruelties 
there, ib. — attacked by Quintius, 

520 — makes peace with the Romans, 

521 — joins the ^Etolians against the 
Romans, ib — killed by the yEtoli- 
ans, 522. 

Naupactus, city of ^Etolia, 23 — sea- 
fight at, 196. 

Naval power of the Greeks, 120. 

Naval engagements between the Greeks 
and Persians, 152. 

Nearchus conducts the Macedonian 
navy from the mouth of the Idus to 
the Euphrates, 449. 

Nemcean games, 113. 

Nicias the Athenian commander, 206 
— opposes the Sicilian expedition, 
209 — military conduct of, in Sicily, 
214 — retreats from Syracuse, 221 — 
surrenders himself and his army, 
223 — put to death by the Syracu- 
sans, 224. 



602 



INDEX 



Nicopolis, town, 21. 
Nipsius supports Dionysius the young- 
er, 573. 

O 

Ochns king* of Persia, 343, 360. 

Oedipus, 46. 

Oeta, mountain, 22. 

Olympia, (or Pisa) city, 27. 

Olympias, mother of Alexander, her 

cruelties, 481. 
Olympiad, what, 107- 
Olympic games, 106 — privileges of the 

victors in, 112. 
Olympus, mountain, 20. 
Olynthians, at war with the Spartans, 

308. 

Onomarchus, general of the Phoceans, 
357. 

Oracles, 126. 

Orestes, 54. 

Orplieus's tomb, 23. 

Orsinus put to death unjustly by Alex- 
ander, 451. 

Ossa, mountain, 20. 

Ostracism introduced at Athens, 78. 

Othrys, mountain, 22. 

Ozoloe of Locris persecuted by the am- 
phictyons, 375. 

P 

P anathema, festival of, 123. 
Pancetius the Stoic philosopher, 535. 
Pancratium, combat of, 111. 
Panyasus, river, 19. 
Paris runs away with Helen, 50. 
Parmenio assassinated by Alexander's 

order, 430. ' 
Parnassus, mount, 22. 
Pares, island. 

Parrhasius the painter, 253. 
Parthenians, the illegitimate Spartans, 
68. 

Pausanias, the Spartan general, com- 
mands the Grecian forces at Platea, 
159 — his intrigues with Xerxes a- 
gainst Greece, 165 — put to death, 
168. 

Pelasgi, 34. 

Pella, town in Macedonia, 19. 
Pelium, mountain, 20. 
Peneus, river, ib. 
Pelopidce, 42. 

Peloponnesian war begins, 190 — con- 
cludes, 241. 

Pelopidas the Theban commander, 308 
—expels the Spartans from Thebes, 



310 — defeats the Spartans at Te- 
gyra, 314 — ungratefully treated by 
his countrymen, 324 — negociations 
in Persia, 326-— decides the disputed 
succession to the throne of Macedon, 
327 — seized by Alexander tyrant of 
Pherae, 328 — relieved by Epamin- 
ondas, 329 — is slain, 330. 

Peloponnesus, geography of, 26. 

Pelops, 42. 

Pericles the Athenian begins to make 
a figure, 177 — outlines of his char- 
acter, ib. — opposed by Thucydides, 
183 — encourages the fine arts, 184 
-—military exploits of, 186 — pleads 
for Aspasia, 1 89-— death and char r 
acter of, 196. 

Periander tyrant of Corinth, 48. 

Perseus, 42. 

Persian empire, 130 — monarchy and 
monarchs, general character of, 425* 
Persians invade Greece for the first 
time, 139 — defeated at the Mara- 
thon, 140 — take the citadel of A- 
thens by storm, 154 — their fleet 
beat at Salamis, 155 — their army 
defeated at Platea, 159. 
Persepolis, fine palace there burnt by 

Alexander, 422. 
Phalanx, Macedonian, 350. 
Phebidas, the Spartan, seizes the cita- 
del of Thebes, 308. 
Phoenicians and Egyptians revolt from 

the Persians, 360. 
Phidias the statuary imprisoned by the 
Athenians, 189 — character as a sta- 
tuary, 252. 
Philip son of Amyntas sent to Thebes 
as an hostage, 327 — leaves Thebes 
and is raised to the throne of Mace- 
don, 350 — takes Amphipolis, redu- 
ces Potidea, and gets possession of 
Philippi, 353 — loses one of his eyes 
at the siege of Methone, 358^~ 
marches against Greece, 361 — be- 
sieges Olynthus, 363 — takes a side 
in the sacred war, 365 — makes a 
treaty with the Athenians, 366 — 
admitted into the council of the am- 
phictyons, 367 — puts an end to the 
sacred war, ib.— besieges Perinthus 
and Byzantium, 371 — intrigues a- 
gainst the liberties of Greece, 373— 
siezes Eubcea, ib — sends an artful 
letter to the Athenians, ib. — rescu- 
ed by his son Alexander in a battle 
with the Tribaili, 374 — employed by 
the amphictyons to chastise the Ozo- 



1*, 375 — seizes Elatea the capital 
of Phocis, ib. — defeats the Thebans 
and Athenians at Cheronea, 378 — 
chosen commander-in-chief of the 
Greeks, 383 — divorces Olympias, 
and marries Cleopatra, ib. — assassina- 
ted by Pausanias, 384 — character of, 
385. 

Philip son of Demetrius king of Ma- 
cedon, attacks the iEtolians, 505 — 
tages Psophis and Thermae, 506 — 
ravages Laconia, takes Thebes in 
Phthiotis, 507 — makes peace with 

the iEtolians, ib fights the ^Eto- 

lians and Romans near Elis, 509 — 
ravages Attica and defeats the A- 
thenians, 515. 
Philomelas general of the Phoceans,356 
Philopozmen, character of, 510 — de- 
feats and kills Machanidas, 513 — 
persuades the Spartans to join the 
Achaean league, 522 — is defeated by 
the Messenians, and put to death, 
525. 

Philotas, son of Parmenio, put to death 
by Alexander, 429. 

Philoxenus the poet, his adventure 
with Dionysius the elder, 561. 

Phoceans, war of the, or sacred war, 
begins, 356. 

Phocis, district of, 23. 

Pholce, mountain, 26. 

Phocion the Athenian, outlines of his 
character, 371 — recovers Euboea, ib. 
relieves the Byzantines and Peren- 
theans, and worsts Philip, 374 — 
unjustly put to death by his coun- 
trymen, 477 — his character, 478. 

Phryne the courtezan, anecdotes of, 25. 

Pieria, district of, 19. 

Pindar the poet, 244. 

Pindus, mount, 21. 

Pisa (or Olympia) city, 27» 
* Pisistratus tyrant of Athens, 72 — ex- 
pelled, 73 — restored, 74 — conduct 
after his restoration, ib. 

Platea, town, 26 — battle at, 159 — be- 
sieged, 1 95 — taken by the Pelopon- 
nesians, and all the men found in it 
murdered in cold blood, 201 — de- 
molished by the Thebans, 315 

Plague breaks out at Athens, 194 — 
breaks out again, 201. 

Plato the philosopher, 462 — goes to 
the court of Dionysius the younger, 

565 returns to Greece, 568 — goes 

back again to Dionysius, 569. 

Plutarch the biographer, 540. 

Pohjbius the historian, 537. 



IX. 60S 

Polycktes the statuary, 469. 

Polyrcatus tyrant of Samos, 75. 

Porus defeated by Alexander, 442. 

Potidea taken, 195. 

Praxiteles the statuary, 469. 

Procession of the equinoxes, curious 
observation about, 247- 

Priam king of Troy, 50. 

Protogenes the painter, 468. 

Pylus, town, 27 — taken by the Athen- 
ians, 201, 

Pyrrho the philosopher, 468. 

Pyrrhus king of Epire, 498. 

Pythagoras the philosopher, 591. 

Pythian games, 112. 

R 

Races, chariot, 109. 
Religion of the Ancient Greeks, 121. 
Retreat, famous of the 10,000 Greeks, 
267. 

Rhegium in Sicily ruined by Diony- 
sius the elder, 571. 

Rhodes, dissensions there, 305 — be- 
sieged by Demetrius Poliorcetes, 484 
— earthquake there, 503. 

Romans interfere in the affairs of 
Greece. 496 — persuade the yEtolians 
to make war on Philip, 508 — along 
with the vEtolians fight Philip near v 
Elis, 509 — send Valerius Levinus 
against Philip, 516 — prescribe terms 
of peace to Philip, 517 — give liber- 
ty to Greece, ib — make war on Na- 
bis, 519 — defeat Antiochus, 523— 
take Heraclea the capital of the JE- 
tolians, ib. — grant peace to the JEto- 
lians, ib — reduce Greece into a pro- 
vince, 530. 

Roxana married to Alexander, 436—= 
she and her son put to death by Cas- 
sander, 482. 

Running, game of, 107. 

S 

Sacred war, or war of the Phoceans be- 
gins, 355. 
Sacrifices, 123. 
Sages of Greece, 73. 
Salamis, island, 30. 
Sea-fight there, 155. 
Samos, 31. 

Sappho, the poetess, 84. 
Sardis accidentally burnt, 134. 
Sciros, island, 28. 

Scythian ambassadors, their speech to 
Alexander, 432. 



604 ini 

Scythians defeated by Alexander, 433. 

Selasia^ battle at, 502. 

Sicily, description of, 543. 

Sicyon, town, 27 — -principality of, 40. 

Sinwnides the poet, 85. 

Socrates makes a campaign, 187— 

his life, trial, and death, 271 et 

seq. 

Solon, the Athenian legislator, 71— 
travels into distant countries, i&.— 
retires from Athens, and dies in Cy- 
prus, 72 — some of his private laws, 
102. 

Sophocles the tragic poet, 245. 
Smyrna, city, 32* 

Sparta^ city, 28 — kings of, 50— estab- 
lishment of two kings there, 56 — 
political institutions there by Ly- 
curgus, 88, et seq — some of their 
customs censured, 94. 

Spartans, 400 besieged and surrender 
in Sphacteria, 201 — accede to the A- 
chaean league, 522 — attacked by the 
Achaeans, 526. 

Sphacteria, island, 27. 

Sphinx appears in Theban territory, 46. 

Sphodrias the Spartan miscarries in an 
attempt to seize Pyreus, 312. 

Sporades, island, 31. 

Stas^ira, town, 19. 

Statira married to Alexander, 452— 
murdered by the procurement of 
Roxana, 482. 

Stesichorus the poet, 84. 

Strcmon, river, 18. 

Stymphalus, mountain, 26. 

Sybaris, 590. 

Sylla besieges Athens, 531 — takes it, 
533— defeats the generals of Mith- 
ridates, ib, 

Syracuse, description of, 213, 545. 

Syracusans defeat the Athenians in a 
sea-fight, 219 — defeat the Athen- 
ians in a battle, 221 — defeat the 
Athenians in a second sea-fight, 222. 

Sma entered by Alexander, 420. 

T 

Tacnagra^ battle at, 180. 

Tachos king of Egypt, 341. 

Taxilus puts himself under Alexan- 
der's protection, 439. 

Taygetus, mountain, 26. 

Tegyra, battle there, 314. 

Tcmpe, valley of, 19. 

Ten thousand Greeks, famous retreat 
of, 270. 



Tenedos, island, 28. 

Teos, town, 33. 

Tholes, the philosopher, 85. 

Theatre, Grecian, description of, 115. 

Theatrical entertainments," 113. 

TlieTyes, city, 25— kings of, 45— first 
siege of, 47 — second siege of, ib, — 
citadel of seized by the Spartans, 
308 — demolished by Alexander, 39(> 
— rebuilt by Cassander, 481. 

Themistocles* the Athenian, outlines 
of his character , 136* — his conduct 
in the Persian invasion, 149 et seq. 
— persuades the Greeks to fight the 
Persian navy in the strait of Salamis, 
154 — political operations of, 162 — 
fortifies Pyreus, 163 — banished, 168 
— takes refuge in Persia, 172— 
death and character of, 175. 

Theopompus king of Sparta, establishes 
the ephori, 66. 

Theramenes put to death by the thirty 
tyrants, 256. 

Thermopylae, pass of, 22 — heroic stand 
made there by Leonidas, 150. 

Theseus king of Athens, 59 — his alter- 
ations in the government, 60— ex- 
ploits of, 61— death of, 62. 

Thespia, city, 25. 

Thespis, the tragic poet, 85. 

Thessalonica, city, 19. 

Thessaly, geography of, ib, 

Thrasybulus, the Athenian, conspires 
against the thirty tyrants, 260 — ex- 
pels the thirty tyrants, 261 — re-esta- 
blishes democracy at Athens, 261 — 
death, 305. 

Thrasybulus, tyrant of Syrasuse, 547. 

Thymbron^ the Spartan general, 291. 

Thucydides opposes Pericles, 183 — ba- 
nished, 185 — character as an histo- 
rian, 248. 

Thurim, city, 591. 

Thnantheus the painter, 253. 

Timoleon, the Corinthian, gets his bro- 
ther assassinated, 578 — arrives in 
Sicily to assist the Syracusans a- 
gainst Dionysius the younger, 579 
— defeats the Carthaginians, and 
gets possession of Adrana, 580 — de- 
poses Dionysius, and sends him to 
Corinth, ib — becomes master of 
Syracuse, 582— induces a new co- 
lony of Greeks to settle there, ib. — 
subdues the other tyrants in Sicily, 
583 — successful exploits against the 
Carthaginians, ib. — resigns" his au- 
thority, ib, — his death and character, 
ib. 



INDEX 



605 



Timotlieus the Athenian, 313 — cha- 
racter of, 345 — fined by the Athe- 
nians, ib. 

Tissaphernes assists the Lacedemonians 
in the Peloponnesian war, 225 — as- 
sassinated, 296. 

Tragedy — Tragic poets, 113. 

Treasure sent by Lysander to Sparta, 
deliberations about receiving it there, 
242. 

Triballi defeated by Alexander, 390. 
Troy, war against, 49 — causes of, 50 

— taken, 53. 
Tyrants, thirty set up at Athens by 

Lysander, 241 — violent proceedings 

of, 255 — expelled by Thrasybulus, 

261 — assassinated, ib. 
Tyre, city, besieged by Alexander, 

407— -taken, 409. 
Tyrtaeus, the Athenian poet, general 

of the Lacedemonians, 69. 



Wise men, or sages of Greece, 73. 
Wrestling, 110. 

X 

Xenocrates the philosopher, 465* 
Xenophon, character of, as a writer, 
250 — conduct in the famous retreat 
of the 10,000 Greeks, 269. 
Xerxes resolves to invade Greece, 144. 
— sets out, and arrives at Celene in 
Phrygia, 145 — winters at Sardis, 
146 — transports his army from Asia 
Minor into Europe, ib. — reviews his 
forces at Dorisca in Thrace, 147 — 
numbers of his army and fleet, ib.~ — 
opposed by Leonidas at the pass of 
Thermopylae, 150 — flies precipitate- 
ly from Greece, 157 — assassinated, 

171. 



W 



Youth, Grecian, education of, 103. 



War between the Lacedemonians and 
Argives, 66 — terminated by a com- ^ 
bat of 300 men on each side, ib. — 

between the Lacedemonians and E- Zacynthus, island, 31. 
ginetse, 135 — between the Atheni- Zaleucus, the philosopher, 593. 
ans and Eginetae, 136 — Peloponne- Zeno the Stoic philosopher, 466, 
sian, begins, 190 — sacred, or of the Zcuxis the painter, 253, 
Phoceans, 355. 



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